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INDIAN    HIOGRAl'HY: 

OR, 

AN   HISTORICAL    ACCOUNT 

OF    THOSB 

INDIVIDUALS    WHO    HAVK    BEKN    DIRTINfil'ISHED    AMONO 
THE    NORTH    AMERICAN    NATIVES 

AS 
ORATORS,   WARRIORS,   STATESMEN, 

AND 
OTHER    REMARKABLE     CHARACTERS. 


I^^i 


BT 


B.  B.   THATCHER,  ESQ. 


IN    TWO   VOLUMES. 
VOL.   L 


NEW-YORK : 

PRINTED  AND  PUBLISHED  BY  J.  &  J.  HARPER, 

NO.    62   rMFK-STRKKT, 

AND  FOR  SALE  BY  THE  PRINCIP\L  RUOKSKLLERS  THROUOHOUT 

THE  UNITED  STATES. 


18  32. 


I 


!l 


[Entered  according  to  the  Act  of  CJongress,  in  the  year  1832,  by  /.  <f-  /. 
BoTfier,  in  ibe  •fflce  or  the  Clerk  oftbe  Houtbern  Dintrict  of  New- York.  ] 


u.  / 


i 


1 


*.tn 


432 


PREFACE. 


fi 


The  Autlinr  clnos  nnt  prnpo<«p  nn  claboratn  pxplanntinn,  nor  an 
apology  of  nriy  kind,  I'nr  the  lifiiftit  nt'  ilic  rollowiiiK  work.  If  it 
alHoliitt'ly  rt'(iuir«M  either,  !u*  tiiiHi  f>v«>n  he  conlnit  t«>  h.ivt*  written 
it  in  viiin,  n»  no  .stiiti'iiicnt  or  art;iiiii«Mit  r.-iii  zivf  it  nny  (It'grue  of 
vitality  or  popularity  iti  the  oik;  caHc  or  in  tlit;  <tlli<T. 

He  hai  rfL'ardfii  it,  liiMtorii-ally,  as  an  act  of  inert*  Jimtice  to  the 
fame  ami  the  nn'inoru's  of  many  wise,  hnlliaiit,  hrave  and  gene- 
rotifl  men, — patriots,  orator?»,  warriors  and  statesmen, — who  ruled 
over  barhariin  comiiiiinities,  and  were  indeed  themselves  harha- 
rians,  hut  whose  intliience,  olmineiire  and  siicress  of  every  descrip- 
tion were  thrrrfore  hut  the  iiotder  ohjei  ts  of'  Hdmiratiiui  and  the 
worthier  HiihjectH  for  record.  Nor  can  IMiilosophy  look  upon  them 
without  predilection.  Coinparalively  iinopinionated  and  uiiaffect- 
ed  as  they  were,— governed  hy  iiii|iulse  and  guided  by  native 
sense, — owing  little  to  circumstances,  and  struggling  much  nmid«t 
and  against  them, — their  nituati(Ui  was  the  best  possible  for  devel- 
oping both  genius  and  principle,  and  tiieir  education  at  the  same 
time  the  best  for  diHclosiiig  them.  Their  liives,  then,  should  illus- 
trate thft  true  constitution  of  man.  They  should  have,  above  all 
other  history,  the  praise  and  the  interest  of  '  philosophy  teaching 
by  example.' 

The  strictly  moral  inducements  which  liave  operated  on  the 
Author's  mind,  must  be  too  obvious  to  reipiire  dissertation.  We 
owe,  and  our  Fathers  owed,  too  much  to  the  Indians, — too  much 
friMij  man  t(»  man, — too  much  from  race  to  race, — to  deny  them  the 
poor  restitution  of  historical  Justice  at  least,  however  the  issue  may 
have  been  or  may  be  witii  themselves.  \or  need  it  be  suggested, 
that  selfishness  nione  miulit  dictate  the  policy  of  a  collection 
such  as  the  .\uthor  has  endeavored  to  make  thi.s,  were  it  only  for 
the  collateral  light  which  it  constantly  throws  on  the  history  and 
biography  of  our  own  nation. 

Nothing  of  the  same  character  is  before  the  public.  What  may 
be  called  an  Indian  Biograpliical  Dictionary  has  indeed  recently 
appeared,  and  to  tiiat  the  Author  has  gladly  referred  in  the  course 
of  his  researches  ;  but  the  extreme  difficulty  of  doing  justice  to 
any  individuals  of  the  race,  and  at  the  same  time  to  all,,  may  he 
inferred  from  the  fact  that  the  writer  alluded  to  has  noticed  such 
men  as  Uncas  in  some  six  or  eight  lines,  while  he  has  wholly 
omitted  cJiaracters  so  important  as  Duckongahelas,  White  eyes, 
Pipe,  and  Occonostota.  On  these,  and  on  all  their  more  eminent 
countrymen,  the  .Author  has  intended  to  bestow  the  notice  they  de- 
serve, by  passing  over  the  vast  multitude  distinguished  only  by 
detached  anecdote,  or  descriited  only  in  general  terms. 

In  fine,  conscious  of  many  imi)erfecti(ms,  but  also  conscious  of  a 
strenuous  exerticm  to  render  them  as  few  and  small  as  might  be, 
the  Author  submits  the  Biography  to  the  public,  and  especially  to 
the  candor  of  those  whose  own  labors,  if  not  the  results  of  them, 
have  shown  them  the  essential  fallibility  of  every  composition 
like  this.  He  w  ill  have  reason  to  be  satisfied  if  it  do  good,  as  ho 
will  assuredly  be  gratified  if  it  give  pleasure. 

Boston,  Sept.  10^,  1832. 


(CONTEXTS. 


CII.M'.  I.— Tlu-  fn<liin  trib»'«  of  Viru'inm  af  Ihr  date  «»f  tho  Jnm«»«- 
town  ntMtl«'tii«'iii :  tlinr  idiimi--*,  iiiiiiilM-rM  and  |t«u\  fr— 'I'lic  Tow- 
liataii  (-oiilrilfrnry — I  lit-  Imliaii  N'lll mi' til  (hat  iiaiiit-  —  I'dwhat- 
^y — 'I'll*' I'lniiMisiatiri-fl  III'  tlir  lii-t  iiiltrvuMV  hflvvfcii  hiiii  and 
tliH  Knifli-*)!— *  ►p»:<  M  \ '•f  *Ni)i(.M,  Ills  )iriit)M-r — <)|iit<'lii|inn  —  Ke- 
i'«'|)tiuii  III' ('aptain  Sinitli  liv  I'nvvliataii  —  Intcrptmition  ut'  INxa- 
Hi)NiA»iii  Ills  lavnr  — St'iiinil  visit  of  the  roloniMirt — Third  vinit, 
and  niriiiiatiDii  -Kiktrrtaiiiinriil  of  Smith  tiy  I'orahontaH — Cori- 
tt'st  oC  iiiuinitily  ItftwiTM  I'livvhalan  aiid  Smith  :  and  Ix'twetiii 
th«'  lallrr  and  n|M'rhatirati(iiiuh — SiiiKli  saved  avain  l)y  i'tM-nhon- 
ta.s— INilitirai  mamiMivrrs  iiT  I'dvvliittaii  and  OijechancuiiuiiKli — 


Smith's  rctiirii  in  JaiiK'stiiwn. 


pau«!  9 


("IIAP.  II. — rmiilnrt   (if    Tuwhatan    aflrr   Hinith'H    departun;    for 
KiiL'land,  and   raiis«'9  of  it  — lltistjlitn's  r<'siim»-d — I'faet'   linally 


rtUTti'd  hy  rh«*  captiir**  ot  I'oiaiiontas — .>iann«>r  of  izaininu  thin 
point— .Marri.ii!**  of  rornhiintas  with  John  Itoltr  — Ih-atli  and 
rhaiarler  (»f  INuvhatan — His  piTson,  mannor  (>(  living,  talentH, 
indiirnrc.  Mm  method  and  means  of  warfare — The  discipline 
of  his  warriors— The  manner  in  ivhieh  he  availed  himself  of  the 
I'niilish  arms  and  silence — Causes  of  his  hostility  towards  the 
colonists  —  Mis   diunily— Shrewdness — liidepiMidence  —  < 'oiirti-sy 

—  I.iherality — Simplii  iiy  —  Allertioti  for  his  rel-ilives — A  review 
of  various  opinions  entertained  of  him  hy  various  hisUirians.     40 

C'HAI'.  in. — The  family  of  Powhatan — Mis  surressnr — Se(piel  of 
the  hist(»ry  of  Pocahontas — Her  acts  of  kindness  to  the  ccdonintfl 
at  various  times,  and  especially  to  Smith — Mis  gratitude — Her 
rivilisation,  and  instruction  in  ('hristianity — Her  visit  to  Ktig- 
land  in  Itlhl— Ueception  at  Court — Interview  with  Smith— Hif 
ineinorini  resiMciinu  her  to  Clueen  Anne — Her  death  and  charac- 
ter—  Her  descendants.        .......  06 

CHAP.  IV. — Seipiel  of  the  history  of  OpechancanonKh — Kenewnl, 
by  him  and  Opitchipaii,  of  the  treaty  of  peace — Finesse  by  which 
he  extended  his  dominion  over  the  Chickahoniiniefl — Prepara- 
tions for  War — C'auses  «d'it — Profound  dissimulation  under  which 
Jus  hostility  was  concealed— Indian  custom  of  making  Conjurers 

—  Manoeuvres  against  th«'  Fnglish  interest — The  great  massacre 
of  Ii'chJ ;  circumstances  and  consetiuences  of  it — Particular  occa- 
sion which  led  to  it — Character  and  death  of  Nemattamow — 
Details  of  the  war  .suliseipufnt  to  the  massacre — Truce  broken  by 
the  I'nglish — New  exertii»n.s  of  Opechancanoueh — Rattle  of  Pa- 
miinkey — Peace  of  Iti'.i2— Massacre  of  IHll — Capture  of  Opechnn- 
canoiigh  by  the  Knulish — Mis  death  and  character.        -        -     77 

CHAP,  v.— Biography  of  other  Virginian  chieAains — Ohitchipa!* 
— Some  particulars  respecting  Tomocomo — His  visit  to  Knclnnd, 
interview  with  Captain  Smith,  and  return  to  America — .Fapa- 
T.AWs,  chief  sachem  of  the  Patowomekes — His  friendship  for  the 
English — 111  treatment  which  he  received  from  them — Totopo- 
TOMoi,  successor  of  C>pechancanough — Mis  services — His  death 
in  \C>M — .N'otices  of  several  native  chiefs  of  North  Carolina 
— (Jranoammo,  who  dies  in  l.S"*.") — Mk.nateno.n,  king  of  the 
Chowanocks — Ensenork,  father  of  Granganimo  ;  and  VVingina, 
his  brother — Plot  of  the  latter  against  the  Hatteraa  colony — Hia 
death— -Comment  on  the  Caroliiiian  Biography.  -       -       95 


CONTENTS. 


VII 


Cll  \I'.  Vr.--H>nnpHi<(  of  tlir  Ne-vv  Kncliunl  Imliiinx  at  llir  date  of 
llii-  I'lv  iMiiiilh  HitllrrruMit— 'I'lir  I'ltkiUnikft  rnnicilcriu  y  — 'I'h«' 
\\  .im|i;in(ias  Iritir — 'I'luMr  lir>*t  head  S.k  lirm  known  In  llir  i'.nn- 
li-li,  .M*»«  \«Mi  I  — 'I'lii-  lirnt  iiitirMt  \v  iHlwcni  Immi  :imiI  IIhi 
Wliltrx  — IliN  Vl.xil  to  l'l>  iniilllll,  in  ll-JI  — 'l'rtMl>  nl'  |ir;irc  atxl 
fruiii|-4|ii|) — rjn>'«''s\  Ki'iit  III  liiiii  at  Suwaiii"*,  !•>  llir  KnuliMh  — 
AiMiitiiirs  r«--<p''i-tinir  it — il(*  ii  siispi-riftl  of  triiachrry  nr  himtili- 
ty,  III  iiiv^i— Hh  flirkiifSH  III  ii>Q.(— A  RtM-nnil  il«*|Mitatliiii  \\*\Ih 
iiiiii — (Vn'iiinnirs  and  rrmilN  of  tlic  viiif — Mm  iiiIiti  oiirsr  with 
nilur  trih«s — CnnvrjanrrH  of  land  to  tlif  KiikIihIi — His  dratli  and 
<  liaraclrr — Aiu'tdntrs.  ...         .         .         .         .         1|.", 

CHAP.  VII. — MaHSftsoit  !«u<r<'«'(lcd  l»y  \un  Hon  Ai.r.tAMii.n — Tli«! 
oi  raNion  of  that  naiui'  lirini»  kImii  by  tin-  Knirlinh— Flntorj  td' 
Ahxaiidt-r  pri'vianx  to  hJH  fathrr'.-*  death— t'ovni.int  inadt*  uilli 
I'lyiiioiith  ill  \t'>'M — M«>a!<iir)-s  taken  in  piirsiiaiiic  of  it,  in  iMil  — 
Aiifcdoie  ilhiHtraliiiK  ih**  iharartrr  of  Ali'xandiT  — Nntn*' of  tho 
rharK«>fl  madt*  aKikiiHt  him  — Kxainination  of  the  ti;tii-<ai'lion  which 
I«'d  to  hiH  (h'ath — Accfusion  of  I'miiip— Henrwal  (dihr  treaty  hy 
him — liilerrii|itioii  of  harmony — Siippn.sed  caiises  of  it — .Mea>*iire;« 
taktMi  ill  consiMjiienre — Philip's  Hiihmission — Letter  to  the  Plym- 
oiilli  (Governor — Second  Hiihmission  in  Itwl — Kemarkrt  on  tli«^ 
raiisen  of  Philip'*  War IH 

CHAI'.  VIM.  — Preparations  for  war  hefween  Philip  and  the  f'(»lo- 
iiiex — fJreat  excileinent  (d'llie  times — l)ep(initiini  nf  Hiiuh  t'oh) — 
Immediate  orrasion  of  lio<^tilities — ('nmmencement  id'  them, 
June  'JUli,  I(i7.'> — yiimmary  Mketcli  of  the  war — ('oiise(iuerire>4  to 
the  |)arties  engaged — Kxertions,  ailvintiiieH  and  erirapes  of  Kirii^ 
Philip — His  death — Anerdotes  respertiinf  him— <  Jhservations  on 
iiifl  character — His  cotiraiie,  (lit;nity,  kindness,  iiidepeiidenre. 
shrewdness,  and  uelf-coiiunand — Fate  of  his  family — Defwiic.e  ot 
hiH  conduct.  --...         _...         159 

CHAP.  IX. — Tlie  Narraeliansett  tril)e  ;  territory  and  power — Chii-f 
Harh*!mH  at  the  date  of  the  Knglish  •settlements  in  New  KiiKlarul 
— (.'aminicis  ass(»ciates  witli  himself  Mi  a  >  iondmo,  his  nephew 
— 'I'heir  treatment  of  Kouer  Williams  in  H','M — Hostility  to  the 
Plymoiitli  Colony — Invited  liy  the  Peqiiots  to  tiylit  rhe  Knuli-'li — 
Treaty  negotiated  at  Hoston,  in  It;.'}!'),  hy  Miantoi  nmo — War 
with  the  Pecpiots  and  result  of  it — SiihNe<|iient  hostility  hetweru 
Miantonomo  and  Uncau — Sehiassen — Rattle  of  the  Sachem's- 
Plain — Capture  (»f  Miantonomo — Sentence  of  the  English  com- 
missioners upon  him — Execution  of  it.       -        -        -        -         177 

CHAP.  X. — Consideration  of  the  justice  of  t!ic  Cimnnissioners 
sentence  upon  Miantonomo — Their  reasons,  as  alleged — 'I'lio 
charge  against  him  of  amhitious  designs— of  employ  ing  the  Mo- 
hawks— Of  breaking  the  leajrue  of  HVM — '  (^oncernintj  tlo*  Pe- 
quot  squaws' — Of  imstility  to  the  English — of  peciilatiim — 
Proofs  of  liis  fidelity  and  friendshif) — Causes  of  complaint  hy  iiiin 
and  Canonicus  atjainsi  the  English — Character  of  hnlh  Sachems 
— Their  treatment  of  Roger  Williams— Letters  of  that  gentleman 
— Anecdotes — Death  of  Canonicus.    -----         191 

CHAP.  XI. — Canonicus  succeeded  hy  Pkssacos— Mf.xhvm — Nini- 
ORET,  Sachem  of  the  Nianticks — Proposnls  made  hy  them  to  the 
English,  and.  hy  the  English  in  n'turn — They  ct.mmence  hostili- 
ties against  Uncas — The  English  resolve  to  make  war  upon  thera 
— They  make  concessions — Their  visits  to  Boston — Subsequent 
movomentB  agaiast  Uncas.    An  anned  party  sent  against  Nini- 


Vlll 


CONTENTS. 


ii 


ir 


pret  and  rossnniq— TJicy  are  accused  of  a  leaplie  with  the  Dutch 
JipaiiiHt  tli«'  llimlisli.      _.----..        910 

CFIAT.  XII. — ScMjiiol  of  tlu!  lives  of  Ninicret  and  Pess.icufl,  from 
111.);} — Viiriiiiis  ai'(iis;itioii>;,  dt'piitatidTis,  atid  hustile  mnveiiientfl 
h«t\vc«!n  Uieiii  ami  tlif  Hii;.'li<h — ''oiitrovcrsy  between  Ninigret 
and  llainion  (iarrctt — Applicatic'i  for  justice  in  J »i7r>— Conduct 
of  Niniprrl  in  I'Jiilip's  \Var— ('(.ii«f(|HtfricrH  of  it — Mis  death — 
Death  of  I'rssarnH — Some  of  the  i  harefs  ajiainst  the  former  con- 
si(l(;r<(l — His  iiostility  to  (  iiras,  and  the  I^onp  Inlanders,  and 
'  Lea^'nc  wiili  tlie  iMitcIi' — llt^inarks  on  liis  character.      -        931 

CII.M'.  Xni. — 'i'hc  I't'cpiot  triiie — Tlu-ir  fir:'t  chief-sachem  known 
to  the  Kiiizlisli,  I'lKoATH — siiccrcdfd  liy  S\ssArrs — An  embassy 
sent  to  Hostoii   in  lt'i:il  —  Kcsidcncf!  and  stront-hold  of  Hassacua 

—  His  rarlicst  inlcrconrse  wilii  the  Hn!:li>h — iMnrder  of  Captain 
Htone — .lusiification  of  it  i)y  Hassaciis — He  proposes  a  treaty  of 
peace  in  I(i:M — Sends  deputies  to  Hoston  twice — Treaty  conclud- 
ed— Anecdotes — His  wars  with  the  Narrajihansetts — Fresh  con- 
trov(!rsy  with  tlie  KnL'lisli — 'I  hey  send  an  armed  party  to  demand 
dainajies — Conduct  (if  the  party,  and  consequences  of  it — War 
Avitli  tiie  I'e(piots  in  KlMf! — Political  movements  of  Sassacus — 
Knt'lisli  expcditicm  n^'ainr^t  him  in  It;:}? — He  is  defeated — Driven 
from  his  country— Killed  by  the  Mohawks — The  English  policy 
in  his  case  hrietly  considered. 250 

CHAP.  XrV. — The  Pequot  territory  claimed  by  I^'ncas — Tlis  tribe, 
family,  and  early  history — Services  in  the  PequoT expedition  re- 
warded by  the  EniiJish — Eflect  of  liieir  favor — Flis  contest  with 
IMiantonoino,  and  result — Snbseqiieiit  wars  and  quarrels  with 
various  tribes  and  chiefs — As  istance  rendered  him  by  the  Eng- 
lish— Complaints  hroM^'bt  apainst  him  to  them — His  Christianity 
considered — His  morality — Hvidence  of  his  fratid,  falsehood, 
violence,  tyranny,  ambition — His  services,  and  those  of  his  tribe 
to  the  Eni:lish — Man?ier  in  which  ho  met  the  accusations  made 
against  him — CnnniiiL'  and  servility — His  treatment  of  neiphbor- 
in:r  sachems — Various  negotiations  with  the  Enulish — His  death 

—  Fate  of  his  tribe.  "     -        -        266 

CHAP.  XV. — Indians  who  submitted  to  Massachusetts — The  Gor- 

tonists — PoMHAM,  Sachem  of  Shaomet,  and  Saconoco  complain 
of  them — Submit  to  the  Government — Their  examination  and 
entertainment — Policy  of  ]\Iassachnsetts  in  the  casf  of  Pomham 
— He  and  Saconoco  much  harassed  by  their  neifrhbor?— Subse- 
quent history— Pomham  takes  part  in  IMiilip's  war,  and  is  killed 
— Canonchet,  son  of  Miantonoiiio— His  a^rreement  of  October, 
167;") — Wef, TAMORE,  Squaw-Sachem  of  Pocasset — Canonchet'sca- 
reerdnring  Philip's  war — Particulars  of  his  surprisal  and  death — 
His  character — Anecdotes — His  reputation  with  the  English — 
Defence  of  his  conduct.  ...----  295 
CHAP.  XVr.— Account  of  the  Pawtncket  confederacy  in  New 
Hrimpshire— Passaconawav,  their  Chief  Sachem — He  is  disarm- 
ed by  order  of  the  ."Massachusetts  Government.  His  residence, 
asie  and  authority — He  maintains  a  cond  \inderstanding  with  the 
Enjilish — Visits  Boston — The  Apostle  Elliot's  acquaintance  with, 
and  notice  of  him — His  views  of  Christianity — Festival,  and 
Farewell  speech  to  his  tribe  in  IGGO — Death  and  character — Kis 
son  and  successor,  Wonolanset.  Anecdotes  of  the  family- 
Legend  of  Passaconaway's  feats  aa  a  Powah.  -       -       315 


4' 

1 


INDIAN  BIOGRAPHY. 


CHAPTER  I. 

The  Indian  trihes  of  Virginia  at  the  date  of  the  Jamestown 
gettlcinonl:  ihcir  names,  niunlicrs  and  power — Tlie  I'ow- 
hatan  confederacy — The  Indian  Villajje  of  that  name — 
Powhatan — The  circmnstances  of  the  first  interview  Ije- 
tween  liim  and  the  Englisli — Opechancanol'gh,  iiis 
))rotlior — Opitciiipan — Ilect'ption  of  Captain  Smith  l)y  Pow- 
hatan— Interposition  of  Pocahontas  in  his  favor — Second 
visit  of  the  colonists — Third  visit,  and  coronation — Enter- 
tainment of  Smith  l)y  Pocahontas — Contest  of  ingenuity 
lictwcen  Powliatan  and  Smith  :  and  between  the  hitter  and 
Opechancanongh — Smith  saved  again  by  i'ocahontas — Politi- 
cal manoeuvres  of  Powhatan  and  Opecliancanough — Smitli's 
return  to  Jumestown. 


:^ 


i 


I 


At  the  date  of  the  first  permanent  settlement 
effected  witliin  the  limits  ol*  Virginia,  and  for  an  un- 
known period  previous  to  that  date,  tlie  coimtry  from 
the  sea-coast  to  the  Alleghany,  and  from  the  most 
southern  waters  of  James  river  to  Patuxent  river, 
(now  in  the  state  of  Maryland)  was  occupied  by  three 
principal  native  nations.  Each  of  these  nations  was 
a  confederacy  of  larger  or  smaller  tr  bes ;  and  each 
tribe  was  subdivided  into  towns,  faiairus  or  clans, 
■who  lived  together.*  The  three  general  names  by 
which  these  communities  have  been  ordinarily 
known,  m*e  the  Mannahoacks,  the  Alouacans  and 
the  Powhatans. 

♦Jeflferson's  Notes  on  Virginia.  The  author  has  apparently 
intended  to  use  the  word  family  in  ita  most  enlarged  sense. 


10 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPHY. 


(I;;; 

\1 


Of  tlioso,  tliotwo  former  ini<:lit  bn  rallrd  liijjhlnud 
or  iiioimtaiii  Indians.  Tlicy  Jdl  I'ivjmI  upon  iIm'  hanks 
of  the  various  small  streams  which  wator  tlie  hilly 
country  Ix'twrcn  the  tails  of  the  Atlantic  riv<'rs  and 
the  Alleghany  ridge.  The  IMannahoacks  consisted 
of  eight  tribes,  five  of  whicli  were  located  between 
the  Potomac  and  Kappahannoc,  and  three  between 
tlie  last  named  river  and  tin;  York.  Of  the  five 
tribes  of  the  Monacjins,*  two  were  between  the  York 
and  James,  and  three  exteuiled  southward  ti-om  the 
James  to  the  boundaries  of  Carolina.  The  most 
powerful  respectively  of  the  eight  and  of  the  five — 
the  Mannahoacks  and  the  Monacans,  properly  so 
called — seem  to  have  given  th(Mr  own  names  to  the 
entire  nation  or  confederacy  of  whicii  they  were 
members.  The;  former  tribe  occupied  chiefly  what 
are  now  Stafford  and  Spotsylvania  coiuiti(^s.  The 
latter  resided  upon  James  river  above  the  falls. 

The  Powhataii  nation  inhabited  the  lowland  tract, 
extending  laterally  fi'om  the  ocean  to  the  falls  of  the 
rivers,  and  from  Carolina  on  the  south  to  the  Pa- 
tuxent  on  the  north.  This  comprised  a  much  larger 
number  of  tribes  than  either  of  the  others.  As 
many  as  ten  of  them  (including  the  Tauxenents, 
whose  chief  residence  was  about  Mount  Vernon) 
were  settled  between  the  Potomac  and  Rappalian- 
noc.f  Five  others  extended  between  the  Rappahan- 
noc  and  York  ;  eight  between  the  York  and  James, 
and  live  between  the  James  and  the  borders  of  Caro-  • 
lina.  Beside  these,  the  Accohanocks  and  Acco- 
macks,  on  what  is  called  tlie  Eastern  Shore  (of 
Chesapeake  Bay)  have  also  been  considered  a  part 
of  this  nation. 

*  It  may  he  well  to  take  this  occasion  of  observing,  that  the 
author's  only  rule  in  tiic  orthoifiaphy  of  Indian  term  has  been 
to  follow  what  a[)|)ears  to  be  the  most  approved  usage.  Stit)i 
uses  Manakins,  ijistead  of  IMonacans. 

t  Both  these  rivers  have  derived  their  names  from  tlie  tribes 
originally  settled  on  them.  The  former  have  been  coiaaionly 
called  tiie  Patowomokou. 


INPUN    RlOCaiAPlIY. 


11 


Tlin  territory  ocriipird  by  the  \vIiol«?  of  tins  proat 
confederacy,  soutli  of  the  Potonuic,  eoMipn'liiinI'd 
al)ont  8,000  s(|iiare  miles.  Siiiifli  tells  iis  in  liis  his- 
tory,* that  within  sixty  miles  of  Jamrstown  \v(  p- .l.COO 
natives,  of  whom  1,500  wrrc  warriors.  Mr.  .h'tl'nsoii 
has  computed  the  whole  nnmlx  r  of  Pouhataii  war- 
riors at  '-2,400,  which,  aeeor(rm«r  to  the  |)rop(»rrions 
between  Smith's  estimates  (hciiijj  tlirei-  to  ten)  would 
ffive  an  entire  poi>nlation  of  r^,000,  or  one  to  each 
square  mile. 

This  ealcnlation  is  ])rol)ably  quite  moderate  enouL'l). 
It  would  leave  an  average  of  less  than  one  hundred 
"warriors  to  each  of  the  thirty  tribes.  ]?ut  wr  find  it  re- 
corded by  an  early  writer,  that  three  himdred  appear- 
ed under  an  Indian  chieftain  in  one  body  at  one  time, 
and  seven  hundred  at  another;  all  of  whom  were  ap- 
parently Oi'hisown  tribe.  The  Cbickaliominii  s  alono 
bad  between  three  hundred  and  four  hundrefl  fii:ht- 
in;i^  men.  The  Nansamonds  and  ('hesap(\'d\s  showed 
on  one  occasion  a  Ibrce  of  (bur  himdred.  And  wIm  n 
Snfitli  ascended  the  Potomac,  in  June  lOOH,  thouifh 
he  saw  no  iidiabitants  lor  the  first  thirty  miles,  ho 
had  scarcely  entered  "a  littl(!  !>ayed  chm-Uc  to>\ards 
Onavvmanient  (now  Xoiiiiny)  when  he  found  all  the 
Avooda  roundabout  layd  with  ambiiscadoes  to  the 
mniiber  of  three  or  four  tltouftnnd  Savap's,  so  strani^e- 
ly  paynted,  i^rimmed  and  disiruised,  shoutinsT,  yellin|a^ 
and  crying  as  so  many  sj)irits  from  bell  could  not 
have  shewed  monMerrible." 

It  is  well  known  that  the  valiant  Crptain  was 
wont  to  express  bis  oj)inions  in  strong:  t(Mnis,  but  he 
has  rarely  been  detected  in  any  great  inaccuracy. 
And  the  circumstances  of  this  case  are  in  his  favor; 
for  it  has  heen  truly  remarketl,that  the  I*owhatan  con- 
federacy inhabited  a  country  n[)on  which  nature  had 

*A  work  of  wliicii  tli(^  \aliie  is  well  known  to  all  readers 
of  tlio  early  American  history.  The  title;  i- — "The  Tr\e 
Truvels,  Adventures  and  C)l)^(•|^alion^•  of  Caplaine  lohn  Smith 
in  Europe,  Asia,  Africke  und  .Aiiierica,  l)e<rinninff  al>ont  the 
yoere  1593,  und  continued  to  this  jiredeiit  1U29."  We  copy 
from  tlie  Lonvkm  edition  of  the  date  lui^t  non'.ed. 


12 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPHY. 


\^  t 


iMf 


beatowed  sin^ilar  advantages.  Unlike  tlie  natives  of 
more  nortiiern  ref^ioiis,  {]uiy  suffered  little  from  cold, 
and  lews  from  famine.  Their  settlements  were  most- 
ly on  the  banks  of  James,  Elizabeth,  Nansamond, 
York  and  Chickahominy  rivers,  all  which  abounded 
with  the  most  delicious  tish  and  fowl.  In  his  Poto- 
mac expedition,  Smith  met  with  "  that  aboundance  of 
fish,  lying  so  t|,>icke  with  their  heads  above  the  water, 
as  lor  want  of  nets,  (our  barge  driving  amongst 
them)  we  attem])ted  to  catch  them  ivith  a  frying-pan." 
And  though  the  captain  naturally  enough  concluded, 
after  some  trials,  that  this  was  a  j)oor  instrument  for 
his  purpose,  he  persists  in  adding  that  "  neither  better 
fish,  more  plentie,  nor  more  varietie  for  small  fish,  had 
any  of  vs  euer  seene  in  any  place  so  swimming  in  the 
water — but  they  are  not  to  be  caught  with  frying- 
pans."  He  found  the  stingrays  in  such  abundance 
among  the  reeds  at  the  mouth  of  the  Rappahannoc, 
that  he  amused  himself  by  nailing  them  to  the 
ground  with  his  sword  :  "  and  thus,"  he  observes, "  we 
tooke  more  in  owne  houre  than  we  could  eate  in  a  day," 
Vast  quanthies  of  corn,  too,  yearly  rewarded  even 
the  simple  agriculture  of  the  Indians,  bestowed  as  it 
was  upon  the  best  portions  of  a  generous  soil.  "  Great 
heapes  "  of  it  were  seen  at  Kekoughtan,  "  and  then 
they  brought  him  venison,  turkies,  wild  fowle,  bread 
and  what  else  they  had."  In  none  of  his  captivities, 
or  his  visits  among  the  natives,  did  the  captain  ever 
suffer  from  want  of  food  ;  and  he  often  brought  off 
his  boat  and  his  men  laden  with  plenty.  The  Nan- 
samonds  gave  him  400  baskets-full  at  one  time.  The 
Chickahominies,  though  they  complained  extremely 
of  their  own  wants,  yet  "  fraughted"  him  with  a 
hundred  bushels.  The  woods  furnished  another 
inexhaustible  supply  both  of  fruits  and  game :  so  that, 
on  the  whole,  it  is  very  easy  to  believe,  that  a  con- 
siderably greater  population  than  Mr.  Jefferson's  esti- 
mate supposes,  might  have  subsisted  without  much 
difficulty  on  the  soil  they  are  known  to  have  occupied. 
"  And  now  the  winter  [of  1607 — 8]  approaching,"  we 


INDIAN    BIOGRAl'IIY. 


13 


the 
'we 


are  informed  in  another  passage,  "the  rivers  l»eeame 
so  covered  with  swans,  px'sc,  dnckesand  eranes,  that 
we  daily  feasted  with  good  hread,  Virginia  jjcase, 
pumpions  and  putelianiins,*  fisli,  lowle,  and  diverse 
sorts  of  wild  heasts,  so  fat  {is  we  coidd  eate  theni ;  so 
that  none  of  onr  Tuftaflfaty  hnniourists  desired  to  go 
for  England."  On  one  occasion,  wli«;n  Smith  nnder- 
took  an  exploring  tour  into  the  interior,  late  in  the 
season,  a  violent  storm  ohliged  him  and  his  men  to 
keep  Christmas  among  the  savages.  "And  we  were 
never  more  merry,"  he  relates,  "nor  i'vd  on  more 
})lenty  of  good  oysters,  iish,  flesh,  wild  fowle  and 
good  hread,  nor  ever  had  hetter  tires  in  England."  In 
a  peaceful  interval  of  a  few  months,  whi<?h  occurred 
during  the  next  season,  the  Indians  are  said  to  have 
hrought  into  Jamestown  more  tlian  a  hundred  deer 
and  other  heasts  daily  for  several  weeks. 

It  is  evident,  at  least,  that  the  Powhatan  confederacy 
must  have  been  among  the  most  nujiierous  on  the 
cr)ntinent.  It  was  wju-like  too  ;  and  though  the  situa- 
tion of  the  Monacans  and  Mannahoacks  among  the 
hills  of  the  back  country  protected  them  in  some 
measure,  yet  nothing  hut  a  union  of  these  two  nations 
could  assure  them  of  security  against  their  more 
powerful  neighbors  on  the  coast. 

The  Powhatans  proper,  who  gave  their  own  appel- 
lation to  the  confederacy  of  which  they  were  lead- 
ing members,  were  located  in  what  is  now  IIem*ico 
county,  on  the  banks  of  the  James  river,  and  at  the 
distance  of  about  two  days'  journey  from  the  English 
settlement  at  its  mouth.  Tlie  [irincipal  chief'— or 
emperor,  as  the  old  historians  style  him — of  the  thirty 
tribes  of  the  nation,  was  found  by  the  fii-st  colonist^ 
residing  with  these  Indians,  and  is  believed  to  have 
been  one  of  their  number  by  birth.    His  proper  name 

*A  species  of  indigenous  plum,  which  is  elsewhere  described 
as  growing  to  a  considerable  height,  with  fruit  like  a  medlar, 
first  green,  then  yellow,  and  red  when  ripe.  "  If  it  be  not 
ripe,  it  will  draw  a  man's  mouth  awry  with  much  torment.  If 
ripe,  it  is  delicious  as  an  apricot." 

B 


)  < 


f' 


ft:" 


j| 


\  ■• 


f) 


I 


14 


INDIAN    BIOGllAPIiy. 


was  Wnluinsoiiaoook.  Ho  had  tiiat  of  Powhatav, 
by  wliicli  lio  lias  Ihm'Ii  ir«tn('rally  (h-si^iiatod,  t'roin  the 
town  so  called,  which  was  the  chief  scat  and  metrop- 
olis of  his  hereditary  dotuinions.  This  town  is  de- 
scrihed  as  pleasantly  sitiiat<'d  on  a  hill.  It  consisted 
of  twelve  honses,  in  front  of  which  wer<^  three  islets 
iti  the  river,  not  far  from  what  in  modern  times  has 
been  called  Mayo's  plantation,  and  a  little  below  the 
spot  where  Kichmond  now  stnnds.  It  was  considered 
by  the  Kni;lish  both  the  stroiij^est  and  pleasantest 
place  in  the  whol<^  conntry  ;*  and  was  consequently 
named  JVousuch,  it  seems,  a!)ont  two  years  after  the 
settlement  at  Jamestown,  when  it  was  purchased  of 
the  emperor  by  Smith.  "  The  place  is  very  pleasant," 
says  the  captain  in  his  history,  "  and  strong  by  nature, 
and  about  it  are  many  cornrit^lds." 

The  occasion  of  the  first  accpiaintance  which  the 
colonists  had  with  J'owhatan  was  as  follows.  The 
adventurous  and  ambitious  spirit  of  Smith  had 
prompted  him  to  make  several  journeys  and  voyages 
along  the  Virginia  coast,  and  into  the  interior  of  the 
country.  Within  a  few  months  after  the  settlement 
of  Jamestown,  among  other  tribes  he  discovered  the 
Chickahominies,  and  procured  a  large  quantity  of 
provision  from  them  at  a  time  when  the  colonists 
were  in  great  need  of  it. 

But  with  the  idle  and  unruly  in  the  colony,  this 
good  fortune  served  only  to  produce  murmuring. 
They  complained  of  his  having  done  so  little  instead 
of  applauding  hitn  for  having  done  so  much  ;  and 
some  even  of  the  council  undertook  to  say,  that  he 
ought  to^have  followed  up  the  Chickahominy  river 
10  its  st)urce. 

Smith  was  not  a  man  to  submit  tamely  to. rqp^'oach. 
He  set  off  again,  therefore,  in  th6  winter  of  liS07: — 8, 
taking  with  him  a  crew  sufticient  to  manage  a  barge 
and  a  smaller  boat  proper  for  the  navigation  of  the 
upper  streams.   He  ascended  the  Chickahominy  with 


*  Stith's  History,  p.  105. 


INDIAN    BIOORAPIIV. 


15 


this 


the  htirpo,  na  far  as  it  roiild  ho  forced  iip,  hy  (hnt  of 
great  lahor  in  ruttin<;  away  trees  and  eleariiij;  a  pas- 
sage. Then  leavinj;  it  in  a  liroad  hny  or  eove,  ont 
of  reach  of  tlie  sjivaLres  on  tlie  hanks,  the  captain, 
with  tAvo  otiier  niiites,  and  two  tiiendly  Indians, 
j)rocee(h'd  hi^jher  nj)  in  the  smaller  hojit.  Those; 
>vho  were  left  nieanuhih' in  possession  of  the  harp", 
were  onh'red  on  no  occount  to  <;o  on  shore  urnil  his 
return.  The  order  \v;is  disoheycd  ;  for  h<'  wius 
scarcely  out  ofsiirht  and  hearinir,  when  the  whole  of 
the  crew  went  ashore.  They  were  very  near  forfeit- 
inif  their  lives  for  their  raslnn'ss.  'J'he  Indians,  to  the 
nuinher  of  two  or  three  hinidred,  lav  wait  tor  them 
ainon«;the  woods  on  tin;  hank  of  the  river,  under  the 
direction  of  Opechanca.noi^gu,  Sach<^tn  of  llu;  l*a- 
niunkies  and  re|)uted  hr(»th»'r  of  Powhatan.  One 
Geor<fe  Cassen  was  taken  prisoner;  and  th«!  savages 
soon  compelled  him  to  tell  th(  in  which  way  Smith 
liad  pone.  They  then  put  liim  to  death  in  a  cruel 
manner,  and  continued  the  pursuit. 

The  captain,  m<^•mwhile,  little  dreaminj;  of  any 
accident,  liad  gone  twenty  miles  up  the  river,  and 
was  now  among  the  marshes  at  its  source.  Here 
his  pursuers  came  suddeidy  upon  the  two  Knglish- 
men,  who  had  hauled  up  their  hoat,  and  lain  down  to 
sleep  hy  a  fire  on  the  dry  land,  (whiU;  Smith  himself 
went  out  some  distance  to  kill  ganu;  with  his  nnisket 
for  a  su[)per.)  Tlie  uiiiortunat(;  wretches  were  shot 
full  of  arrows  and  despatched.  The  savages  then 
pressed  on  after  Smith,  and  at  last  overlook  him. 
Finding  himself  heset  hy  the  niultittide,  he  coolly 
bound  to  his  arm,  with  his  garters,  tin?  youllg  Indian 
who  had  attended  him  as  guide,  for  a  huckler — (what 
had  become  of  the  pther,  does  not  a|)|)ear) — and  re- 
ceived the  enemy's  onset  so  briskly  with  his  fire- 
arms, that  he  soon  laid  three  of  them  dead  on  the 
spot,  and  wounded  and  galled  many  others  so  elfect- 
iially  that  none  api)eared  anxious  to  a{)proach  hmi. 
He  was  himself  wounded  slightly  in  the  thigh,  emd 
had  many  arrows  sticking  in  his  clothes;  but  he  still 


I*; 


Hi'  . 
i 

3; 


I''! 


» •  1 


16 


INDIAN    BIOCRAniY. 


kept  tlio  enniny  at  bay.  His  next  movenient  was  to 
iMideavor  to  slircr  oil*  to  his  boat ;  l)ut  taking  more 
lioti(;c  of  his  1()0  than  his  path,  as  Ik;  went,  he  sud- 
(h'nly  shpped  up  to  Iiis  middle  in  an  oozy  creek. 
Hampered  as  he  was  in  this  awkward  position,  not 
an  Jndian  dared  v(;nture  near  hitn,imtil,  finding  him- 
self ahnost  dead  witli  eold,  lu;  threw  away  his  arms 
and  surrendered.  Tlien  drawing  iiim  out,  they 
carried  iiim  to  the  fire  wliere  liis  men  liad  been  shiin, 
carefidly  cliated  iiis  benumbed  limbs,  and  finally  re- 
stored him  to  the  use  ot'  tliem. 

The  incidents  of  the  ensuing  scene  are  a  striking 
illustration  both  of  the  sagacity  of  the  prisoner  and 
the  simplicity  of  his  captors.  He  called  for  their 
chief— through  the  intervention  of  his  Indian  guide, 
we  suppose — and  Opechancanough  came  tbrward. 
Smith  presented  him  with  a  round  ivory  double 
compass-dial,  which  he  had  carried  at  his  side.  The 
savages  were  confounded  by  the  playing  of  the  fly 
and  needle,  especially  as  the  glass  prevented  them 
from  touching  what  they  could  see  so  plainly.  He 
then  gave  them  a  sort  of  astronomical  lecture,  de- 
monstrating "  by  that  Globe-like  Iewell,"ashe  calls 
it,  the  roundness  of  the  earth,  the  skies,  the  sphere  of 
the  sun,  moon  and  stars ;  "  and  how  the  sunne  did 
chase  the  night  round  about  the  world  continually  ; 
the  gi'eatnesse  of  the  land  and  sea,  the  diversitie  of 
nations,  varietie  of  complexions,  and  how  we  were  to 
them  antipodes,  and  many  other  such  like  matters," 
liis  tawny  auditors  standing  all  the  while  motionless 
and  dumb  with  amazement. 

But  within  about  an  hour  they  returned  to  their 
original  purpose  of  killing  him,  as  they  had  killed 
three  of  his  comrades.  He  was  tied  to  a  tree,  and 
the  savages  drew  up  in  a  circle  to  shoot  him.  The 
arrow  was  already  laitl  upon  a  hundred  bows.  But 
at  this  moment  Opechancanough  held  up  the  com- 
pass. This  was  a  signal  of  delay,  if  not  of  mercy, 
and  they  threw  by  their  arms  at  once.  With  great 
exultation  and  parade  they  then  conducted  the  cap- 


INDIAN   Kior.iiAriiv 


17 


tlv«  to  ()ra|mk«'S,  a  liiiutinir-nsidciirj;  of  Powlmtaii, 
lyini;  on  tln^  north  side  ol'  ( 'liickalioiniiiy  swamp, 
atui  iiiiu'ii  tV('(|ii('iit(>(i  Ity  that  »Sa(-|i<'iii  and  his  littnily, 
oil  account  oi"  the  ahnndanc*;  of  ^iimu*  it  atlitrdrd. 
Tlic  order  of  procession  was  a  proj)er  Intlinn  file, 
C)j)eclian<'anoM<.di,  niarcliinuc  in  the  centre,  had  the 
Knirhsh  swords  and  ninsktts  carried  hetore  him  as  u 
tropliy.  Next  followed  Smi'li,  led  Ity  three  stout 
eavagi's  wlio  held  him  fast  hy  the  arm  ;  w  hile  on  either 
side  six  inon^  marched  in  tile,  with  their  arrows 
notched,  as  flaidv-irnards. 

On  arriving;  at  Orapakes,  a  villa*rf^  consistiiiir  of 
some  thirty  to  forty  mat-honses,  the  women  and  chil- 
dren tlocke'd  out  to  ^»^aze  at  a  heinir  so  ditferent  from 
any  they  had  ever  hefore  seen.  The  warriors,  on  the 
otiier  iiand,  immediately  hei^an  a  «rrand  war-dance, 
the  hest  description  of  which  is  in  Smith's  own  lan- 
pnafre.  "  A  irood  time  they  contiinied  this  exercise, 
and  then  cast  themselnes  in  a  rinj^  danncin<r  in  such 
sevenill  postures,  and  siriifini,'  and  yelliiiir  out  such 
hellish  notes  and  screeches  ;  l)ein<r  stranizcly  payrited, 
every  one  his  (juiver  of  arrowes,  an<l  at  liishack<'  a 
rhih;on  his  arme  a  fox  or  an  otter's  skinne,  or  some 
such  matter  for  a  vamhrace  ;  their  heads  and  shoul- 
ders paynted  red,  with  oyk;  and  [)ocones  *  minified 
togetli(;r,  which  scarlet-like  color  made  an  exceothng 
h;nidsome  slu^w  ;  his  how  in  his  hand,  and  the  skirun; 
of  a  hird  with  her  winjrs  ahroad  dryed,  tyed  on  his 
head  ;  apeece  of  copper,  a  Avhite  shell,  a  long  f«.'ather, 
with  a  small  rattle  growing  at  the;  tayls  of  their 
snaks  tyed,  or  sotne  such  like  toy."  Thrice  the 
performers  stopped  to  take  hreath,  and  thrice  they 
renewed  the  dance — Smith  and  the  Sachem  mean- 
while standing  in  the  centre.  The  comj)any  then 
broke  up ;  and  the   prisoner  was  conduct(!il   to  u 


1^ 


^AwTJall  ront  whirh  turnod  red  hy  hoiii^  dried  and  beut 
into  powder.  If  was  uied  also  for  swelling.-!,  aches,  anointing 
t<»o  jcjinis  after  fatigne  and  exposure,  and  painting  garnientd. 
Beverly  calls  it  puccoon. 


B* 


V 


18 


IN'DIAN    niOGRAPHV 


i 


loll''  matted  wijrwnni,  wliore  tliirtv  or  f«)rtv  tall  stout 
8Jivaf;<'s  n'lii.'iiiicd  ahoiit  liiin  ns  a  ^'uanl.  Krt!  lonjr, 
mon'  hrrad  and  vonison  was  hioii^dit  liirii  than  \vomI<1 
liavr  scrvi'd  twenty  men.  "  J  tliinke,"  says  the  cap- 
tain himsehl  "hisstomaeke  at  that  time  wjis  not  very 
^ood."  He  ate  something',  however,  aiid  tlie  re- 
mainder was  jKit  into  haskets,  and  swung  from  the 
roof  of  the  vvi<rwam  over  his  head. 

AI)out  mi(hiijxlit  thes<.'  lilKM'al  |)rovisioncr8 sot  their 
faro  hetore  iiim  aijain,  never  tasting  a  morsel  them- 
sj'lves  all  the  while.  But,  in  the  morniuL'',  wlien  they 
l)rou«rht  in  a  th'sh  reinturiMMnent,  they  ate  the  frag- 
ments (»f  former  meals,  and  swung  up  tiic^  residue 
of  the  htst  on(!  as  I)efore.  So  little  rejuson  had  the 
captain  to  complain  of  fiunine,  tliat  ho  began  seriously 
to  helicve  they  were  tiitting  him  lor  th»i  slaughter. 
He  sidVered  occasionally  from  the  cold,  and  would 
liavi^sudered  more  hut  li>r  jui  unexpected  refM!!!  An 
Indian,  najned  Mocasseter,  hrought  him  his  g-ownp,  as 
Smith  calls  it — periiaps  a  fm*  mantle,  or  a  blanket — 
and  gave  it  to  him,  professedly  in  requital  of  certain 
beads  and  toys  which  Smith  had  given  him  at 
Jamestown,  inunc^diately  after  his  arrival  in  Virginia.* 

Two  days  atlervvards,  he  was  violently  assaulted, 
and  but  for  his  guard  would  have  been  killed,  by  an 
old  Indian  whoso  son  had  boon  wounded  in  the 
skirmish  which  took  j)laco  at  his  capture.  They  con- 
ducted him  to  the  death-bed  of  the  poor  wretch, 
where  he  was  found  breathing  his  last.  Smith  told 
them  he  had  a  kind  of  water  at  Jamestown  which 
might  effect  a  cure,  but  they  would  not  permit  him 
to  go  for  it,  and  the  subject  was  soon  forgotten.  With- 
in a  few  days,  they  began  to  make  great  preparations 
for  assaulting  the  English  Colony  by  surprise.     They 


*  A  fine  illustnitioH  of  that  principle  of  gratitude  which  is 
as  pruverhially  characteristic  of  the  Indians  as  their  revenge, 
and  for  similar  reasons.  No  favor  is  wasted  upon  thein,  and 
no  injury  or  insult  is  forgiven.  The  anecdote  following  this  in 
the  text  is  an  instance  in  point. 


INDIAN*  nior.uAruv. 


19 


Ivengo, 
aiid 
Ithia  in 


<'rav«Ml  ^^niitli's  adviro  n\u\  nssistnn^o  in  tlmt  prn- 
nM'diiii:,  (itrcriiii:  liiiii  !n>t  oiilv  liH'  and  lilMTty  tor 
liis  services,  hut  as  nindi  land  t'ora  scttlcnK'nl  and  (ts 
many  woMirn  flir  wives  as  lie  wanted — sncli  an  opin- 
ion liad  tln'v  fiu'incd  of  liis  knowledjfe  and  prowesH. 
lie  did  every  fhin^'  in  liis  power  to  discourage  their 
desij.ni,  Ity  t(  IliiiL'  tlieni  of  the  mines,  the  cannon,  and 
various  other  strafajrems  and  enirines  of  war,  useci  hy 
the  linudish.  lie  conid  only  succeed  in  prevailinj^ 
Mj)on  several  of  thein  to  carry  a  note  fl)r  him  to 
Jan.fV'^town,  (under  pretence  of  irettinir  some  toys,)  in 
>vhi<'h  he  informed  his  coimtrymen  of  his  own  situa- 
tion Siud  the  intention  of  the  savajics,  and  rerpiested 
them  to  send  him  ^vitllout  tiiil  hy  the  hearers  certain 
nrti«'les  which  he  named.  Those  were  to  he  de- 
posited at  a  jiarticular  spot  in  tiie  woods  near  James- 
town. Tlio  messen;r(.i-s  started  otf,  we  are  told,  in  as 
severe  w«'ather  as  could  he  of  frost  and  snow,  and 
arrived  at  .Famestovvn.  There,  seein*;  men  sally  out 
from  the  town  to  meet  them,  as  Smith  had  told  them 
would  he  \\u'  case,  they  were  fri^ditened  ami  ran  oft*. 
But  tiie  note  was  left  hehind  ;  and  so  coming  a^ain 
in  lh(^  eveninjr,  they  found  the  articles  at  the  appoint- 
ed place,  and  then  returned  homeward  in  such  haste 
as  to  reach  Orapakes  in  three  days  after  they  had 
left  it. 

All  thouj^hts  of  an  attack  upon  the  colony  being 
now  extinjfuished  in  the  }\stonishment  and  terror  ex- 
cited hy  tiie  feats  of  Smith,  they  proceeded  to  lead 
him  ahout  the  country  in  show  and  triumph.  First 
they  carried  him  to  the  trihe  living  on  the  Youghta- 
nund,  since  called  the  Pamunkey  river ;  then  to  the 
Mattaponies,  the  Piankatunks,  the  Nantaughtacunda 
on  the  Kappahannoc,  and  the  Nominies  on  Potomac 
river.  Having  completed  this  route,  they  conducted 
him,  through  several  other  nations,  to  Opechanca- 
nough's  own  habitation  at  Pamunkey ;  where,  with 
frightful  bowlings  and  many  strange  ceremonies, 
they  'conjured'  him  three  days  in  order  to  ascertain, 
as  they  told  him,  whether  he  intended  them  well  or 


1 


i 


r.. 


to 


INDIAN    niO(;HAPIIV. 


ill.*  An  uWii  may  !»'  (oriTK'd  of  iImho  prorcoriiM^rji, 
wliicli  took  pl.'UT  uiidrr  ( )|M'cliariranoii;rli's  'mH|M'r- 
tion,  from  tlic  r\rn'is»'s  for  oiio  <lay  uk  dcHcrilMnl  hy 
tlu'  cnptivt!  Iiiiiist'lt! 

Karly  in  llir  iiioriiinj:,  a  {rr'NU  (in'  was  mad*-  in  a 
lon;^  lioiisc,  and  tnais  spread  upon  (NU'h  siiic  ot'it,  on 
one  of  Nvliicli  tlu;  prisoner  was  Hcalcd.  His  hody- 
gnard  then  lell  the  house,  "and  presently  came  skip- 
j)in;r  in  a  p-eat  <rrim  fellow,  all  paynted  over  with 
coale, minirled  with  ovie; and  manv  snakesand  wesels 
Hkinnes  stuffed  ^vith  mosse,  and  all  their  tayles  tyed 
together,  so  as  they  met  on  the  eroune  ot'  his  lieail 
in  a  tassell  ;  and  jound  ahout  the  tassi'll  was  a  <oro- 
liet  of  feathers,  the  skiimes  han;rin«;  round  ahout  his 
head,  hueki;  and  shoulders,  and  in  a  manner  covered 
Jiis  fa'*e;  with  a  hellish  voyci;  and  a  rattle  in  his 
hand."  This  persona«r(^  connnenced  his  invocation 
%vith  a  ^n'eat  variety  of  gestures,  })ostures,  ^rimaccB 
and  ('xclamations;  and  concluded  with  drawint;  a 
circle  of  meal  round  the  fire.  Then  rushed  in  three 
more  perl<>rmers  of  the  samc!  description,  thr'ir 
bodies  painted  half  red  and  Jialf  hiack,  their  eyes 
wliitc  and  their  faces  streaked  with  red  patches,  aj)- 
parently  in  imitation  of  Knulish  whiskers.  These 
three  havin«j  danced  ahout  f«)r  a  considerahle  time, 
niadt;  way  tor  thret^  more,  with  red  eyes,  and  white 
streaks  upon  black  faces.  At  len^^th  all  seated  them- 
selves opposite  to  the  prisoner,  three  on  the  rij^ht 
bandof  tlu?  first  named  fimctionary  (who  appearetl  to 
be  tlie  chief  j)riest,  and  rin^deader)  and  three  on  the 
lefl.  TJien  a  song  was  commenced,  accompanied 
with  a  violent  use  of  the  rattles;  upon  which  the 
chief  priest  laid  dowji  five  ivlwat-cornsyj  and  began 
an  oration,  straining  his  arms  and  hands  so  that  lie 
perspired  fretdy,  and  his  veins  swelled.  At  the  con- 
clusion, all  gave  a  groan  of  assent,  laid  down  three 

*Stitli,  p.  53. 

+  An  iniulvertency,  we  pre^uine;  or  the  words  may  be  used 
rather  loosely  to  fi!>iiity  what  liad  as  yet  no  distinctive  name. 
Indian  corn  must  be  meant. 


INDIAN    i;H)(iRAriIY. 


21 


irrnins  iiir)ro,  and  r'^nrwctl  t\\o  sonp.  Tlii<«  went 
oil  until  the  (in*  nvjus  ls\  i<'»'  cncirrlrd.  Otiirr  crri'- 
inonir.s  of  flir  sai""  cliararfrr  nisiuMi,  and  lust  of 
all  was  l>n»ii«rlit  on,  towards  ovcnin^r,  a  plmtilid 
fciLst  of"  tlu'  brsl  |U*ovi>iunH  fliry  roidd  tuiiiif^li.  Tim 
<Mn'l(*  of  nn'al  was  said  to  siirnify  tlnir  country, 
tin'  cindcs  of  corn  tin'  luainds  ot"  the  mm,  and  so  on. 
Tin?  world,  according:  to  tlitir  llicory,  was  round  and 
flat,  like  a  tn'iirlnr,  and  tln'nis«'lvcs  located  precisely 
in  tlic  midst. 

After  this,  tliey  showed  Sinifli  a  hafj  of  pin- 
nowder,  which  had  prohahly  heen  taken  from  the 
l»oat,  and  which  they  were  carefidly  j)n'servinif  till 
the  next  sprin*:,  to  plant  with  their  corn — "hecanse 
they  wonld  be  acquainted  with  the  nature  of  that 
eeede. "  Oimtchipax,  ..nother  hr«)tlier  of  Powhatan 
— of  whom  we  iiave  hen^  the  hrst  mention — invited 
}iim  to  his  house,  and  treated  him  sumptuously  ;  but 
no  Indian,  on  this  or  any  other  occjusion,  would  eat 
Avitli  him.  The  fra«rments  were  put  up  in  baskets; 
and  upon  his  return  to  0|)echancanou;rh's  wi«,'w'am, 
th(5  ir^achem's  wives  and  their  children  Hocked  about 
him  t()r  tla'ir  portions,  "  as  a  due  by  custom,  to  bo 
merry  with  such  fhifrments.  " 

At  last  they  carried  him  to  Werowocomoco,  vvliore 
Mas  Powhatan  himself.  This  residence  of  his,  lay 
on  the  north  side  of  York  river,  in  (rloster  county, 
nearly  opposite  the  mouth  of  (jreen's  cre<'k  and  about 
twenty-five  miles  below  the  mouth  of  the  river.  It 
was  at  this  tim(?  his  fiivoritt;  villa<fe,  thouifh  aller- 
wards,  not  covetint{  the  near  nei^fhborhood  of  the 
English,  he  retired  to  Orapakes.  Powhatan,  which 
gave  him  his  naine,  was  sold  to  the  English  in  1()09. 

On  his  arrival  in  the  village,  Smith  was  detained 
until  the  emperor  (as  W(;  shall  call  him,  for  con- 
venience,) and  his  train  coidd  prepare  themselves  to 
receive  th«Mr  illustrious  captive  in  proper  state  ;  and 
meanwhile  more  than  two  hundred  of  tliese  grim 
courtiers  gathered  about  him  to  satisfy  their  curiosity 
with  gazing.     lie  was  then  inUoduced  to  the  royal 


1 


I  f 


fr- 


22 


INDIAN    BIOGRAniV. 


I    t 


I)    I 


ll   i 


presence,  the  multitudo  liailiiifr  liim  witli  a  tremen- 
<lous  slioiit,  as  he  walked  in.  I'owhaton — a  majestic 
and  fini'ly  formed  Kava«:<',  witli  a  marked  countenance, 
and  an  air  of  Jiau«rlitiiics.s  soliered  down  into  gravity 
by  a  life  of  sixty  years — was  seated  before  a  fire, 
upon  a  scat  somrthinjr  like  a  bedstead,  and  clothed 
in  an  ami)le  robe  of  liarowcun*  skins,  with  all  the 
tails  liangin*;  over  liim.  On  each  side  sat  a  young 
wench  of  sixteen  or  eighteen  years  old  ;  and  along 
each  wall  of  the  house,  two  rows  of  women  in  the 
rear  and  two  rows  of  men  in  front.  All  had  their 
heads  and  shouldfM's  j)ainted  red.  Many  had  their 
hair  decked  with  the  white  down  of  birds.  Some 
wore  a  gr<?at  chain  of  white  beads  about  their  necks. 
But  no  one  was  without  ornament  of  some  kind. 

Soon  after  Smith's  entrance,  a  female  of  rank, 
said  to  be  the  queen  of  Appamattuck,  was  directed 
to  bring  him  water  to  wash  his  hands ;  and  another 
brought  a  bunch  of  feathers,  to  answer  the  puri)Ose 
of  a  towel.  Having  then  feasted  him  ({is  he  ac- 
knowledges) in  the  best  barbarous  manner  they 
could,  a  long  and  solenm  consultation  was  held  to 
determine  his  fate.  The  deeision  was  against  him. 
The  conclave  resumed  their  silent  gravity  ;  two  great 
stones  were  brought  in  before  Powhatan  ;  and  Smith 
was  dragged  before  them,  and  his  liead  laid  u})on 
them,  as  a  prej)aration  for  beating  out  his  brains 
with  clubs.  The  fatal  weapons  were  already  raised, 
and  the  savage  multitude  stood  silently  awaiting  the 
prisoner's  last  moment.  But  Smith  was  not  destined 
thus  to  perish.  Pocahontas,  the  beloved  daughter 
of  Powhatan,  rushed  forward,  and  earnestly  entreat- 
ed with  tears  that  the  victim  might  yet  be  spared. 
The  royal  savage  rejected  her  request,  and  the  exe- 
cutioners stood  ready  for  the  signal  of  death.  She 
knelt  down,  put  her  arms  about  Smith,  and  laid  her 
head  over  his,  declaring  she  would  perish  with  him 
or  save  him.     The  heart  of  the  stern  Sachem  was 

*  A  variation  of  Racoon,  perhaps. 


i 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPHV. 


23 


Biiicn- 
ajestic 
nance, 
gravity 
a  fire, 
lothed 
ill  the 
young 

along 
in  the 
(1  their 
I  their 

Some 
necks, 
id. 

;'  rank, 
irected 
mother 
(urpose 
lie  ac- 
r  they 
held  to 

t  him. 
|o  great 

Smith 
upon 

brains 
I  raised, 

Ing  the 

jtined 

lughter 

itreat- 

|il)ared. 

le  exe- 
She 

id  her 

Ih  him 

li  was 


at  length  melted.  Tli(»  d<'croe  was  reversed  ;  and 
the  prisoner  was  spared  tor  the  purpose — as  the  em- 
j)eror  ex|)lained  it — of  making  hatciiets  for  hims»>lt', 
and  hells  and  heads  for  his  daugiiter.* 

This  was  apparently  a  mere  pretext  for  conceal- 
ing the  emotions  which  he  thought  unworthy  of  his 
name  tus  a  warrior,  and  for  preventing  any  j«;alousy  on 
the  part  of  his  counsellors.  And  sid)sequent  events 
would  lead  to  the  same  conclusion.  He  detained 
his  j)risoner  hut  two  days.  At  the  end  of  that  time, 
he  caused  him  to  he  conducted  to  a  large  house  in 
the  woods,  and  then;  left  alone  upon  a  mat  hy  the 
tire.  In  a  short  time,  a  horrible  noise  was  h(?ard 
ti-om  behind  a  wide  mat  which  divided  the  house  : 
and  then  Powhatan,  dressed  in  the  most  fantastic 
manner,  with  some  two  hundred  followers  as  much 
bt^ifrimed  and  disguised  as  himself,  came  in  and  told 
Smith  that  now  they  were  friends  ;  'and  presently  he 
should  go  to  Jamestown  to  send  him  two  great  guns 
and  a  grindstone,  tor  wiiich  he  would  give  him  the 
country  of  Capaliovvsick,  and  forever  estec'm  him  as 
his  own  son.'  He  wfis  accordingly  sent  otf,  with 
twelve  guides,  to  .Jamestown.  The  jiarty  quartered 
in  the  woods  one;  night,  and  reached  the  tort  the  next 
morning  betimes.  The  savages  were  handsomely 
entertained  while  tliey  staid.  Two  demi-cuh'erins 
and  mill-stone  were  shown  them,  with  other  curiosi- 
ties. They  proposed  to  carry  the  former  to  Pow- 
hatan ;  but  finding  them  somewh.it  too  heavy,  content- 
ed themselves  with  a  variety  of  lighter  presents.  They 
were  excessively  frightened  by  a  discharge   of  the 

*  This  cclebratod  sceno  is  preserved  in  a  beautiful  piece  of 
sculpture,  over  the  western  door  of  the  Rotunda  of  the  Capitol 
at  Washinj^ton.  The  group  consists  of  five  figures,  represent- 
ing the  pnu'ise  moment  when  Pocalionta?,  by  her  interposition, 
saved  Smith  from  being  executed.  J^mith  is  attired  in  the 
military  dress,  reclining  on  his  elbow,  his  body  extended, 
ready  to  receive  the  death-blow  from  the  warmace  of  an  bidian 
who  stands  near  his  head.  This  is  the  work  we  believe,  of 
Capellano,  an  Italian  pupil  of  Canova. 


T 


4 


r 


24 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPHY. 


culverins. — Smith,  who  liad  politiral  as  well  as  piu'- 
Bonal  motives  in  view,  had  loaded  them  with  stones, 
and  these  he  fired  amon«rthe  houghs  of  a  tree  eover- 
ed  with  huge  icieles.  The  effect  may  easily  be  im- 
agined. 

During  the  same  winter,  Smith  visited  Powhatan, 
in   company   with   Captain    Newport,  a   gentleman 
newly  arrived  from  England,  who  had  already  sent 
many  presents  to  the  emperor.     Attended  by  a  guard 
of  thirty  or  forty  men,  they  sailed  as  far  as  Werowo- 
moco  the  first  day.     Ilere  Newport's  courage  failed 
him.     He  was  especially  alarmed  by  the  appearance 
of  various  bridges  they  were  oblig<;d  to  pabs  over  in 
crossing  the  streams  ;  for  these  were  so  loosely  made 
of  poles  and  bark,  that  he  took  them  for  traps  set  by 
the  savages.  But  Smith,  with  twenty  men,  leaving  the 
boat,  undertook  to  go  forward  and  accomplish  the 
journey.     He  accordingly  went  on,  and  was  soon 
met  by  two  or  three  hundred  Indians,  who  conducted 
them  into  the  town.     There  Powhatan  exerted  him- 
self to  the  utmost  to  give  him  a  royal  entertainment. 
The  i}eople  shouted  for  joy  to  see  Smith  ;  orations 
were  addressed  to  him ;  antl  a  plentiful  feast  provided 
to  refresh  him  after  the  weariness  of  his  voyage.    The 
emperor  received  him,  reclining  upon  his   bed  of 
mats,  his  pillow  of  dressed  skia   lying  beside  him 
with  its  brilliant  embroidery  of  shells  and  beads,  and 
his  dress  consisting  chiefly  of  a  handsome  fur  robe 
"  as  large  as  an  Irish  mantell."    At  his  head  and  feet 
were  two  comely  young  women  as  before ;  and  along 
the  sides  of  the  house  sat  twenty  other  females,  each 
with  her  head  and  shoulders  j)ainted  red  and  a  great 
chain  of  white  beads  about  her  neck.     "  Before  these 
sat  his  chiefiist  men  in  like  order  in  his  arbor-like 
bouse,  and  more  than  Ibrtie  plattei-s  of  fine  bread 
stood  as  a  guard  in  two  pyles  on  each  side  the  door. 
Foure  or  fiue  hundred  i>eopIe  made  a  guard  behinde 
them  for  our  passage  ;  and  Proclamation  was  made, 
none  vpon  paine  of  death  to  presume  to  doe  vs  any 
wrong  or  disconrtesie.   With  many  pretty  discourses 


11  ; 


INDIAN    BIOC.IlArilV. 


25 


as  pel'' 
stones, 
cover- 
be  iiu- 


diatan, 
I  tie  man 
dy  sent 
El  guard 
erovvo- 
e  failed 
earance 
over  in 
y  made 
s  set  by 
v'm^  the 
lish  the 
as  soon 
iidiicted 
ed  him- 
linment, 
orations 
rovided 
e.    The 
bed  of 
ide  him 
ids,  and 
ur  robe 
nd  feet 
d  along 
s,  each 
a  ^eat 
e  these 
or-like 
bread 
le  door» 
)chinde 
made, 
vs  any 
courses 


to  renew  their  old  acquaintance,  this  great  King  and 
our  captaine  spent  the  time,  till  the  ebbe  left  our  barge 
aground.  Then  renewing  their  leest  with  feates, 
dauneiug  and  singing,  and  such  like  mirth,  we  quar- 
tered that  night  with  l*owhatan."* 

The  next  day,  Newport,  who  had  thought  better  of 
his  fears,  came  ashore,  and  was  welcomed  in  the  same 
hospitable  style.  An  English  boy,  named  Savage, 
was  given  to  Powhatan  at  his  request ;  and  he  return- 
ed the  favor  by  presenting  Newport  with  an  Indian 
named  Nomontack,  a  trusty  and  shrewd  servant  of 
his  own.  One  motive;  for  this  arrangement  was 
probably  the  d(  sire  of  gaining  information  respecting 
the  English  colony.  During  the  three  or  four  days 
more  which  were  passed  in  feasting,  dancing  and 
trading,  the  old  Sachem  manifested  so  much  dignity 
and  so  much  discretion,  as  to  create  a  high  admi- 
ration of  his  talents  in  the  minds  of  his  guests.  In 
one  instance,  he  came  near  offending  them  by  the 
exercise  of  his  shn^wdness,  although  that  may  bo 
fairly  considered  their  fault  rather  than  his. 

Newport,  it  seems,  had  brought  with  him  a  variety 
ot  articles  for  a  baiter  commerce — such  as  he  sup- 
posed would  command  a  high  price  in  corn.  And 
accordingly  the  Powhatans,  generally  of  the  lower 
class,  traded  eagerly  with  him  and  his  men.  These, 
however,  were  not  profitable  customers ;  they  dealt 
upon  a  small  scale ;  they  had  not  much  corn  to  spare. 
It  was  an  object  tlierefbre  to  drive  a  trade  with  the 
emperor  himself  But  this  he  atlected  to  decline  and 
despise.  "  Captain  New|)ort,"  said  he,  "  it  is  not 
agi-eeable  to  my  greatness  to  truck  in  this  peddling 
manner  for  trifles.  I  am  a  gi-eat  Werowance,t  and 
I  esteem  you  the  same.  Therefore  lay  me  down  all 
your  connnoditics  together  ;  what  I  like  I  will  take, 
and  m  return  you  shall  have  what  I  conceive  to  be 

♦Smith's  Ilistoiy,  Ricliniond  Edition,  p.  167.- 

t  A  Povvluitau  (ciiu  of  ^^f iicral  signilicalioii,  answering  fo  the 

Norfhern  Sachem,  the  Basheha  of  Maine,  and  the  English 

Chief. 

c 


'VH^ 


26 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPHY. 


;  i 


I  i 


a  fair  value."  This  proposal  was  interpreted  to 
Newport  by  Smith,  who  informed  him  at  the  some 
time  of  the  hazard  he  must  incur  in  arceptin«(  it. 
But  N»3wport  was  a  vain  man,  and  confidently  ex- 
pected either  to  (hizzle  the  emperor  with  his  ostenta- 
tion, or  overcome  him  with  his  bounty,  so  as  to  ^'ain 
any  request  he  might  make.  Tiie  event  unluckily 
proved  otherwise.  Powhatan,  after  coolly  selectin/ij 
such  of  Newport's  goods  as  he  liked  best,  valued  his 
own  corn  at  such  a  rate,  that  Smith  says  it  might 
as  well  have  be(^n  purchased  in  old  Spain  ;  they  re- 
ceived scarcely  four  bushels  where  they  liad  counted 
upon  twenty  hogsheads. 

It  was  now  Smith's  turn  to  try  his  skill ;  and  ho 
made  his  experiment,  more  wisely  than  ids  comrade, 
not  upon  the  sagacity  of  th(5  emperor  but  upon  his 
simplicity.  He  took  out  various  toys  and  gewgaws, 
as  it  were  accidentally,  and  contrived,  by  glancing 
them  dexterously  in  tlie  liglit,  to  show  them  to  great 
advantage.  It  was  not  long  before  Powhatan  fixed 
his  observing  eye  upon  a  string  of  brilliant  blue 
beads.  Presently  he  became  importunate  to  ob- 
tain them.  But  Smith  was  very  unwilling  to  part 
with  these  precious  gems ;  they  being,  as  he  observ- 
ed, composed  of  a  most  rare  substfuice,  of  the  color 
of  the  ski(^s,  and  fit  to  be  worn  only  by  the  greatest 
kings  in  the  world.  The  savage  grew  more  and 
more  eager  to  own  such  jewels,  so  that  finally  a  bar- 
gain was  struck,  to  the  perfect  satisfaction  of  all 
parties,  whereby  Smith  obuuned  between  two  and 
three  hundred  bushels  of  corn  for  a  pound  or  two 
of  blue  beads.  A  similar  negotiation  was  immedi- 
ately after  efFect(;d  with  Opechancanough  at  Pamun- 
key.  He  was  furnished  with  a  quantity  of  this 
invaluable  jewelry  at  very  nearly  the  same  price  ;  and 
thus  the  beads  grew  into  such  estimation  among  the 
Indians  far  and  near,  that  none  but  the  great  werow- 
ances,  and  their  wives  and  children,  dared  to  be  seen 
v^aring  them.  They  were  imperial  symbols  of 
enormous  value. 


■li 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPHY 


27 


ted  to 
!  same 
;in<;  it. 
tly  ex- 
st«mta- 
to  jjain 
luckily 
leering 
jed  his 
might 
ley  re- 
ounted 

and  ho 
•mrade, 
ion  his 
wgaws, 
lancing 
to  great 
n  fixed 
It   blue 
to  ob- 
to  part 
observ- 
color 
eatest 
e  and 
a  bar- 
of  all 
vo  and 
or  two 
nmedi- 
amun- 
of  this 
e ;  and 
tng  the 
verow- 
jeeeen 
>ols  of 


But  it  was  not  upon  bcadrf  only  that  Powhatan 
set  a  iiiifh  cstiniatt'.  lie  perceived  the  vast  advantage 
which  tiie  Kiiglish  poss»  .ssed  over  his  own  siien  in 
their  weapons;  and  Im^  became  exceedingly  anxious 
to  place  himself  upc»n  e(|u;d  terms  on  one  side  with 
tlie  colonists,  whih;  he  should  domineer  over  tln^  less 
fortunate  foreign  Indian  tribes,  as  lie  liked,  on  the 
otin'r.  When  Newport  left  the  cotmtry  Ibr  IvMgland, 
he  sent  him  twenty  tine  turkeys,  and  recpiested  in  re- 
turn the  f'lvor  of  as  many  swords,  which  that  gentle- 
man was  inconsiderate  enough  to  furnish  him.  lie 
subsequently  passed  the  sami;  com|)liment  to  Smith  ; 
and  when  the  latter  gave  him  no  swords  in  payment, 
he  was  highly  ofi*en(h'd,  and  is  said  to  have  ordered 
Ins  people  to  take  them  wherever  they  could  get  them, 
by  stratagem  or  by  force.  }?ut  Smith  soon  checked 
this  project  in  his  usual  summary  manner ;  and 
Powhatan,  finding  that  game  a  desperate  on<',  sent  in 
Pocahontas  with  prescnth,  t(»  excuse  himself  tor  the 
injury  done  "by  some  of  bis  ilisorderly  warriors," 
and  to  desire  that  those  who  W(>r(;  captive  might 
be  liberated  for  this  time  on  their  good  behavior. 
Smith  punished  them  sufficiently,  and  granted  the 
request  of  the  emperor  'for  the  sake  of  Pocahontas.' 
The  council  were  offended  at  what  they  considered 
liis  cruelty ;  but  Powhatan  affected  at  least  to  be 
satisfied. 

We  hear  of  the  emperor  again  in  September,  (1608,) 
when  Captain  Newport  arrived  with  a  second  sup- 
ply for  the  colony,  and  anew  commission  for  himself 
liy  this  he  was  authorized  to  make  an  exploring  ex- 
pedition,/or  g-oW,  among  the  Monacansof  the  moun- 
tain country ;  and  a  barge  was  brought  out  from 
England  in  five  pi(;ces,  to  be  carried  over  the  falls, 
and  thence  convey  the  company  to  the  South  Sea. 
Smith  op|)osed  this  sage  proposal  on  the  ground  of 
the  necessities  of  the  colony  ;  they  were  especially 
in  want  of  provision  to  be  laid  in  tor  the  coming 
winter.  But  a  large  majority  Avere  against  him.  He 
was  even  accused  of  jealousy  towards  Newport ;  and 


28 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPHY. 


the  latter  dofcated  all  )i 


he  ihouglit, 


I  t 


f 


i  til 


'.:    !i 


opposition, 
by  undertaking  to  procure  u  l)}irk-load  of  corn  from 
Powhatan,  on  his  pro))os('d  route  to  tlie  Soutii  Sea, 
at  Werowocomoco.  lie  required,  however,  that  one 
hundred  and  twenty  men  sliould  go  with  him ;  ho 
put  no  confidence  in  the  friendship  of  the  emperor 
or  his  subjects. 

Smith  now  came  forward,  and  volunteered  to  carry 
the  necessaiy  messages  to  Powhatan  himself,  and 
to  invite  him  to  visit  Jamestown,  for  the  purpose  of 
receiving  the  presents  brought  over  for  him  by  New- 
port. Among  these,  it  appears,  were  a  splendid  ba- 
sin and  ewer,  a  bed,  bedstead,  clothes,  and  various 
other  costly  novelties ;  the  only  effect  of  which  would 
be,  as  Smith  alleged,  to  cause  the  emperor  to  over- 
rate tlie  importance  of  his  own  favor,  and  to  sell 
for  gold  and  silver  nione  what  he  had  heretofore  sold 
readily  for  copper  and  blue  beads.     Another  of  the 

S resents  was  a  royal  crown,  sent  out  by  his  Britannic 
fajesty  King  James  I.  probably  under  the  expecta- 
tion of  wheedling  Powhatan  into  submission  to  his 
own  authority,  and  at  all  uvt^nts  with  orders  to  con- 
secrate the  "  divine  right"  of  his  royal  ally  in  Virginia 
by  the  ceremonies  of  a  solemn  coronation. 

Smith  took  with  him  four  companions  only,  and 
went  across  the  woods,  by  land,  about  twelve  miles, 
to  Werowocomoco.  Powhatan  Avas  then  abst  it,  at 
the  distance  of  twenty  or  thirty  miljs.  Pocahontas 
immediately  sent  for  him,  and  meanwhile  she  and 
her  women  entertained  their  visiter  in  a  style  too 
remarkable  to  ])e  passed  by  without  notice.  A  fire 
was  made  in  a  plain  open  field,  and  Smith  was  seated 
before  it  on  a  mat,  with  his  men  about  him.  Sudden- 
ly such  a  hideous  noise  was  heard  in  the  woods  near 
by,  that  ihe  strangers  betook  themselves  hastily  to 
their  arms,  and  even  seized  upon  two  or  three  old 
Indians  who  were  standing  near,  under  tl- ■  a|;prehen- 
sion  that  Powhatan  with  all  his  forces  was  come  upon 
them  by  surprise.  But  Pocahontas  soon  made  her 
appearance ;  and  a  little  explanation  convinced  the 


»!• 


INDIAN*    BIOfJRAPIIV. 


29 


captain  tlmt,  liowevor  she  nii«rljf  surrood  or  fiiil,  lirr 
only  intention  was  to  <jrratirv  and  honor  liiin.  Ho 
iiiin^lod  iVarlcs^sly  tlH'n'li)n;  with  the  Indian  nion, 
women  and  ci.ihh'cnjah'eady  ass(Mnl)l('d  tis  speclatorn, 
and  tho  cercrnoMies  went  on. 

"Tlien  presently  they  were  presented  with  this 
antieke.  Thirfie  yonnj;  women  came  naked  ont  of 
tlie  woods,  ordy  conered  behind  and  h«'l'ore  with  a 
few  frreeiie  leaves ;  tlieir  hodies  all  paynted,  somt?  of 
one  eoloni,  and  some  ol"  another  hnt  ail  ditrerin«j^. 
TJieir  leader  had  a  iliyri?  |'<'>n'  ot'  Hurk's  homes  on 
her  head,  and  an  Otter's  skimie  at  her  ^^irdle,  another 
at  her  arme,  a  cpiiner  ot"  arrow<'s  at  Jier  haeke,  a- 
bow  and  arrowes  in  her  hand.  Tiie  next  had  in  her 
hand  a  sword,  another  a  einb,  another  a  pot-slieke, 
all  liorned  alike ;  the  rest  euery  one  with  their 
severall  devises.  These  liends,  with  most  hellish 
shouts  and  cryes,  rnshin^  from  amon^  the  trees,  ejustc 
themselves  in  a  rinjj  about  the  fire,  sin^iuiif  and 
dauneinp  with  th(^  most  exeelh-nt  ill  varietie,  oft 
failiui^  into  their  iidernall  passions,  and  solenmly 
a<;ain  to  sin^  and  daimee.  Having  spent  neer  an 
hour  in  this  masrarado,  as  tliey  entred,  in  like  man- 
ner they  departed." 

"  Having  reaecomodated  thems<'lves,  tliey  solemnly 
invited  him  to  their  lod<;in«rs,  where  he  was  no  sooner 
within  the  house  but  all  these  nym|)hs  more  torment- 
ed him  than  euer,  with  ('rowdin«r,  j)r«'ssin^and  hang- 
ing about  him,  most  tediously  crying,  Lone  you  not 
me?  Lone  you  not  me?  This  salutation  ended, 
the  feast  was  set,  consisting  of  all  the  salvage  dainties 
they  could  deuise  ;  some  attending,  others  singing 
and  dauncing  about  them.  This  mirth  being  ended, 
with  fire-brands  instead  of  torches  they  conducted 
hhn  to  his  lodging. 

Thus  (!iil  tlipy  bIidsv  thi  ir  featcs  of  armps,  nn'l  olbors  art  in  dnmicing  ; 
Suine  others  vs'il  there  u;ileii  [lipe,  anil  uilii  rs'  vuyces  ehuuiitiiig." 

Powhatan  arrived  on  tlie  following  day,  and  Smith 
delivered  his  message,  desiring  him  to  visit  "his 
father,"  Newport,  at  Jamestown,  for  the  purpose  of 

C2 


% 


1J 


11  '    I 


\  1 


1 


I; 


li 


i 


I;  : 


,1 


30 


rcciMving 


INDIAN  niocRAPirv 


the  nowly  arrivod  iJrosriit!?,  nnd  also  con- 
certing a  campaign  in  coninioti  ai!;ninsl  the  Monacans. 
The  subtle  savage  replii.-d  to  this  artful  projwsal  with 
his  accustomed  intelligence  and  independence.  "  If 
your  king  has  s(>nt  me  ])resents,"  said  he  with  great 
composure,  "I  also  am  a  king,  and  this  is  my  land — 
Here  I  will  stay  (Mght  days  to  receive  them.  Your 
Father  is  to  come  to  me,  not  I  to  him,  nor  yet  to 
your  fort.  I  will  not  bite  at  such  a  ])ait.  As  lor  the 
Monacans,  I  can  avenge  my  own  injuries.  As  for 
Atquanachuck,  where  you  say  your  ])rother  wim 
slain,  it  is  a  contrary  way  from  those  paits  you 
suppose  it.  And  as  tor  any  salt  water  beyond  the 
mountains,  the  relations  you  have  had  from  my  peo- 
ple are  false."  Upon  this  he  began  to  delineate  the 
geography  of  these  various  regions  vvitli  a  stick  upon 
the  ground.  After  some  liirtlier  discourse  upon 
general  and  complimentary  subjects.  Smith  returned 
with  his  answer.  His  servant,  Namontack,  who  had 
been  to  England  with  Newport,  was  given  back  to 
him  upon  this  occasion. 

The  presents  were  sent  round  to  Werowocomoco, 
by  water ;  and  the  two  cnptains  went  by  land,  with 
a  guard  of  fifty  men.  Tlie  parties  here  .igreed  upon 
the  next  day  for  the  coronation ;  .ind  at  that  time  the 
presents  were  brought  in,  the  bed  and  furniture  set 
up,  and  the  scarlet  cloak  and  other  apparel  put  on 
the  emperor,  though  with  much  ado,  and  only  in 
consequence  of  Nomantack's  earnest  assurance  that 
they  would  not  injure  him.  As  for  kneeling  to  re- 
ceive the  crown,  which  was  requested  ofliim,  he  en- 
tirely exhausted  the  patience  of  his  visiters  by  his  re- 
sistance. They  gained  their  point  in  the  end  by 
stratagem.  One  leaned  hard  upon  his  shoulders,  so 
as  to  cause  him  to  stoop  a  little,  and  three  more  stood 
ready  to  fix  the  royal  gewgaw  on  his  head  ;  where- 
upon, at  the  discharge  of  a  pistol,  the  guard  were 
prepared  with  such  a  volley  of  musketiy  as  a  salute, 
that  the  emperor  (now  a  crowned-head  at  least)  started 
up,  as  Smith  says,  in  a  horrible  fear  till  he  saw  all 


I 


% 


INDIAN    DionnAniY 


ni 


\n  con- 
nncamt. 
nl  with 
;.     "If 
h  g;rovit 
land — 
Your 
yet  to 
lor  the 
As  for 
ler  was 
its  you 
[)n(l  the 
[ny  peo- 
Bate  the 
ck  upon 
50  upon 
returned 
►vho  had 
back  to 

comoco, 
nd,  with 
ed  upon 
inie  the 
liturc  set 
put  on 
only  in 
ee  that 
Ig  to  re- 
\y  he  en- 
his  re- 
lend  by 
Iders,  so 
re  stood 
where- 
I'd  were 
salute, 
j  started 
saw  all 


was  well.  Soon  reroverinjr  his  roinposiire,  lie  gene- 
rously {jave  his  old  shoes  and  mantle  to  Newport  in 
ucknowled^'enient  of  his  eourt«'sy.  iJnt  |M'rc«ivinj( 
that  the  ?nain  objert  of  that  <rentletnan  was  to  discover 
th(!  Monaeans,  he  labored  to  divert  his  resolution, 
and  ahsohitely  n'fused  to  lend  any  of  his  own  men 
exe<M)tin'r  Namontaek.  Kverv  tliinir  was  said  and 
done  civilly,  how(!ver ;  and,  before  leavuitr,  Newport 
was  j)resent«Ml  with  a  heap  of  corn-ears  to  the 
amount  of  seven  or  ei«rht  bushels,  in  farther  return 
for  his  |)oIiteness  and  his  presents. 

For  some  time  afler  this,  litth;  was  heard  of  Pow- 
hatan except  occasionally  throu«rh  tin;  medium  of 
some  of  his  tribes,  who  are  said  to  have  refused 
tradinu^  with  the  Enfrlish  in  consequence  of  his  orders 
to  that  eflect.  He  had  become  jcalotis  of  them,  it 
would  seem  ;  and  Smith,  on  the  other  liand,  re- 
ciprocated so  much  of  his  ill  humor,  that  ho  at  one 
time  thouj^bt  of  fidlinsr  upon  him  by  surprise,  and 
takinaf  away  all  his  stores.  But  appearances  were 
still  kept  up  on  both  sides  ;  and  in  December,  (1(508) 
the  emperor  invited  the  ca})tain  to  visit  him — he 
wanted  his  assistance  in  buildinir  a  house,  and  if  he 
would  bring  with  him  a  jrrindstone,  fitly  swords,  a 
few  muskets,  a  cock  and  a  hen,  with  a  quantity  of 
beads  tuid  coj)per,  he  miixht  de])end  upon  ^'•(^ttin;^  a 
ship-load  of  corn.  Smith,  always  r(;ady  for  an  adven- 
ture, accepted  the  invitation,  and  set  off  with  a  pin- 
nace and  two  barges,  manned  by  forty-six  volunteers. 
The  expedition  was  considered  so  hazardous  that 
many  excused  themselves  from  goinir,  after  having 
engaged  to  flo  so ;  though  all  knew  that  if  any 
thing  was  to  be  had,  Smith  was  not  the  man  to  return 
disappointed. 

Commencing  his  voyage  on  tlieSOth  of  the  month, 
with  victualling  for  three  or  four  days,  he  lodged  the 
first  night  at  Warrasqueake.  The  chief  Sachem  at 
this  place,  being  friendly,  did  all  in  his  power  to  dis- 
suade the  captain  from  pursuing  his  journey.  "  Pow- 
hatan will  use  you  kindly,"  said  he,  "but  lie  has  seiu 


!■> 


m 


f(h 


i"i 

H 


! 


I 


W    ^    ' 


32 


INDIAN    DIOGIIAPIIY. 


for  yoii  only  to  rut  yonr  tliroat.  Trust  liim  not,  and 
fi'ivi'  iiiin  no  (»|)i)ortunity  to  unzo  upon  your  nrniH." 
Tlio  next  ni«rlit  and  scvfnil  iwow  were  pju*s»'d  at 
Kckonjriitan,  wlirrr  tin'  Kn^jflisli  wen;  dotainod  l)y  a 
H^vorc  storm,  l)nt  foinid  merry  rliccr,  and  jjfood  fires. 
The  colonists  who  were  in  th(^  hal)it  of  travelling 
with  Smith  had  learned  hardihood.  "They  wen;  not 
rtnious  in  any  weather,  (he  informs  us,)  to  ly(;  thr«Mi 
or  foure  ni^dits  together  vnder  the  trees."  They  liked 
huntini'  too  as  thev  marclied,  and  hero  was  u  fine 
o[)))ortunity ;  "an  hundred  fortie  ei^jht  foules,  the 
President,  Anthony  FiaL'nall,  and  Serieant  Pising  <lid 
kiil  at  three  shoots."  It  wjls  the  12th  of  January 
when  they  reached  Werowocoirioco. 

They  weiu  ashore,  quarten.'d  without  much  cere- 
mony at  the  first  house  they  found,  and  sent  to 
Powhatan  for  a  supply  of  provisions.  They  were 
pi-omptly  fin-nished  with  plenty  of  hrcad,  venison  and 
turkeys.  Their  liheral  host  feasted  them  again  the 
next  day  ;  hut  not  without  inquiring,  at  the  close  of 
the  entertainment,  when  they  pmposed  to  go  liome, 
insinuating  that  the  pleasure  ot  th(?ir  company  was 
wholly  un<'xpected,  and  that  he  and  his  people  had 
very  little  corn — though  for  forty  swords  he  tliought 
forty  hjLskets  might  he  collectexl.  In  reply,  Smith 
asked  if  he  had  forgotten  his  own  invitation  thus 
suddenly ;  and  then  produced  the  messengers  who 
had  carried  it,  and  who  happened  to  be  near  at  hand. 
The  ernpemr  affected  to  regard  the  affair  as  a  mere 
joke,  and  laughed  heartily.  Smith  then  proposed 
trade ;  but  Powhatan  would  take  nothing  but  guns 
and  swords,  and  valued  a  basket  of  corn  higher 
than  a  basket  of  copper.  The  captain  was  nettled, 
and  spoke  his  mind  boldly  and  without  resei've, 
giving  the  emperor  to  understand  withal,  that  neces- 
sity might  force  him  to  use  disagreeable  expedients 
for  relieving  his  own  wants  and  the  need  of  the 
colony. 

Powhatan  listened  to  this  declaration  with  cool 
gi-avity,  and  replied  with  a  corresponding  frankness. 


i 


^:?? 


'iii 


INDIAN   nior.uAriiY. 


33 


:,  and 
riTifl." 
(mI  at 
I  by  a 

fin'fl. 
oiling 
ro  not 

tliree 

likod 
u  line 
s,  the 
iig  (lid 
miiary 

1  cere- 
ent  to 
f  were 
on  and 
lin  the 
lose  of 
I  home, 
ly  was 
had 
lought 
Smith 
thus 
who 
hand, 
mere 
oposed 
It  guns 
ligher 
ettled, 
esei've, 
neces- 
edients 
of  the 

h  cool 
ikness. 


>ie 


"Iwillsparo  you  what  T  ran,"  said  ho,  "nnd  that 
within  two  days.  Hut,  (Captain  Hmitli,  I  havr  soino 
(louhtH  i\n  to  yoiu'  ohjoct  in  tins  visit.  J  am  int()nn»Mi 
that  you  wish  to  confjurr  inon-  tlian  to  trade,  and  at 
all  rvcnts  you  know  my  jx'Ojih;  nnist  hv  afraid  to 
conu!  nciir  yoti  with  tiicir  rorn,  so  long  as  you  go 
arnifd  ami  with  siirh  a  rotinuo.  Lay  aside  your 
weapons,  thf'U.  Here  they  are  needless.  We  are  all 
friends,  all  l*owliatnns."  The  information  alluded 
to  here  was  probably  gathered  li'om  two  or  three; 
Germans,  who  had  deserted  the  eolony  and  gono 
among  tin;  Indians. 

A  great  contest  of  ingenuity  now  ensued  between 
the  I'lnglishman  and  the  savage — the  latter  appa- 
rently endeavoring  to  temporise  only  lor  the  purjujso 
of  putting  the  Ibrnier  and  his  men  olf  their  guard. 
He  t'speeially  insisted  on  the  propriety  of  lay  in  j^ 
aside  their  arms.  "  Captain  Smith,"  lie  continued, 
"I  am  old,  and  I  know  well  the  <lifference  between 
peace  and  war.  I  wish  to  live  quietly  with  you,  and 
I  wish  the  same  ibr  my  successors.  Now  the  rumors 
which  reach  iw.  on  all  hands  make  me  unejLsy. 
What  do  you  expect  to  gain  by  destroying  us  who 
provide  you  with  food?  And  what  can  you  gc^t  by 
war,  if  we  escape  you  and  hide  our  provisions  in  tho 
woods  ?  We  are  uiifirmcMl  too,  you  s(m.\  Do  you 
believe  me  such  a  fool  as  not  to  ])refer  eating  good 
meat,  sleeping  quietly  with  my  wives  and  children, 
laughing  and  making  merry  with  you,  having  copjxT 
and  hatchets  and  any  thing  else — as  your  friend — to 
flying  from  you  as  your  enemy,  lying  cold  in  tho 
woods,  eating  acorns  and  roots,  and  being  so  hunted 
by  you  meanwhile,  that  if  but  a  twig  l)r(3ak,  my  men 
will  cry  out  there  comes  Captain  Smith.  Let  uh  bo 
friends,  then.  Do  not  invade  us  thus  with  such  an 
arm<;d  force.     Lay  aside  these  arms." 

The  captain  answered  this  speech,  and  several 
othei*sto  the  same  effect,  until,  either  secMUg  or  sup- 
posing that  the  emperor's  object  was  hostile,  he  gave 
secret  orders  for  hauling  his  boat  ashore  through  the 


i 


i^  ■■■    m* 


n 


34 


INDIAN     IJKXJUAPIIV 


.  r 


( 


,1  i  <  ■ 


I  ' 


•M^     'i 


100,  and  Inndinir  those  nt*  liis  ootnpnny  who  still  rr- 
innirinl  alinanl.  Mr  also  atfiiiptrd  to  drtaiii  I*o\v- 
linfaii  Nviili  tlirdcliviTvordivcrs  riLrmaroIr  liarHn«(u«'H; 
iMit  iIh'  latter  was  iM»t  to  he  so  easily  outwitted.  ll(; 
introduced  two  or  thn'o  women  to  sustain  a  sharp 
eoMversation  with  the  enemy,  and  suddenly  availed 
himself  of  that  opportunity  to  leave  the  h(Mis(%  with 
uli  his  attendants  and  lu!f,u:a<>-e.  In  a  lew  minuten 
Smith  tiuuid  himsell' surrounded  with  Indians;  and 
thereupon,  we  are  told,  "  with  his  |)istoll,  sword  and 
tar^ret,  he(!  made  such  a  passa«r<'  amonj;  these  naked 
Diuils,  that  at  his  first  siioot  those  next  him  tumhied 
one  over  another."     The  rest  tied  in  all  <lireetions. 

I'owhatan  was  not  yet  <lis('oura«((Ml.  J  lis  men 
aj;ai!i  Hocked  ahout  Smith  with  civil  explanations  of 
everv  tliin;^  which  had  happened  ;  and  In;  himself 
gent  him  a  lar«;(!  and  handsom(^  hraeeh^t  hy  the  hand 
of  on(!  of  his  chief  orators,  with  a  speech  ftdl  of 
compliments  and  excuses.  JJaskets  were  furnished 
for  carrvin«f  the  corn  which  had  heen  sold  ahoard 
the  hoat ;  and  the  Indians  even  offered  their  services 
to  fruard  the  arnis  of  the  English,  while  they  were 
takin«;  can;  of  th(;  provisions.  Tliis  fiivor  was  de- 
clined ;  hut  as  the  Knjiflish  were  still  under  the 
necessity  of  waiting  for  the  tide  of  the  next  mornino^, 
no  pains  were  spared  to  ent(>rtain  th(?ni  with  feasts 
and  s|)orts  meanwhile.  Smith  supposes  that  the 
Sachem  was  all  this  time  j)reparinp  his  forces  for 
surprisin«r  them  at  supper.  He  prohably  conjectured 
rij^ht;  and  hut  for  Pocahontas  there  is  reason  to  believe 
that  this  game  would  actually  have  succeeded.  The 
kind-hearted  princess  came  to  Smith's  quarters  in  the 
woods,  alone  and  in  the  eveninfr,  and  earnestly  ad- 
vised him  hy  all  means  to  leave  her  father's  territories 
as  soon  as  possible.  The  latter  was  collecting  all  his 
power,  she  s!iid,  to  make  an  assault  upon  him,  unless 
those  who  were  sent  with  his  supper  should  them- 
selves succeed  in  despatching  him. 

In  less  than  an  hour  afterwards  came  eight  or  ten 
lusty  fellows,  with  great  platters  of  venison  and  other 


I 


'3 


i 


lill  rn- 
i  |*ovv- 

I.     iW 

.  sliarp 
iivaihMl 
[•,  with 

IlilUlU'M 

s ;  iiiul 
)nl  ui»(l 
•  imk<nl 
lunhled 
•tions. 

tions  of 
liiiiiHelt* 
he  huiul 
full  of 
iniished 
I  ahoard 
1  services 
ey  were 
vvas  (le- 
ider  the 
iiornino^, 
til  feasts 
that  the 
»rces  for 
Ijectured 
believe 
Id.    The 
li-s  in  the 
jstly  ad- 
[rritories 
Ig  all  his 
h,  unless 
Id  them- 

it  or  ten 
Ind  other 


INDIAN  Rh)(Jii\rnv. 


d5 


virtunl.M,  who  wrn*  ini|M)rnmat('  that  tlir  Fin«rliNli 
shoiiM  (xiimrniah  ihiir  miilrln.H,  the  siiiokt'  of  wliirh 
ihry  ntV'TKMl  to  think  vrrv  (lisai:n'riihlr.  'V\\r  oip- 
laiii,  \%  iihoiit  iiMtiriii^'  this  cirriirnslamT,  inadr  thrm 
tuHle  rvrry  dish,  and  liim  sent  somh'  of  llnrii  hack 
to  It'll  Powhatan  that  thr  Iwijilish  wen?  nady  to 
H«'»»  hitn  ;  as  ti»r  tlM'ins«lv«'H,  In;  undrrstojxl  thfir 
villany,  hut  thry  should  p»  ihr.  Otlirr  rn»  sscn^'rrs 
rain*'  in  soon  after,  jil  intrrvals,  to  Irurn  how  inattrrs 
wrnt  on.  'JMi<^  nijiht  was  spi-nt  without  slrrjj  on 
ritlirr  side.  \']iir\\  party  watched  the  niov<'inents  of 
the  other  with  vi^^ilant  eyes,  while  hotli  wen?  suhtio 
and  civil  enough  still  to  affect  tVieiidship.  At  hi^dr 
water.  Smith  went  oil"  with  his  company,  huivinf^ 
with  the  emperor,  at  his  own  re(|uest,  an  riU^lishnian 
t»)  kill  punc  for  him,  and  two  or  thrcM!  of  tlie  Cicr- 
mans  to  assist  him  in  huiidin^^  a  house. 

IJut  the  «>amr  was  not  y<'t  ov^r.  He  had  no  sooner 
s<>t  sail  lor  I'anumkey,  than  the  emperor  despatch) d 
a  de|)utati<»n  across  tlu;  wt)ods  to  Jamestown,  to  take 
a(lvanta«;e  othis  ahsence  for  huyin^'  up  a<piantity  of 
auMunnition  and  arms.  On  arriving',  these  messen- 
ficrs  told  CapUiin  Winne,  the  Uinporary  commander 
of  the  colony,  "  that  their  commin^  was  for  some  ex- 
traordinary tooles  and  shill  of  appandl  ;  hy  which 
colonrahle  excuse;  they  ohtaine'd  six*;  or  senen  mf)ro 
[of  the  colonists]  to  their  confederacie,  su<'h  expert 
tlieenes,  that  presently  furnished  t.hem  with  a  ^v(mt 
many  swonls,  pike-heads,  p(>eces,  shot,  powder  and 
such  like."*  Indians  enon*"!!  were  at  hand  to  carry 
away  the  articles  as  soon  as  obtained  ;  and  the  next 
[^  day,  the  deputation  returned  houK!  unsuspected,  atler 
;  making  an  agreement  for  the  services  of  such  trai- 

I  torous  vagabonds  as  were  willing  to  desert  from  the 

colony.     One   or  two  of  thos(!    who    had    deserted 
!  already,  had  provided  P  >\\  hatan   with  as  many  as 

three  hundred  hatchets,  fitly  swords,  eight  'pieces' 
end  eight  pikes. 

♦  Smith's  Hi&tory,  p.  213. 


t 


i 


V 


86 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPHY. 


I    i 


I 

i 

i 

r 


I  » 


*f 


1 


Mcanwhilo,  Smith  had  arrived  at  Pamiinkey,  and 
here  Ope(  innranoutrh  was  entertaining  him  with  all 
manner  of  ti^asting  and  mirth.  On  the  day  agreed 
u\)on  hetween  the  i)arties  for  commencing  trade,  the 
captain,  with  fifteen  of  his  men,  went  up  a  quarter 
of  a  mile  from  the  river  to  the  Sachem's  house, 
the  appointed  rendezvous.  He  found  no  person 
there,  exceptinj?  a  lame  man  and  a  boy.  The  other 
houses  in  the  village  were  entirely  abandoned.  Pres- 
ently, however,  came  the  Sachem,  followed  by  many 
of  his  subjects,  well  armed  with  bows  and  arrows. 
Attempts  were  made  to  buy  corn,  but  so  unsuccessful- 
ly that  Smith  was  provoked,  and  remonstrated  as  he 
had  done  with  Powhatan.  Upon  this,  the  Sachem 
sold  what  provision  was  at  hand,  and  promised  to 
give  better  satisfaction  the  next  day. 

Then,  accordingly,  Smith  made  his  appearance 
again.  He  found  fom*  or  five  men  at  the  house  with 
great  baskets,  but  whether  with  any  thiri^  in  them 
(loes  not  appear.  Opechancanough  himself  came  in 
soon  after,  and  commenced  a  cheerful  conversation, 
enlarging  particularly  upon  the  pains  he  had  taken  to 
keep  his  promise.  Just  at  this  moment  one  of  Smith's 
company  brought  him  word  that  the  house  was  be- 
set. TJie  woods  and  fields  all  around  him  were 
thronged  with  more  than  seven  hundred  .ravages, 
armed  and  painted  for  battle. 

The  English,  of  whom  there  were  only  fifleen  on 
shore,  were  generally  much  alarmed  at  this  news, 
and  could  easily  perceive  that  Opechancanough  en- 
joyed their  surprise.  But  Smith  was  now  in  his 
element.  "My  worthy  countrymen,"  said  he  to  his 
trembling  comrades,  "  Had  I  no  more  to  fear  from 
my  friends,  than  from  these  enemies,  I  should  be 
willing  to  meet  twice  as  many — would  you  but  second 
me.  But  what  course  shall  be  taken  ?  If  we  begin 
with  them,  and  seize  the  king,  we  shall  have  more 
thai^Apt  hands  full  to  keep  him  and  defend  our- 
seliflP  If  w(^  kill  them  all,  we  must  starve  for  want 
of  their  provisiuiia.     As  for  their  fury,  that  is  the 


*l 


i 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPHY. 


37 


ey,  and 
tvith  all 

agreed 
ide,  the 
quarter 

house, 

person 
le  other 
.  Pres- 
jymany 

arrows, 
ccessful- 
ed  as  he 
Sachem 
ntiised  to 

pearanco 
I  use  with 
in  them 
f  came  in 
,rersation, 
1  taken  to 
f  Smith's 

was  be- 
im   were 

ravages, 

fifteen  on 
lis  news, 
lough  en- 
w  in  his 
he  to  his 
'ear  from 
lould  be 
ut  second 
we  begin 
ttve  more 
'end  our- 
for  want 
lat  is  the 


M 


Iroft  subjert  of  apprehension.     You   know  I  have 
horetoforo  nian.'i'r<'(l  two  or  tliroo  hundreds  of  tiiem 
J  «lon(\     Now  licre  are  sixteen  of  us,  to  their  seven 

hundred.  If  you  dare  stand  but  to  fire  your  pieces, 
the  very  smoke  will  be;  <'nougli  for  them.  Ihit  at  all 
events  let  us  fight  like  men,  and  not  die  like  sheep. 
First,  however,  let  me  propose  some  eoiiditions  to 
them,  and  so  we  shall  have  something  to  light  tor." 
The  oerasicui  admittini»  of  no  arguinent,  the  eom- 
j)any  pledged  themselves  promptly  to  second  him  in 
whatever  he  attempted,  or  die. 

The  rai)tain  then  advanced  towards  the  Sachem, 
and  addressed  him.  "  Opechancanough,"  saifl  he, 
"  I  perceive  you  are  plotting  to  nuu'der  lue,  but  I  fear 
von  not.  As  vet  neither  vour  men  nor  miae  have 
done  nuich  harm.  Now  therefore  take  your  arms — • 
as  you  see  In^re  are  mine — my  body  shall  be  as  naked 
as  yours — tli«^  island  in  the  river  is  a  fit  place  for  a 
eonihat,  and  the  conqueror  of  us  two,  shall  be  mas- 
ter of  all.  If  you  have  not  men  enough  about  you, 
lake  time  to  muster  more — as  many  as  you  will — • 
only  let  every  one  bring  his  basket  of  corn,  and 
against  that  I  will  stake  the  vahu;  in  copper." 

The  Sachefu  re|)lied  very  soothingly  to  this  pro- 
posal. Il(i  was  sorry  to  see  any  suspicion  of  imkind- 
ness  ;  and  begged  that  the  captain  woidd  do  him  the 
honor  to  accept  a  handsome  present,  (by  way  of  peace- 
ofi'ering,)  which  was  ready  for  him  at  the  door  of  the 
house.  The  object  of  this  suggestion  was  suflPiciently 
obvious ;  for  besides  the  forty  or  fifty  Indians  con- 
stituting the  Sachem's  body-guard  within,  "the  bait,'* 
as  Smith  calls  it,  at  the  door,  (meaning  the  present) 
was  guarded  by  about  two  hundred  men,  and  thirty 
more  were  stationed  behind  a  large  tree  which  lay 
lengthwise  athwart  the  passage-way  with  their  arrows 
ready  notched.  It  was  now  Smith's  turn  to  make  a 
movement.  He  seized  the  Sachem  in  the  midst  of 
4  his   retinue,  hy    his  long   locks,  j)resenting  ^jaistol 

ready-cockt'd  at  his  bosom  ;  and  in  this  posn|^  led 
him  out  trembling  with  terror,  among  the  multitude 


t 


\»     < 


58 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPHY. 


s 


who  surrounded  the  house.  He  immediately  ^ave 
up  his  vamhrace,  how  and  arrows,  and  his  frightened 
suhjects  hastened  to  follow  his  exam[)le. 

"I  perceive,  ye  Pamunkies" — shouted  the  captain 
at  this  moment,  still  holding  on  hy  the  Sachem'a 
hair — "  I  perceive  how  eager  ye  are  to  kill  me.  My 
own  long  suffering  is  the  cause  of  your  insolence. 
Now  shoot  hut  one  arrow  to  shed  one  drop  of  hlood 
for  one  of  these  men,  or  steal  hut  the  least  of  these 
beads,  and  ye  shall  not  hear  the  last  of  me  so  long 
as  a  Pamuukey  remains  alive  who  will  not  deny  the 
name.  I  am  not  now  in  the  mire  of  a  swamp,  ye 
perceive.  Shoot  then,  if  ye  dare.  But  at  all  haz- 
ards ye  shall  load  my  boat  with  your  corn,  or  I  will 
load  her  with  your  carcasses.  Still,  unless  you  give 
me  the  fu'st  occasion,  we  may  he  friends,  and  your 
king  may  go  free.  I  have  no  wish  to  harm  him  or 
you." 

This  speech  had  its  effect.  The  savages  laid  asmb. 
their  arms,  and  brought  in  their  commodities  for 
trade  in  such  abundance,  that  the  Enp-lish  at  len^i 
became  absolutely  weai*y  of  receiving  them.  Once 
indeed,  in  the  course  of  the  day,  some  forty  or  fitly 
stout  fellows  made  a  violent  rush  into  the  house 
when  Suiith  was  asleep,  and  some  two  hundred 
more  followed  close  atler  them  ;  but  by  Smith's 
usual  activity  they  were  soon  driven  back,  and  then 
the  Sachem  sent  some  of  his  ancients,  or  counsellors, 
to  excuse  the  intrusion.  The  rest  of  the  day  passed  in 
hanuony,  and  towards  night  the  captain  began  his 
return-voyage  down  the  river,  leaving  the  Sachem 
at  liberty.  Various  attempts  were  made  to  surprise 
him  on  the  route,  and  he  was  at  one  time  near  being 
poisoned  to  d(;ath  in  his  food.  On  the  other  hand, 
Smith  was  determined  not  to  go  home  without  his 
revenge  upon  Powhatan.  He  returned  by  way  of 
Werowocomoco  for  the  purpose  of  seizing  him  ;  but 
he  foNBd)  when  he  reached  that  village,  that  the 
traitcwHs  Germans  had  caused  the  emperor  to  aban- 
don his  new  house,  and  carry  off  all  his  &mily  and 


.3s 


:!W 


• 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPHY. 


39 


•^^ 


f  gave 
litened 


aptain 

I.    My 

)lence. 
'  Mood 
f  tliese 
5o  long 
iiy  the 
mp,  ye 
11  haz- 
r  I  will 
)U  give 
fl  your 
him  or 

id  asmfe 
[ies  for 
len^i 
Once 
or  fitly 
house 
nulred 
Smith's 
then 
sellors, 
ed  in 
:an  his 
achem 
urprise 
r  being 
hand, 
3iit  his 
vay  of 
;  but 
lat  the 
9  aban- 
ily  and 


provision.  Those  of  the  Powhatans  who  remained, 
treated  the  English  so  indiflerently,  that  the  latter 
liad  much  ado  to  escape  with  their  lives.  They 
finally  reached  Jamestown  ailer  an  absence  of  six 
weeks,  with  a  cargo  of  four  hundred  and  sevrnty- 
nine  bushels  of  corn  and  two  hundred  jwunds  of 
deer-suet,  that  entire  amount  having  been  purchased 
for  twenty-five  pounds  of  copper  and  filty  pounds 
of  iron  and  bead^. 


i 


'Hk* 


4 


40 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPHY. 


f    '% 


I  !    '  ' 


CHAPTER  II. 

Conduct  of  Powliiitan  afu^r  ??inith's  depjirture  for  Enijland, 
and  causes  of  it — Hostilities  rouiiied — lN;ace  finally  ctt<;cted 
by  tlio  ciiptmo  of  Pocahontas — Mamur  of  <^ainiii(^  this  point 
— Marriage  of  Pocahontas  with  John  llolf(^ — Death  and 
cluiracter  of  Powhatan — His  person,  niaiuier  of  living,  talents, 
iniluence.     His  method  and  means  of  warfare — The  disei- 

{)line  of  iiis  warriors — The  manner  in  which  he  availed 
limself  of  the  English  arms  and  science — Canses  of  his 
liostilitv  towards  the  colonists — His  di^nitv — Shrewdness^ 
Independence — Courtesy —  Liberality — Simplicity Affec- 
tion for  his  relatives — A  review  of  various  opinions  enter- 
tained of  him  by  various  historians. 

From  the  date  of  the  expedition  of  which  the 
particulars  have  just  been  given,  to  the  time  of  Smith's 
departure  for  England,  a  few  months  subsequent,  the 
English  and  the  Powhatans  treated  and  traded  with 
each  other  upon  tolerably  amicable  terms.  A  prin- 
cipal cause  of  this  harmony  is  to  be  looked  for  in 
Beveral  fortunate  incidents  which  went  to  impress 
the  savage  simplicity  of  one  party  with  an  inordinate 
conception  of  the  superiority  of  the  other. 

Soon  after  the  return  of  the  expedition,  several 
n  tides  were  stolen  at  Jamestown  by  one  of  the 
Chickahominy  Indians  who  traded  there ;  and  a 
pistol  among  the  rest.  The  thief  fled,  but  two  of 
his  brothers,  suspected  of  being  accessaries  in  the 
case,  were  apprehended.  One  of  them  was  dis- 
charged, to  go  in  search  of  the  offender ;  and  the 
other  was  imprisoned,  with  the  understanding  that 
unless  the  former  should  be  successful  in  his  search 
within  twelve  hours,  he  was  to  be  hanged.  But  for 
his  comfort  during  that  interval.  Smith  furnished 
him  with  victuals,  and  charcoal  for  a  tire.  In  the 
evening,  the  man  who  had  been  discharged,  returned 
with  the  pistol ;  but  the  poor  fellow  in  the  dungeon 
was  meanwhile  very  nearly  smothered  with   the 


V 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPHY. 


41 


ngland, 
oHc-cted 
Iri  point 
itli  and 
talents, 
e  disci- 
availed 
of    his 
dncss — 
— Affec- 
is  enter- 


ich  the 
Smith's 
L'lit,  the 
3d  with 
\.  priu- 
l  for  in 
nipres3 
rdinate 

several 
of  the 
and  a 
two  of 
in  the 
as  dis- 
11  d   the 
[ig  that 
search 
lUt  for 
•nished 
In  the 
jturned 
ingeon 
Ith    the 


11 


smoke  of  his  roal.  Those  who  eamo  to  release  him 
took  liim  iij)  for  dead.  "Tlu;  othiM-  most  lamentahly 
hewayl«'d  his  dentil,  and  hroke  forth  into  such  hitter 
agonies  that  tli(;  J*resi(lent  [Smith]  to  quiet  him,  told 
him  tliat  if  lie  woid<l  st(;ale  no  more,  he  would  mak(! 
liim  [his  hrother]  alive  again  ;  hut  lie  litth?  thought 
he  eould  he  r(>eovered.  Yet  we  doing  our  hest  with 
aqua  Vita  and  Vinegar,  it  phuised  God  to  restore  him 
againe  to  life,  hut  so  drunke  and  affrighted  that  he 
seemed  lunaticke,  the  w  hieh  as  much  tormented  and 
grieued  the  other,  as  helbre  to  s<!e  him  d(  ad.  Of 
this  maladie,  vpon  promise  of  their  good  hehavour, 
the  President  promised  to  recover  him ;  and  so 
caused  him  to  he  layd  hy  a  fire  to  sleef)e,  who  in  the 
morning  having  well  slept  had  recovered  his  perfect 
senses,  and  then  heing  dressed  of  his  burning,  and 
each  a  [)eece  of  coj)pt'r  given  tlnjin,  they  went  away 
so  well  contented  that  tfds  was  spread  amon^  all  the 
savages  for  a  miracle,  that  ('aptain  Smith  coidd  make 
a  man  alive  that  was  dead."* 

Another  of  the  incidents  just  alluded  to  is  as  follows. 
One  of  Powhatan's  subjects,  in  his  zeal  to  acquire 
knowledge  and  some  other  things,  obtained  jiosses- 
sion  of  a  large  hag  of  gun-[)Ovvder  and  the  backe,  as 
Smith  calls  it,  of  an  armour.  This  ingenious  artisan, 
on  his  return  to  VVerowocomoco,  determined  to  dis- 
play these  precious  prizes  to  his  wondering  country- 
men, and  at  the  same  time  to  exhibit  his  own  ex- 
traordinary skill  in  the  management  of  them.  He 
therefore  liegan  drying  the  [lowder  upon  the  armour, 
as  he  had  seen  the  soldiers  do  at  Jamestown.  Un- 
luckily, he  dried  it  too  much.  An  explosion  took 
place,  which  blew  up  the  proprietor,  together  with 
one  or  two  of  the  spectatoi-s  who  were  pee[)ing  over 
his  shoulders.  Several  others  were  batily  scorched, 
and  all  horribly  frightened  ;  and  for  some  time  after 
powder  fell  into  a  general  disuse  with  the  savages, 
much  to  the  l)enefit  of  the  English. 

♦  Smith's  History,  p.  226, 
D2 


..• 


i     :     11 


ni 


42 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPHY. 


The3e  nnd^^hor  similnr  arcidcntp,  wo  aro  told,  so 
aflfriglited  Powhatan  and  liis  |)('0|)l(',  that  they  came 
in  from  every  (juartor  with  jjrod'crs  of  [)raco.  Sev- 
eral stolen  articles  wen;  returned,  th(;  loss  of  which 
had  never  before  been  discovered  ;  and  wlienever 
on  Indian  was  convicted  of  theft,  wherever  he  might 
be  found,  he  was  promptly  sent  in  to  Jamestown  for 
bis  punishment.  Not  lon,i(  afterwards  we  find  that 
"so  affraide  was  al  those  kin|j:s  and  the  better  sort 
of  the  people  to  displease  vs  [tlie  cf)lonists]  tiiat  some 
of  the  baser  sort  tliat  we  liaue  c^xtreamely  hurt 
and  punished  for  their  villanies,  would  hire  vs  we 
should  not  tell  it  to  their  kin<;s  or  countrymen,  who 
would  also  punish  tluMii,  and  yet  retm-ne  them  to 
lames-Toune  to  content  the  President  for  a  testi- 
mony of  their  loues." 

Still,  the  prowess  and  the  name  of  vSmitli  himself 
were  tlie  best  i)reservati\es  of  peace  ;  and  he  had 
scarcely  left  the  country  for  England  when  matters 
relapsed  into  their  worst  state.  About  thirty  of  the 
English  were  cut  off  by  Powhatan's  men  at  one  time ; 
and  of  a  population  of  six  hundred  left  in  the  colony 
at  Smith's  departure,  there  remained  at  the  end  of  six 
months  only  sixty  men,  women  and  children.  These 
were  subsisted  chiefly  upon  roots,  herbs,  acorns, 
walnuts,  berries  and  now  and  then  a  little  fish.  The 
skins  of  horses,  and  even  considerable  quantities  of 
starch,  were  used  for  food.  Others  went  so  far  as  to 
disinter  and  devour  the  body  of  an  Indian  who  had 
been  slain  and  buried.  One  man  killed  his  wife, 
"  powdered  her,"  and  had  eaten  a  part  of  her  before 
it  was  known.  The  ])Oor  wretch  was  hanged  for 
his  horrible  deed  of  despair. 

Peace  was  finally  effected  with  Powhatan  through 
the  intervention,  or  rather  by  the  mere  medium  of 
Pocahontas,  in  the  following  manner.  Early  in 
1613,*  two  ships  arrived  at  Jamestown  with  sujjplies 

*This  dale  is  mentioned  by  all  the  Virginian  historians;  but 
Prince,  in  his  Annals,  says  that  the  voyage  took  place  a  year 
afterwards.    Belknap  (Am.  Biog.)  is  of  Uie  same  opinion. 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPHY. 


43 


r)ld,  so 
came 

S(3V- 

which 
nnevcr 

rnijrht 
wu  for 
1(1  that 
;er  sort 
X  some 
y  hurt 

vs  we 
n,  who 
uMTi  to 
a  testi- 

limself 
he  had 
matters 
r  of  the 
le  time ; 
colony 
d  of  six 
These 
acorns, 
The 
ies  of 
r  as  to 
lo  had 
IS  wife, 
hefore 
ffed  for 

nrough 
ium  of 
arly  in 
ujrplies 

kins;  but 
:e  a  year 
nion. 


f  1 


I 

3 


■■■s 


for  the  colony.  Those  !)oin<?  insufficient,  Captain 
Arf^all,  who  commanded  one  of  them,  was  sent  up 
the  Potomac  river  to  trade  with  the  natives  for  corn. 
Here  Arjjall  formed  a  particular  acquaintance  with 
Jnpnzniva,  the  chief  sachem  of  the  Potomacs  or 
Patawomek<\s,  and  always  a  stanch  friend  of  the 
English.  He  informed  the  captain,  among  other 
things,  that  Pocahontas  was  at  this  time  in  his  terri- 
tories, and  not  far  distant,  keeping  herself  in  seclusion, 
and  known  only  to  a  few  trusty  friends.  What  were 
the  reasons  which  induced  her  thus  to  forsake  her 
father's  dominions  for  a  foreigner's,  does  not  appear. 
Stith  sup[)oses  it  was  to  withdraw  herself  from  being 
a  witness  of  the  frequent  butcheries  of  the  English, 
whose  folly  and  rashness,  after  Smith's  departure, 
put  it  out  of  her  j)ower  to  save  them.  And  very 
probably,  as  a  later  historian  suggests,*  she  had 
already  incurred  the  displeasure  of  the  emperor  by 
these  repeated  and  futile  though  highly  honorable 
attempts. 

I5ut  whatever  her  motives  might  be,  Argall  had 
no  sooner  received  intelligence  of  her  situation,  than 
he  resolved  on  obtaining  possession  of  her  person, 
as  a  m(!ans — which  he  had  no  doubt  the  colony 
would  thank  him  for — of  effecting  a  peace  with 
Powhatan.  Japazaws  seems  to  have  been  a  well- 
meaning  and  honest  fellow  in  general ;  but  the 
temptation  of  a  large  new  copper  kettle,  which  Ar- 
gall held  out  before  him  as  the  promised  recompense 
for  his  aid  and  abettance  in  the  case — the  consider- 
ation of  the  praiseworthy  object  pro[)osed  to  be 
accomplished  by  the  measure — and  last  though  not 
least  of  all,  the  captain's  pl(3dge  that  Pocahontas 
should  not  be  harmed  while  in  his  custody,  were 
sufficient  to  overcome  his  scruples.  The  next  thing 
in  order  was  to  induce  the  princess — as  this  amiable 
and  talented  Indian  female  has  generally  been  styled 
■ — to  go  on  board  Argall's  boat.     To  that  end,  Japa- 

*Burk's  History  of  Virginia,  Vol.  I.  p.  167. 


•lii 


% 


II 


5;f 


fi 


44 


INDIAN    niOGRAPHY. 


zaws,  who  had  hiiriKolf  soon  mHny  of  the  Enghsh 
vessels  l)efore  this,  irKhiced  his  vviti3  to  afreet  an  ex- 
treme euriosity  upon  tlie  siihject,  so  intoh'rahly  im- 
portunate that  he  finally  threatened  to  heat  her.  The 
good  woman  on  the  other  hand  aetually  aeeomplished 
a  few  tears.  This  ha|)pened  in  the  presenee  of 
Pocahontas,  and  the  seme  was  fretpiently  repeati'd, 
until  at  last  Jajiazaws,  afle(!ting  to  he  suhdued  hy  the 
manifest  affliction  of  his  wife,  rehiclantly  gave  her 
permission  to  visit  the  vessel,  provided  that  Pocahon- 
tas would  have  the  politeness  to  go  with  her. 

The  princess,  always  conii)laisant,  and  unahle  to 
witness  any  longer  the  apparent  distress  of  her  kind 
friend  and  hostess,  cons(;nted  to  go  on  hoard  the 
ship.  There  they  were  civilly  welcomed,  and  first 
entertained  in  the  cahin.  The  captain  then  found 
an  Oj)portunity  to  decoy  Pocahontas  into  the  gun- 
room, on  pretence  of  conferring  there  with  Japazaws, 
but  really  hecause  the  kind-hearted  Sachem,  who  had 
received  ere  this  the  brilliant  wages  of  his  sin,  and 
began  perhaps  to  relent,  was  unwilling  to  be  known 
by  the  princess  to  have  been  concerned  in  the  plot 
against  her  liberty.  When  Argall  told  her,  in  his 
presence,  that  she  must  go  with  him  to  the  colony, 
and  compound  a  peace  between  her  father  and  the 
English,  she  wept  indeed  in  the  bitterness  of  her 
soul ;  as  for  Jajiazaws  and  his  wife,  they  absolutely 
howled  witli  inconsolable  and  inconceivable  afflic- 
tion. But  the  princess  recovered  her  composure  on 
finding  herself  treated  with  kindness ;  and  while  she 
turned  her  face  towards  the  English  colony,  (which 
she  had  not  seen  since  Smith's  departure)  with  some- 
thing even  like  cheerfulness  at  the  prospect  of  doing 
good,  her  distressed  guardian  and  his  pliant  spouse, 
with  their  copper  kettle  filled  with  toys,  trudged 
merrily  back  to  their  own  wigwam. 

On  Argall's  arrival  at  Jamestown,  a  message 
was  immediately  despatched  to  Powhatan,  "  that  his 
daughter  Pocahontas  he  loued  so  dearly,  he  must 
ransom  with  our  men,  swords,  peeces,  tooles,  &c, 


f 


11 


English 
an  ex- 
.l)ly  iin- 
ir.  The 
i))lisiic(l 

IK*0     of 

:»|)rate(I, 

I  hy  the 
ave  her 
ocaliou- 

ial)le  to 
er  kind 
ard  the 
md  first 

II  found 
be  gun- 
pazaws, 
kvlio  had 
8in,  and 

known 

the  plot 

",  in  his 

colony, 

and  the 

of  her 
sohitely 

afflic- 
sure  on 
hile  she 
(which 
1  some- 
f  doing 
spouse, 
rudged 

lessage 
that  his 
le  must 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPHY. 


45 


hee  trecherously  had  stolen."*  This  was  not  so 
roniphmcntary  or  soothing  as  might  have  heen 
imagined,  it  must  he  allowed  ( — the  courtesy  of 
Sniiili  was  no  longer  in  the  colony — )  and  this  per- 
ha|)H  was  the  reason  why,  much  as  the  u!i  welcome 
news  of  his  daughter's  captivity  is  said  to  have 
trouhled  him,  he  sent  no  answer  to  the  message  for 
the  space  of  three  months.  Then,  at  the  further  per- 
suasion of  the  council  of  Jamestown,  he  liherated  and 
sent  in  st'vcn  of  his  English  prisoners,  with  three 
rusty  unserviceable  nuiskets,  an  axe,  a  saw,  and 
one  canoe  laden  with  corn.  They  were  instructed 
to  say  that  if  Pocahontas  should  he  given  up,  he 
would  nuike  sjitisfaction  for  all  the  injuries  he  iiad 
done,  conclude  a  [»erpetual  peace,  and  send  in  a  bonus 
of  five  hundred  bushels  of  corn.  To  this  the  council 
replied  that  his  daughter,  though  they  would  use  her 
well,  could  not  be  restored  to  him  until  all  the  English 
arms  and  captives  in  his  possession  should  be  de- 
livered back  to  the  owners.  They  did  not  believe, 
what  he  or  some  of  his  men  had  asserted,  that  these 
arms  had  been  lost,  or  that  the  whites  who  remained 
with  him  were  free  volunteers  in  his  service. 

This  ungracious  message  was  no  more  conciliating 
than  the  former ;  nor  was  any  thing  more  seen  or 
heard  of  the  emperor  until  the  spring  of  1614,  when 
a  party  of  one  hundred  and  fifty  colonists,  well  arm- 
ed, went  up  his  own  river  to  Werowocomoco,  taking 
Pocahontas  with  them.  The  Powhatans  received 
them  with  scornful  bravadoes,  proudly  demanding 
the  purpose  of  this  new  invasion.  The  English  an- 
swered, that  they  had  brought  the  emperor's  daugh- 
ter, and  that  they  expected  the  proper  ransom  for  her, 
either  peaceably  or  by  force.  The  Powhatans  re- 
joined, that  if  they  came  to  fight,  they  were  wel- 
come, and  should  be  treated  as  Captain  RatcliflTef 
had  been.      Upon  this  the  English  said  they  would 

♦Smith's  History,  Vol.  II.  p.  14. 

f  Massacred  with  the  tliirty  colonists  mentioned  previously 
in  this  chapter.    He  was  otherwise  (ailed  Sickleniore. 


46 


INDIAN    Blor.RAPIIY. 


)  ; 


f 


have  a  morn  rivil  niiswor  ui  least,  and  forthwith  com- 
ni<;nce<l  innkiii«:  ra)»i(lly  lor  the  shon'  in  their  siriull 
hoats,  the  Indians  having'  ahont  the  same  tinw;  he- 
gun  to  let  fly  their  arrows  arnon^^  them.  They  eflected 
u  landin^r,  and  hnriKMl  and  destroyed  every  thin<:  they 
could  lind.  Tin'  next  day  tiiey  sailed  farther  up  th« 
river  ;  and  meeting  with  a  Iresh  party  of  l*owhatans, 
after  some  altercation  and  explanation,  a  truce  was 
conclud(j<l,  and  messengers  were  j)romised  to  he  sent 
ofi'  for  the  emp<'ror.  This  was  prohahly  a  mere 
feint.  It  Avas  also  stated,  that  the  English  captives 
or  deserters  had  run  off,  for  f(3ar  of  being  lianged  by 
their  countrymen.  As  for  the  swords  and  pieces, 
they  were  to  be  brought  in  the  next  day.  But  noth- 
ing was  seen  of  them,  and  the  English  proceeded  till 
they  came  to  a  residence  of  Powliatan  (called  Matchot) 
where  were  collected  al)out  four  hundred  of  his 
warriors,  well  armed.  These  men  challenged  the 
English  to  land ;  and  when  they  did  so,  walked 
l)oldly  up  and  down  a/nong  them ;  demanded  a  con- 
ference with  their  captain ;  and  said,  that  unless 
time  shouKi  be  allowed  them  to  send  and  receive 
directions  from  Powhatan,  they  would  fight  for 
their  own  as  well  as  they  were  able.  Other  brava- 
does passed  between  the  parties,  but  a  truce  was 
finally  agi*eed  upon  until  noon  of  the  next  day. 
Meanwhile,  two  of  the  brothers  of  Pocahontas — of 
whom,  this  is  the  first  mention — came  to  see  her. 
They  were  delighted  to  find  her  in  good  health,  and 
promised  to  do  every  thing  they  could  to  effect  her 
redemption.  Two  of  the  English  also  set  oflT  to  visit 
Powhatan.  They  were  not  admitted  to  the  empe- 
ror's presence — for  what  reason,  it  is  not  stated — 
but  Opechancanough  treated  them  in  the  most  hos- 
pitable manner.  On  their  return,  the  whole  party 
descended  the  river  to  Jamestown. 

One  of  the  two  messengers  last  named  was  John 
Rolfe,  styled  by  an  old  historian,*  "  an  honest  gentle- 

*  Ralph  Hamer,  whose  relation  is  incorporated  witli  Fome  of 
tlie  oldest  histories  of  other  writers.  He  was  subsequently 
one  of  the  Council. 


I 


.III  il 
'It'  'il 
m  111 


\h  COMl- 

ir  small 

illMi   l)U- 

*  w|)  tlie 
,'liatany, 
ice  was 
be  soiit 
a  mere 
captives 
njijed  by 
pieces, 
ut  noth- 
eded  till 
latchot) 
of  his 
ged  the 
walked 
d  a  coii- 
t  unless 
receive 
ght   {0IC 
'  brava- 
ice  was 
xt  day. 
itas — of 
see  her. 
1th,  and 
Feet  her 
to  visit 
empe- 
itated — 
St  hos- 
e  party 

lis  John 
gentle- 

pome  of 
sequently 


I 


INDIAN    nior.UAPHY. 


47 


m 


i 


man  and  of  good  bfliaviour :"  but  more  rsprrially 
known  by  tlie  rvnit  wliirli  we  have  now  to  notice — 
bis  marriage  with  INicaliontas — between  whom  and 
himself  there  had  Ikmii  an  anient  attachment  for 
some  time.  'I'he  idea  of  this  coim«'xi«»n  pleased 
Powhatan  so  mnch,  that  within  ten  daysatler  Rolt<''s 
visit,  he  sent  in  one  of  liis  near  relatives  named 
( )pachiko,  together  with  two  ol"  his  sons,  to  se(^  (n« 
says  the  anthority  just  cited)  the  manner  of  the  mar- 
riage ;  and  to  d(»  in  that  behalf  what  they  were  re- 
(jwested  for  the  confirmation  thereof,  as  his  <lepiities. 
'J'he  ceremony  took  place  about  the  fu'st  of  A|>ril ; 
and  fi-om  that  time  until  th<'  <leath  of  the  empJTor, 
which  ha|)j)ened  in  Kil?^,  the  most  friendly  rela- 
tions wi-n'  unitbrmly  preserved  with  liimself  and 
with  his  subjects. 

There  an;  too  many  memorable  passages  in  the 
history  of  this  ceh^brated  chieftain,  and  too  many  re- 
mai'kable  traits  in  his  charact<'r,  to  be  passe<l  over 
with  a  mere  general  notice.  Ibit,  previous  to  any 
other  comment,  it  may  be  proper  to  mention  certain 
tacts  respecting  him,  which  belong  rather  to  the 
curious  than  to  the  characteristic  class.  In  the  case 
of  all  great  men,  as  well  as  of  many  noted  men  who 
are  not  great,  there  is  a  good  deal  of  information 
generally  to  hi;  gathered,  which  may  be  interesting 
without  being  strictly  important.  Powhatan  was 
both  a  great  and  a  noted  man,  thougli  a  savage  ;  and 
the  rude  circumstances  under  which  he  proved  him- 
self the  one,  and  made  himself  the  otlur,  should  only 
render  him  the  more  signally  an  object  of  popuiai* 
admiration  and  of  philosophical  regard. 

In  person,  he  is  descril)ed,  by  one  wlio  saw  bim 
frequently,  as  a  tall  well-j)roportioned  man,  with  a 
severe  aspect;  bis  head  slightly  gray  ;  his  beard  tfiin 
(as  that  of  the  Indians  always  is;)  and  "of  a  v»  ry 
able  and  hardy  body  to  endure  any  labor."  As  he 
ap[)eared  to  be  about  sixty  years  of  age,  when  the 
English  first  saw  him,  in  l(i07,  he  was  probably  about 
seventy  at  his  death.    He  troubled  himself  but  Tittle 


JiT 


48 


INDIAN    BIOOnAPHV. 


■i«(i'. 


ii   '    ^'  k 


with  pul)li<*  nflairs  (Inrinff  his  hist  yrnrs,  lonvinp  tho 
(•liHrg<^  (if  them  chiefly  to  Oprclmin'aiHUiirli,  as  his 
vicoroy,  and  taking'  his  own  pleasure  in  visiting  tlie 
various  |)arts  of*  his  dofuinions. 

We  have  ah'eady  liad  occasion  to  ol>sorvo,  tlint  ho 
had  as  many  as  threi;  or  fotir  jilaces  of  residence. 
VVerowocornoco  was  ahandoiied  for  Orapakes,  with 
the  view  of  keej)ing  at  an  a«rreeal)le  distance  from 
tlie  colonists.  Tin;  latter  hecann^  a  favorite  resort. 
Tiiere,  at  tin;  distance  of  a  mile  fiom  the  villa«;e,  he 
had  a  house  in  which  were  deposited  his  royalties 
and  his  revenu(? — skins,  copf)er,  heads,  red  paint, 
hows  and  arrows,  targets  and  cluhs.  Some  of  these 
tilings  were  reserved  fi)r  tin;  tinn;  of  liis  hurial ; 
otliers  were  the  resources  of  war.  The  house  itself 
was  more  than  one  hundred  feet  in  length — one  histo- 
rian says  fit\y  or  sixty  yards — and  as  it  seems  to  have 
been  frequentcul  otdy  hy  the  Indian  priests,  prol)al>ly 
a  sacred  character  attached  to  it  in  tli(!  minds  of  the 
multitude,  which  was  one  of  the  means  of  its  se- 
curity. Four  rudely-graven  images  of  wood  were 
stationed  at  the  four  corners  ;  one  rejiresenting  a 
dragon,  the  second  a  bear,  the  third  a  panther,  and  the 
fourth  a  gigantic-mnn — all  math;  evil-favoredly,  as  we 
are  told,  but  according  to  the  b(!Sl  workmanship  of 
tho  natives. 

The  state  which  Pow'hatan  adopted  as  emperor, 
appears  in  some  degree  from  the  preceding  details  of 
his  history.  He  is  said  to  have  kept  about  his  person 
from  forty  to  fifty  of  the  tallest  men  in  his  dominions  ; 
which  might  be  the  case  in  war,  and  upon  occasions 
of  parade  and  ceremony,  more  regularly  than  in 
peaceable  and  ordinary  times.  Every  night,  four 
sentinels  were  stationed  at  the  four  corners  of  his 
dwelling ;  and  at  each  half-hour  one  of  the  body- 
guard made  a  signal  to  the  four  sentinels.  Want  of 
vigilance  on  their  part  was  punished  with  the  most 
exemplary  strictness. 

According  to  the  universal  custom  of  the  North 
American  natives,  he  kept  as  many  wives  as  he 


^ 


inp  tho 

as  his 

iiig  the 

imt  ho 
idrncr. 
s,  with 
e  frt>ni 
rcHort. 
Ia«;«%  he 
oyaltioa 
I  paint, 
)f  thcso 
Inirial ; 
^o  its(?lf* 
iv,  histo- 
to  have 
irohahly 
3  of  the 
f  its  sc- 
fd  were 
itinj]^  a 
and  the 
y,  as  we 
isliip  of 

(mperor, 
itails  of 
person 
liinions ; 
*casions 
Itlian  in 
fit,  four 
of  his 
body- 
'ant  of 
le  most 

North 
as  he 


JNDIAN    BIOCiUAI'llY. 


49 


thoiijfht  proper;  and  is  r<'pn\s<'iil('d  to  havr  taken 
no  hltk  pleasure  in  their  society.  NVIien  the  I'njfhsh 
saw  liini  at  home,  reelinin;;  on  his  eoiieh  or  platform, 
there  was  al\N  ays  one  sitting  at  iiis  head,  and  another 
at  his  feet ;  and  when  he  sat,  two  of  them  seated 
tlieniselves  on  either  side  of  him.  At  his  meals,  one 
of  them  hroiight  him  water  in  u  wooden  platter  to 
wash  tiis  iiands,  h(;iore  and  atler  eating  ;  and  another 
attended  with  a  hunch  (»f  feathers  ft)r  a  towel.  Some 
were  the  daiight(.'rs,  and  had  l»een  the  wives  of  dis- 
tinguished rivals  and  enemies,  eonjpiered  in  hattio. 
When  he  heeann;  weary  of  tiiem,  he  transferred  them 
iia  presents  to  his  favorite  warriors. 

A  general  pnjof  of  tin;  talents  of  Powiiatan  may 
he  found  in  the  station  which  he  held,  as  well  as 
the  reputation  Ik;  enjoyed  tiir  and  wide  among  hisj 
countrymen.  The  Indian  trihes  are  (h'mocracies. 
He  who  ndes  over  them  mist  accpiire  and  sustain 
his  inriuence  hy  his  ahM)lute  intellect  and  <!nergy. 
Friends  and  family  may  jussist,  occasionally,  in  pro- 
curing rank  ;  hut  they  will  not  secure  the  perma- 
nent possession  of  it.  (f<Mierally,  therefore,  the  head- 
Sachem  may  be  looked  upon  as  cotnparativeiy  a 
model  of  those  qualities  which  his  countrymen  es- 
teem suitable  to  that  dignity.  He  nmst  not  only  be 
a  warrior,  brave,  hardy,  patient,  ami  indefatigable ; 
but  he  must  show  talents  for  controlling  the  fortunes 
and  commanding  tlie  respect  of  the  community 
which  he  governs. 

But  in  this  case  there  is  better  evidence ;  and  es- 
pecially in  the  ultimate  extent  of  Powhatan's  go- 
vernment ascomj)ared  with  his  hereditary  donunions. 
These  included  but  six  tribes  of  the  thirty  which 
were  finally  subject  to  him,  smd  all  which  must  have 
become  attached  to  his  rule  in  consequence  of  the 
character  maintained  and  the  measures  adopted  by 
himself.  Among  others  were  the  Chickahominies,  a 
very  warlike  and  proud  people,  numbering  from  two 
hundred  to  five  hundi'ed  warriors,  while  the  Powhat- 

E 


1   ; 


50 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPHY. 


I '  ,  1 


J 


r  i 


f 


ans  proper,  (the  oriirinal  nuclons,  so  t  o  speak,  of  the 
emperor's  dominion,)  numbered  less  than  a  hundred. 
The  fear  which  these  savages  entertain  ed  of  him  ap- 
pears on  many  occasions,  and  particularly  when  they 
embraced  an  opportunity,  in  1611,  of  e;tchangin*^  his 
yoke  for  that  of  the  English.  They  we  re  so  desirous 
of  this  change — or  in  other  words  of  procuring  what 
they  considered  the  protection  of  the  new  master 
against  the  power  of  the  old — thfit  they  offered  to 
adopt  a  national  name  indicating  their  subjection. 
A  peace  was  accordingly  concluded  on  condition — 

I.  That  thev  should  be  forever  called  Tassautessus 
[Englishmen,]  and  be  true  subjects  to  ICing  James 
and  his  deputies. 

II.  They  were  neither  to  kill  nor  detain  any  of 
the  colonists,  or  their  cattle,  but  to  return  them  on 
all  occasions. 

III.  They  should  stand  ready  to  furnish  three 
hundred  warriors  for  the  colony's  service,  against  the 
Spaniards  or  any  other  enemy. 

IV.  They  were  not  to  enter  the  English  settle- 
ments, but  ser  '  word  they  were  new  Englishmen, 
(an«Ql>scure  provision,  meant  to  prevent  confounding 
them  with  hostile  tribes.) 

V.  Every  fighting  man,  at  the  beginning  of  har- 
vest, was  to  pay  two  bushels  of  corn  as  a  tribute, 
receiving  the  same  number  of  hatchets  in  return. 

"C^I.  ^The  eight  chief  men  were  to  see  all  this  per- 
formed," on  forfeit  of  being  punished  themselves. 
Their  salary  was  to  be  a  red  coat,  a  copper  chain, 
the  picture  of  King  James,  .and  the  honor  of  being 
accounted  his  noblemen. 

This  treaty  was  concluded  with  a  general  assent, 
manifested  by  acclamation  ;  and  then  one  of  the  old 
men  began  speech,  addressing  himself  first  to  those 
of  his  own  age,  then  to  the  young,  and  lastly  to  the 
women  and  children,  a  nmltitude  of  whom  were 
present.  He  gave  them  to  undersand  how  strictly 
these  conditions  must  be  observed,  and  how  safe 


i  > 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPHY. 


51 


selves, 
chain, 

-J, 
i 

'  being 

- 

assent, 

he  old 

■ , 

)  those 

$ 

to  the 

<K 

were 

itrictly 
lY  sate 

J. 


thoy  should  then  be,  on  the  otlier  hand,  ^^from  the 
furie  of  Pdwhntad  or  any  enernie  whatHooiifr,"  * 
besides  beiji*^  furnished  with  arms  to  resist  them. 
The  name  '.jf  the  emperor,  it  will  he  observed,  U  not 
inserted  in  the  articles  of  peace  ;  there  was  sui)posed 
to  be  a  hazard,  ])rohal)ly,  of  its  comiuja^  to  his  ears ; 
and  he  had  then  himself  just  concluded  an  amicable 
treaty.  "  But  all  this,"  adds  our  historian,  "  was 
rather  for  feare  Powhatan  and  we  being  so  linked 
togeth(M*,  would  bring  them  again  to  his  subjection  : 
the  which  to  preuent,  they  did  rather  chuse  to  be 
protected  by  vs,  than  tormented  by  him,  whom  they 
held  a  Tyrant." 

We  have  seen,  that  of  the  whole  Indian  population 
between  the  sea-coast  and  the  Alleghany  from  east 
to  west,  and  between  the  borders  of  Carolina  and 
the  river  Patuxent  in  Maryland  from  south  to  north, 
all  who  were  not  subject  to  Powhatan's  domin- 
ions were  leagued  against  him.  The  former  class 
comprised  the  lowland  tribes ;  and  the  latter,  the 
mountaineers.  In  the  language  of  Stith,  the  Mon- 
acans  and  thelVIannahoacks  formed  a  confederacy 
against  the  power  and  tyranny  of  Powhatan.  Another 
writer  says,  that  he  also  fought  againsiiflie  famous 
Massawomekes ;  a  powerful  and  populous  nation, 
thought  to  be  situated  upon  a  great  salt-water,* 
"  which  by  all  probability  is  either  some  part  of 
Cannada,  some  great  lake,  or  some  inlet  of  some  sea 
that  falleth  into  the  South  Sea."  This  is  not  a  very 
definite  description,  even  for  Smith  to  give ;  but  the 
Massawomekes  are  generally  understood  to  have  been 
no  other,  we  believe,  than  the  celebrated  Five  Nations 
of  New  York.  At  all  events,  they  were  exceedingly 
troublesome  to  the  northernmost  tribes  of  Powhatan 
— which  might  be  a  principal  reason  why  they  sub- 
mitted the  more  willingly  to  him.  And  thus,  while 
the  greater  part  of  his  ovm  empire  was  a  conquered 
one,  he  was  environed  by  foreign  enemies  in  every 

*  Autliorities  referred  to  in  Smith's  History,  Vol.  II. 


1 


«   .\, 


n 


<x 


it., 


♦ 


fir   ■ 


If- 


52 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPHY. 


f  11' 


i\ 


direction,  including  the  civilized  colony  on  tl>e  sea- 
const. 

As  to  his  particular  system  of  war  and  conquest, 
we  are  not  minutely  informed.  Like  Indian  warfare 
in  other  sections  and  times,  it  is  said  to  have  con- 
sisted, in  a  {jreat  degree,  of  stratnjsrem  and  surprisal 
rather  than  force.  In  1(508,  a  rehelHon  which  arose 
among  the  Payuntatanks,  was  suppressed  in  the 
following  manner.  They  being  near  neighbors,  a 
number  of  his  own  tribe  was  sent  into  their  villages, 
who  under  some  disguise  or  false  pretence  obtained 
lodgings  over  night.  The  several  houses  were 
meanwhile  beset  with  ambuscades :  and  at  an  ap- 
pointed signal,  the  two  parties,  within  and  without, 
commenced  an  attack  at  the  same  moment.  Twenty- 
four  Payuntatanks  were  slain,  and  their  scalps  carried 
to  Powhatan,  who  kept  them  some  time  sq^qfiended  on 
a  line  between  two  trees,  as  a  tro[)hy.  Tlve  women  and 
children,  as  also  the  Werowance  or  Sachem,  were 
made  prisoners,  and  afterwards  slaves  or  servants. 

Powhatan's  warriors  were  regularly  and  thoroughly 
disciplined.  At  one  of  his  first  interviews  with  the 
English,  a  martial  parade  formed  part  of  the  enter- 
tain ment.>i||fr  wo  or  three  hundred  Indians  having 
painted  ana  disguised  themselves  in  the  fiercest  man- 
ner possible,  were  divided  into  two  companies,  one 
of  which  was  temporarily  styled  Powhatans  and  the 
other  Monacans.  Each  company  had  its  captain. 
They  stationed  themselves  at  about  a  musket-shot 
fi'om  each  other.  Fifteen  men  abreast  formed  the 
front  lin**  of  both,  and  the  remainder  ranked  them- 
selves in  the  rear  with  a  distance  of  four  or  five 
yards  from  rank  to  rank  ;  and  not  in  file,  but  in  the 
opening  between  the  files,  so  that  the  rear  could 
shoot  as  conveniently  as  the  front.  A  parley  now 
took  place,  and  a  formal  agreement  was  made  that, 
whoever  should  conquer,  such  warriors  as  survived 
their  defeat  should  have  two  days  allowed  them  for 
their  o\vn  submission,  while  their  wives  and  children 
should  at  once  become  prize  to  the  victor. 


m 


■M. 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPHY. 


53 


ii 


The  parties  advanced  against  each  otlier — a  sort 
of  sergeant  commanding  each  flank,  and  a  lieu- 
tenant the  rear:  and  the  entire  company  came  on 
leaping  and  singing  to  warlike  music,  but  every  man 
in  his  place.  On  the  fii-st  flight  of  arrows,  they 
raised  upon  both  sides  a'terriflc  clamor  of  shouts 
and  screeches.  "  When  they  had  spent  their  arrows, 
(writes  the  describer  of  this  scene,)  they  joined  togeth- 
er prettily,  charging  and  retiring,  every  rank  seconding 
the  other.  As  they  got  advantage,  they  caught  their 
enemies  by  the  hair  of  the  head,  and  down  he  came 
that  was  taken.  His  enemy  with  his  wooden  sword 
seemed  to  beat  out  his  brains,  and  still  they  crept  to  the 
rear  to  maintain  the  skirmish."  The  Monacan  party 
at  length  decreasins:,  the  Powhatans  charged  them 
in  the  form  of  a  lialf  moon.  The  former  retreat,  to 
>  >id  being  enclosed,  and  draw  their  pursuers  upon 
^'M  atnbuscade  of  fresh  men.  The  Powhatans  retire 
in  their  turn,  and  the  Monacans  take  this  opportunity 
of  resuming  their  iii*st  ground.  "All  their  actions, 
voices  and  gestures,  both  in  charging  and  retiring, 
were  so  strained  to  the  lieight  of  their  qualitie  and 
nature,  that  the  strangeness  thereof  made  itg^em  v<?ry 
delightful."  The  warlike  music  spoken  c^bove  was 
a  large  deep  platter  of  wood,  covered  with  skin 
drawn  so  tight  as  to  answer  the  pur|)ose  of  a  drum. 
They  also  used  rattles  made  of  small  gourds  or 
pompion-shells ;  and  all  these — it  may  well  be  sup- 
posed— mingled  with  their  voices,  sometimes  twenty 
or  thirty  together,  "  made  such  a  terrible  noise,  as 
would  rather  affright  than  delight  any  man." 

It  was  probably  by  no  little  drilling  of  this  descrip- 
tion WH  Powhatan  made  soldiers  of  his  subjects ; 
and  it  naturally  enough  mortified  him,  after  taking 
so  much  trouble  with  so  much  success,  to  see  them 
defeated  so  readily  as  they  were  by  the  English. 
The  chief  causey  too,  of  this  superiority,  was  a  matter 
of  wonder.  No  Indian  had  ever  before  seen  any 
thing  which  teflembled,  in  form  or  eflect,  the  fire- 
arms of  their  strange  enemy.    For  some  time,  there- 

E2 


i; 


'   I; 


54 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPirV. 


i 


I    -r'l 


fore,  their  fear  was  attended  with  a  superstition, 
against  which  no  courage  could  prevail.  But  Pow- 
hatan was  not  long  in  determining  at  all  events  to  put 
himself  on  equal  terms  with  the  colonists,  whatever 
might  he  the  hazard ;  and  from  that  moment  he 
spared  no  efforts  to  effect  his  purpose.  On  Newport's 
departure  for  England,  he  hargained  away  from  him 
twenty  swords  for  twenty  turkeys.  He  attempted  the 
same  trade  with  Smith  ;  and  when  the  latter  shrewd- 
ly declined  it,  his  eagerness  hecame  such,  we  are  told, 
"that  at  last  by  amhuscadoes  at  our  very  gjites  they 
[the  Powhatans]  would  take  them  per  force,  surprise 
vs  at  worke,  or  any  way."*  Some  of  these  trou- 
blesome fellows  being  seized  and  threatened,  they 
confessed  that  the  emperor  had  ordered  them  to  get 
possession  of  the  English  arms,  or  at  least  some  of 
them,  cost  what  it  might. 

He  availed  himself,  with  great  ingenuity,  of  a  dis- 
position among  some  of  the  colonists  to  trade  pri- 
vately in  these  contraband  articles ;  and  in  that  way 
obtained  large  quantities  of  shot,  powder  and  pike- 
heads.  So,  upon  Smith's  departure  for  the  settle- 
ment, afUfchis  famous  visit,  in  December,  1608,  he 
artfully  r^uested  the  captain  "to  leaue  him  Edward 
Brynton  to  kille  him  foule,  and  the  Dutchmen  to  fin- 
ish his  house"  This  house,  we  have  seen,  was  aban- 
doned; and  as  for  fowl,  the  idea  of  employing  an 
Englishman  to  hunt  for  his  Powhatans  was  absurd. 
He  had  no  objection,  however,  to  Brynton's  gun  or 
his  martial  services.  The  Germans  he  was  probably 
sure  of  already.  They  proved  traitors  to  the  colony, 
and  soon  afler  \v^  find  them  diligently  engaged  in 
arming  and  instructing  the  savages.  One  ot  them 
subsequently  stated,  that  the  emperor  kept  them  at 
work  for  him  in  duresse.  He  himself  sent  answer 
to  Smith's  demand  for  them,  that  they  were  at  Uber- 
ty  to  go  if  they  chose — but  as  for  carrying  them  fifty 
miles  on  his  back,  he  was  not  able.    The  adroitness 


-.1 


*  Smith's  History,  Vol.  I. 


# 


irstition, 
lit  Pow- 
its  to  put 
whatever 
lent  he 
3wport's 
om  him 
pted  the 
shrewd- 
are  told, 
tes  they 
surprise 
36  trou- 
3d,  they 
n  to  get 
lome  of 

)f  a  dis- 

ide  pri- 

hat  way 

d  pike- 

?  settle - 

608,  he 

j^dward 

I  to  Jin- 

is  aban- 

ang  an 

absurd. 

gun  or 

robably 

colony, 

uzed  in 

ir  them 

lem  at 

answer 

liber- 

5m  fifty 

oitness 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPHT. 


55 


with  which  he  obtained  arms  at  Jamestown,  durinj^ 
Smith's  absence,  has  already  been  the  subject  of 
comment. 

The  implicit  obedience  which  he  exacted  of  his 
o^vn  subjects,  notwithstanding  the  apparently  preca- 
rious tenure  by  which  he  held  his  command,  is  a 
striking  indication  of  the  extent  of  his  mere  personal 
influence.  "When  he  listeth,"  says  an  old  writer, 
"  his  will  is  a  law,  and  must  be  obeyed  :  not  onely  as 
a  King,  but  as  halfe  a  God,  they  csteeme  him.  What 
he  commandeth  they  dare  not  disobey  in  the  least 
thing.  At  his  feete  they  present  whatsoever  he  com- 
mandeth, and  at  the  least  froune  of  his  browe,  their 
greatest  spirits  will  tremble  with  feare."  This  sub- 
ordination was  sustained  by  measures  which,  for  se- 
verity and  courage,  would  do  no  discredit  to  the  most 
absolute  despot  of  the  Eastern  world.  On  one  occa- 
sion, certain  offend<;rs  wore  burned  to  death  in  the 
midst  of  an  immense  heap  of  glowing  coals,  collect- 
ed from  many  fires  made  for  the  purpose.  A  more 
merciful  punishment  was  by  braining  the  criminal 
with  a  club,  as  Smith  was  to  have  been  sacrificed. 
The  most  horrible  was  fastening  the  poor  wretch  to 
a  tree,  breaking  his  joints  one  by  one,  and  then 
whittling  down  the  body  with  reeds  and  shells. 
Thrashing  with  cudgels  was  no  trifle.  Smith  says 
he  saw  a  man  subjected  to  this  discipline  under  the 
hands  of  two  of  his  practised  countiymen,  till  he 
fell  prostrate  and  senseless  ;  but  he  uttered  no  cry  or 
complaint. 

The  extraordinary  native  shrewdness  of  Powhatan 
was  abundantly  manifested  in  the  amusing  advan- 
tages he  obtained  over  Newport ;  his  long  and  artful 
conversations  with  Smith,  some  of  them  sustained 
under  the  most  embarrassing  circumstances,  merely 
to  procure  time;  the  promptness  with  which  he 
rejected  and  defeated  the  pro|)osal  to  make  common 
cause  against  the  Monacans — a  bait,  as  he  expressed 
it,  too  foolish  to  be  taken  ;  and,  in  fine,  upon  every 
occasion  when  the  English  undertook  to  negotiate  or 


f1 


\\ 

i 


* 


r 


Ill 


I 


56 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPHY. 


to  argue  with  him.  He  availed  himself  most  essen- 
tially of  the  aid  of  the  German  ch'serters  heretofore 
mentioned,  hut  he  had  too  much  sagacity  to  trust 
them  after  they  deserted  himself;  and  so,  when  two 
of  them  fled  to  him  a  second  time,  with  proposals 
for  delivering  his  great  rival,  Captain  Smith,  into 
his  hands,  he  only  observed,  that  men  who  betrayed 
the  captain  would  betray  the  emperor,  and  forthwith 
ordered  the  scoundrels  to  be  brained  upon  the  spot.* 

Powhatan,  like  many  others  of  his  race,  has  been 
regarded  with  prejudice  for  the  very  reasons  which 
entitle  him  to  respect.  He  was  a  troublesome  enemy 
to  the  colonists.  His  hostile  influence  extended  for 
hundreds  of  miles  around  them ;  cutting  off  com- 
merce with  the  natives  in  the  first  place,  and  making 
inveterate  enemies  of  them  in  the  next.  Powhatan, 
we  are  told,  "still  as  he  found  means  cut  off  their 
boats,  and  denied  them  trade  ;"f  and  again,  "as  for 
corne,  contribution  and  provision  from  the  salvages, 
we  had  nothing  but  moitall  wounds,  with  clubs  and 
arrowes."  Here,  too,  we  find  the  emperor  availing 
himself  of  the  disasters  and  despair  of  the  colony,  to 
procure  swords,  muskets  and  ammunition — so  reck- 
less  had  the  colonists  become  through  famine. 

Still,  it  does  not  appear,  that  Powhatan  adopted 
any  policy  but  such  as  he  believed  indispensable  to 
the  welfare,  not  to  say  the  existence,  of  his  sovereign 
dominions.  His  warfare  was  an  Indian  warfare,  in- 
deed. But  setting  aside  those  circumstances  of 
education  and  of  situation  which  rendered  this  a 
matter  both  of  pride  and  necessity,  it  may  be  safely 
said,  that  he  but  followed  the  example  of  those  who 
should  have  known  better.  Not  only  did  he  act 
generally  in  self-defence  against  what  he  deemed  the 
usurpation  of  a  foreign  and  unknown  people,  who 
had  settled  without  nermission  upon  his  shores  ;  but 
he  was  galled  and  px.    oked  by  peculiar  provocatiom 


*  Stith  Book  HI. 

t  Authorities  in  Sm'  Ji's  History,  Vol.  H 


ti 


liii 


INDIAN    BIOGRArilT. 


57 


t 


essen- 
etofore 
0  trust 
en  two 
Dposals 
h,  into 
jtrnyed 
thwith 
;  spot.* 
8  been 
which 
enemy 
led  for 
F  com- 
naking 
vhatan, 
ft'  their 
*as  for 
ilvages, 
lbs  and 
vailing 
ony,  to 
reek- 
opted 
able  to 
ereign 
re,  in- 
es  of 
his  a 
safely 
e  who 
le  act 
d  the 
,  who 
but 
atiom 


in  niimprous  instnncos.  The  morn  libnrty  of  raking 
possession  of  a  part  of  his  territory  niij^ht  liave 
been  overlooked.  Probably  it  was  so.  In  the  earli- 
est days  of  the  settleinrnr,  when  nothin*?  could  bo 
easier  for  Powhatan  than  to  e\tin«ruish  it  at  a  sinj^le 
assault,  it  is  aeknowledfjefi  that  his  [)eople  often 
visited  the  Vav  d  treated  them  with  kindness.'* 

Not  long  aflerwani  indeed,  they  eninjnitted  some 
trrs|)asses,  but  meanwhile  a  parr  o./  the  English 
had  invaded  the  interior  of  the  country.  Consider- 
ing the  dissohite  and  unprinci|)l<Ml  character  of  a 
large  part  of  them,  it  is  not  improbable  that  still 
greater  freedom  was  exercised  with  the  Indians ; 
such  of  course  as  the  historians  would  be  likely 
neither  to  record  nor  to  know.  And  yet  Smith  him- 
seif  has  told  enough — o/ himself — to  make  this  point 
clehr.  in  his  very  first  expedition  after  corn,  seeing, 
he  says,  "  that  by  trade  and  courtesie  nothing  was  to 
be  had,  he  made  bold  to  try  such  conclusions  as  neces- 
s^'lie  inforced."  He  let  fly  a  volley  of  musketry,  ran 
his  boats  ashori?,  skirmished  with  the  natives,  and 
forcibly  obtained  a  supply  of  provisions.  And  thus 
— adds  the  s(  i  spulous  captain— 

"  Tlius  God  vnhoundlesse  by  his  power 
Made  them  so  kinde  would  vs  devour.** 

It  was  nothing  to  the  emperor,  or  to  his  subjects, 
that  Smith  went  beyond  his  authority  in  these  mat- 
ters. "  The  patient  councill  " — he  writes  in  another 
connexion — "that  nothing  would  moue  to  warre 
with  the  saluages,  would  gladly  have  wrangled  with 
Captaine  Smithe  for  his  crueltie."  He  adds,  that  his 
proceedings — his  conclusions,  is  his  own  language — 
had  inspired  the  natives  with  such  fear,  that  his  very 
name  was  a  terror.  No  wonder  that  he  sometimes 
had  peace  and  war  twice  in  a  day.  No  wonder  that 
scarcely  a  week  passed  witliout  some  villany  or 
other.  Again,  when  the  Chickahominies  refused  to 
trade,  the  President,  "  percieving  [supposing]  it  was 

*  Ibid,  Vol.  I 


1 


i 


fl 


'  ' 


f 


n 


II 


S 


58 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPIIV. 


landed 


Powhatan's  policy  to  starve  liim,"  lanaea  j»is  com- 
pany forthwith,  and  made  such  a  show  of  an^er  and 
ammunition  that  th«  poor  savages  presently  brought 
in  all  their  provisions. 

So  we  are  sumniar''  iiitortned  in  Mr.  Hamer's 
relation,  that  about  Christmus  (ir)ll)"in  regard  of 
the  iniurie  done  vs  by  them  of  Apamatuk,  Sir  Thomas 
Dale,  without  the  losse  of  any  except  some  few  Sal- 
vap!;es"  took  possession  of  the  territory  and  i>rovisiou 
of  the  tribe,  made  a  settlement  upon  the  former  with- 
out ceremonv,  and  called  it  New  Bermudas!  One 
more  illustration  must  suttice.  It  is  a  passage  of 
Smith's  history  relating  to  a  detachment  of  vagabonds, 
under  the  command  of  one  West,  who  letl  James- 
town, and  located  themselves  not  fai'  from  P' -'hatan's 
residence  at  the  falls  of  the  river.  "  But  ,  .e  worst 
was,  that  the  poore  Salvages  that  daily  brought  in 
their  contributions  to  the  President,  that  disorderly 
company  so  tormented  these  poore  soules,  by  stealing 
their  corne,  robbing  their  gardens,  beating  them, 
breaking  their  houses,  and  keeping  some  prisoners, 
that  they  daily  complained  to  Captaine  Smith  he  had 
brought  them  for  Protectors  worse  enemies  than  the 
Monacans  themselves,  which  though  till  then  for  his 
love  they  had  endured,  they  desired  pardon  if  here- 
after they  defended  themselves — since  he  would  not 
correct  them  as  they  had  long  expected  he  would." 
A  most  reasonable  determination,  civilly  and  candidly 
expressed. 

But,  whatever  may  be  said  of  the  motives  or  method 
of  the  warfare  of  Powhatan,  it  must  be  acknowledged 
that  his  character  appears  to  no  disadvantage  in 
peace.  We  cannot  but  admire  the  Roman  dignity 
with  which  he  rejected  all  offers  of  compromise,  so 
long  as  the  English  seemed  disposed  to  take  advan- 
tage of  their  own  wrong  in  the  violent  seizure  of 
Pocahontas.  They  knew  that  this  was  his  favorite 
child,  and  they  presumed  on  the  strength  of  his  at- 
tachment. But,  much  as  her  situation  troubled  him, 
he  would  not  sacrifice  his  honor  so  far  as  to  nego- 


;^ 


w? 


* 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPHY. 


59 


Ills  coni- 
iii^er  and 
r  brought 

Harrier's 
regard  of 
r  Thomas 
few  Sal- 
provision 
nor  with- 
as !  One 
lasage  of 
igabonds, 
i\  James- 

--'hatan's 

^e  worst 
•ought  in 
lisorderly 
»y  steahng 
ng  them, 
prisoners, 
th  he  had 

than  the 
en  for  his 
if  here- 
k^ould  not 
would." 

candidly 

r  method 
wledged 
ntage   in 

dignity 
mise,  so 
e  advan- 

zure  of 

favorite 
his  at- 

ed  him, 
[0  nego- 


I 


tinte  for  hrr  restoration  on  derogatory'  terms.  He 
wasatllicted,  hut  lie  was  still  more  ineensed.  When, 
however,  he  ascertained,  l»y  sending  his  sons  to  visit 
her,  that  she  was  well  trejited,  and  in  good  health, 
(though,  we  are  somewhere  told,  "they  had  heard  to 
the  eontrarie,")  he  began  to  think  better  of  the  oders 
of  peaee.  Then  came  Rolfe  "to  aeipiaint  him  with 
the  businesse,"  and  kindly  he  was  entertained, 
though  not  admitted  to  the  presence  of  Powhatan. 
Tlie  young  gentieman  explained  himself,  however, 
to  the  emperor's  broilier ;  and  the  latter  promised  to 
intercede  li)r  him,  as  did  also  tlie  two  sons.  Their 
explanations  proved  successlul.  The  emperor  wa« 
not  only  convinced  that  his  daughter  was  entertained 
civilly  by  the  English,  but  he  was  pleased  with  the 
honorable  intentions  and  touclied  i)y  the  passionate 
and  tender  affection  of  Rolfe.  No  sooner,  therefore, 
did  the  time  appointed  for  the;  marriage  come  to  his 
knowledge — and  no  doubt  Rolfe  had  already  had 
the  politic  courtesy  to  ap|)ly  for  his  consent — than 
he  despatched  three  members  of  his  own  family  to 
confirm  the  ceremony.  "  And  ever  since,"  adds  the 
historian,  "  we  have  had  friendly  trade  and  conunerce, 
as  well  with  Powhatan  hiiiiselfe,  as  all  his  subjects." 
So  jealous  were  he  and  they  of  injustice  ;  and  so 
susceptible  were  they,  at  the  same  time,  of  mild  and 
magnanimous  impressions. 

We  find  characteristic  anecdotes,  to  the  same 
effect,  in  the  curious  account  Mi*.  Hamer  has  lefl  on 
record  of  a  visit  which  he  paid  the  emperor  in  1614, 
soon  after  the  conclusion  of  peace.  After  some 
conversation  upon  business  matters,  the  visiter  was 
invited  to  Powhatan's  own  residence,  where  was  a 
guard  of  two  hundred  warriors,  which,  (as  Mr.  Hamer 
supposes,)  always  attended  his  person.  Having  offer- 
ed that  gentleman  a  pipe  of  tobacco,  he  immediately 
inquired  after  the  health  of  Sir  Thomas  Dale,  at 
that  time  President,  and  then  of  his  own  daughter 
and  her  husband ;  wishing  to  know  especially  how 
these  two  liked  each  other.    Hamer  answered,  that 


i 


I  .   9 


t' 


60 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPHY. 


\  i  ^ 


'   ■  fll 


!i:4 


Sir  Thomas  was  perfectly  well ;  and  as  for  Pora- 
hontas,  she  was  so  eoiiteiited,  that  she  never  vvoulil 
return  to  her  father's  court  airaiii  if  she  could.  Pow- 
hatan lauf^hed  lu'artily  at  this  reply,  and  soon  afler 
asked  the  particular  cause  of  Mr.  Hauler's  pnisent 
visit.  On  heini;  told  it  was  private,  he  ordered  his 
attendants  to  leave  the  house,  excepting  only  the  two 
females — said  to  have  hcen  Indian  <pieens — who  al- 
ways sat  by  liim,  and  then  hade  iMr.  Hanier  proceed 
with  his  messa«(e. 

The  latter  began  with  saying,  that  he  was  the  bearer 
of  sundry  presents  from  Sir  Thomas  Dale,  which 
were  dt^livered  accordingly,  much  to  the  emperor's 
satisfaction.  He  tlien  added,  that  Sir  Thomas,  hear- 
ing of  the  fame  of  tin;  emperor's  youngest  daughter, 
was  di'siroiis  of  obtaining  her  hand  in  marriage.  He 
conceived,  there  could  not  be  a  finer  bond  of  union 
between  the  two  |)i>o{)le,  than  such  a  connexion  ; 
and  besides,  lier  sister  Pocahontas  was  exceedingly 
anxious  to  see  her  at  Jamestown.  He  hoped  that 
Powhatan  would  at  least  oblige  himself  so  much,  as 
to  suffer  her  to  visit  tJie  colony  when  he  should  re- 
turn. 

Powhatan  more  than  once  came  very  near  inter- 
rupting the  delivery  of  this  message.  But  he  control- 
led himself,  and  replied  with  great  gravity  to  the 
effect,  that  he  gladly  accepted  the  President's  saluta- 
tion of  love  and  peace,  which  he  certainly  should 
cherish  so  long  as  he  lived  ;  that  he  received  with 
many  thanks  the  presents  sent  him  as  pledges  thereof; 
but  that,  as  for  his  daughter,  he  had  sold  her,  only  a 
few  days  before,  to  a  great  Werowance,  living  at  the 
distance  of  three  days'  journey,  lor  three  bushels  of 
Rawrenoke  [Roanoke].  Hamer  took  the  liberty  to 
rejoin,  that  a  prince  of  his  greatness  might  no  doubt 
recall  his  daughter,  if  he  would — especially  as  she  was 
only  twelve  years  of  age — and  that  in  such  a  case  he 
should  receive  for  her  from  the  President,  three  times 
the  worth  of  the  Roanoke,  in  beads,  copper  and 
hatchets. 


-TT^. 


INDIAN    nU)r.RArHY. 


61 


Porft- 

vvould 

Povv- 

\  utler 

till  his 
lie  two 
/ho  al- 
roceed 

honrcr 
wliich 
pcror's 
«,  hear- 
lighter, 
8.  He 
^  union 
lexion ; 
pdingly 
ed  that 
lUeh,  as 
aid  re- 

inter- 
lontrol- 
to  the 
sahita- 
ahould 
d  with 

I  ere  of; 
only  a 
at  the 

II  els  of 
;rty  to 

doubt 
Ihe  was 
[ase  he 

times 
ir  and 


To  this  Powhatan  readily  rejoin*vl,  tliat  lie  loved 
Ills  (laughter  as  his  hti* ;  and  though  Im>  hail  many 
chilih'en,  ho  (jriiirhtcd  in  her  most  of  all.  lie  could 
not  live  without  seeing  her,  and  that  would  h(>  irn- 
possihie  if  she  went  among  tlu'  colonists,  for  he  hnd 
resolvdl  upon  no  arrounl  to  put  himself  in  their  pviv^r, 
or  to  visit  them.  He  therefore  desired  Mr.  Hamer  to 
say  no  rnon*  upon  the  siihject  ;  hut  to  tell  the  I'resi- 
<ient  ill  his  name.  1.  That  he  desin-d  no  other  as- 
surance of  tin?  Presidents  friendship  than  his  word 
which  was  already  pledged.  He  had  himself,  on  tiio 
other  hand,  already  giv<n  such  assurance;  in  the  pci-- 
son  of  I'ocahontas.  One  urns  siijfieient^  he  thought,  at 
one  time ;  tvhen  she  dieil,  he  ivouln  substitute  nnother  in 
her  stead.  JJiit,  meanwhile,  he  should  consider  it  no 
brotherly  part  to  bereave  him  of  two  children  at  once. 
ti.  Though  he  gav(!  7io  |)le(lge,  the  Pn-sident  ought 
not  to  distrust  him  or  his  people.  There  had  been 
already  lives  enough  lost  on  both  sides  ;  and  by  his 
fault  there  sliould  never  be  any  more.  He  had 
grown  old,  and  desired  to  die  peaceably.  He  should 
hardly  figlit  even  tl)r  just  cause  ;  the  country  was 
wide  enough  and  he  would  rather  retreat.  "Thus 
nuich,"  he  concluded,  "  I  hope  will  satisfy  my 
brother.  And  so  here,  as  you  are  weary  anrl  sleepy, 
we  will  end."  He  then  onlered  a  supper  and  good 
lodgings  for  his  guest,  and  the  latter  took  his  leave 
for  the  night. 

Early  the  next  morning,  Powhatan  himself  visited 
Mr.  Hamer  at  his  lodging-place,  and  invited  him  to 
return  to  his  own  wigwam.  There  he  entertained 
him  in  his  handsomest  manner.  The  time  pjissed 
pleasantly,  and  Mr.  Hamer  began  to  feel  at  home. 
15y  and  by  came  in  an  Englishman,  one  who  had 
been  surprised  in  a  skirmish  three  years  before  at 
Fort  Henry,  and  detained  ever  since.  He  was  so 
completely  savage  in  his  complexion  and  dress,  that 
Hamer  only  recognised  him  by  his  voice.  He  now 
asked  that  gentleman  to  obtain  leave  tor  him  to  re- 
turn with  him  to  the  colony ;  and  the  request  was 


i 


il      i 


i:  I 


INDIAN    BIOORAPHV. 


accordingly  made,  and  even  pressed.  The  emperor 
waa  vexed  at  len^h.  "Mr.  I  lamer,"  said  he,  "you 
have  one  of  my  daughters,  and  I  am  eontent.  But 
you  cannot  see  one  of  your  men  with  me,  but  you 
must  have  him  away  or  break  fi-iendship.  But  take 
him,  if  you  will.  In  that  e?ise,  however,  you  must  go 
home  without  guides  [which  were  generally  offered 
the  English  on  these  occasions]:  and  if  any  evil 
befalls  you,  thank  yourselves." 

Hamer  replied  that  he  would  do  so ;  but  he  would 
not  answer  for  the  consequences,  if  any  accident 
should  happen.  The  empj^ror  was  incensed  at  this, 
and  leff  tiim  ;  but  he  anj)ear(>d  again  at  supper  time, 
feasted  his  guest  with  liis  best  tare,  and  conversed 
cheerfully.  About  midnight  he  roused  Hamer  from 
a  nap,  to  tell  him  he  had  concluded  to  let  Parker 
(the  captive,]  go  with  him  in  the  morning.  But  he 
must  renjin(i  Sir  Thomas  to  send  him,  in  consider- 
ation thereof,  ten  large  pieces  of  copper,  a  shaving- 
knife,  a  grindstone,  a  net,  and  sundry  fish-hooks  and 
other  small  matters.  For  fear  Hamer  should  forget 
these  particulars,  he  made  him  write  a  list  of  them 
in  what  the  historians  call  a  table-book^  which  he 
produced.  "  However  he  got  it,"*  says  the  narrator, 
"  it  was  a  faire  one,  and  I  desired  hee  would  give  it 
me."  Powhatan  evaded  this  modest  request  by  say- 
ing that  he  kept  it  to  show  to  wtrangers ;  but  when 
his  gurst  left  him  in  the  morning,  he  furnished  him 
and  his  attendants  with  ample  provision  for  his  jour- 
ney, gave  each  of  them  a  buck's-skin,  "as  well 
dressed  as  could  be,"  and  sent  two  more  to  his  son- 
in-law  and  his  daughter. 

There  is  much  matter  for  refle<'tion  in  this  simple 
narrative.  The  sagacity  of  Powhatan  in  discerning 
the  true  object  of  the  visit,  is  worthy  of  the  fearless 
dignity  with  which  he  exposed  it.    He  gave  little 

*  Probably  of  some  English  captive.  Smith  wrote  his  fa- 
mous letter  to  Jamestown,  duriog  his  first  captivity,  on  what  he 
calls  the  leaf  of  a  table-book. 


I 


ii 


i! 


INDIAN    DIOGRAPHY. 


63 


npfTor 
»  "  you 
.  But 
ut  you 
It  take 
Hist  go 
oftVred 
iy  evil 

would 
ccident 
at  til  in, 
;r  time, 
iverseci 
^r  from 
Parker 
But  ho 
insider- 
liaving- 
jks  and 
I  forget 
►f  them 
ich  he 
irrator, 
give  it 
>y  say- 
when 
ed  him 
is  jour- 
Bs   well 
is  son- 
simple 
ceruing 
fearless 
/e  little 


H 


;e 


his  fa- 
what  he 


heed,  it  would  seem,  to  the  pretext  of  marriage ;  and 
considering  only  the  age  of  his  <langht«'r — rspecially 
as  eompareil  with  the  President's — there  was  rejison 
enough  why  he  should.  His  eonjcctures  \v«'n'  un- 
douhtedly  correct,  and  he  had  some  right  to  he  otfcnd- 
ed  at  the  jealousy  which  was  still  harhored  hy  the 
colonists.  Stitli  expressly  slates,  that  the  policy  of 
Sir  Thomas  was  merely  to  ohtain  an  additional 
pledge  for  the  preservation  of  peace,* 

The  at^'ection  which  Powhatan  h  re  manifests  or 
his  children,  his  hospitality  even  to  one  wIk  took 
liherties  u|)on  the  strength  of  it,  his  liluTali'y,  the 
resolution  with  which  lie  maintained  r»eace  vhile  he 
still  evideiuly  distrusted  the  Knglish  honor,  his  read, 
evasions  and  intelligent  rea.soiiing,  his  sensihility  n) 
insult  which  he  nevertheless  thought  it  hen'^uth  him 
to  resent,  are  all  easily  to  be  jiereeived  ii.  fiis  ui- 
Btance,  and  are  well  worthy  to  he  regard'.d  among 
other  evidences  of  his  temper  and  genius. 

His  self-command  and  his  chivalrous  courtesy,  on 
every  former  occasion,  wouhl  have  done  no  dishonor, 
in  another  country  and  time,  to  the  lio:>-hearted 
monarch  of  England  himself.  In  this  respect  he  was 
well  matched  with  Smith ;  and  it  is  not  the  least  in- 
teresting point  in  the  common  history  of  the  two,  to 
olwerve  the  singular  union  of  suavity  and  energy 
with  which  both  effected  their  purposes.  Immediately 
after  delivering  the  celebrated  it  ■»!*'  which  he  sent 
to  Newport's  proposal  oy  Smith,  tae  historian  adds 
that,  "  many  other  discourses  they  had,  (yet  both 
content  to  give  each  other  content  in  complimentcdl 
courtesies)  and  so  Captain  Sriith  retunied  with  his 
answer."  In  the  same  style,  when  Newport  came 
himself— perceiving  his  purpose  was  to  discover  and 
invade  the  Monacuns — we  are  told  that  he  "refused 
to  lend  him  either  men  or  guides  more  than  Noman- 
tack,  and  so  after  some  complimentall  kindnesse  on 
both  sides,"  he  presented  the  disappointed  captain 

*  History,  p.  133. 


64 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPHY. 


lUi 


■ 


with  soveii  or '^ji^'lit  bushels  of  rorii,an(l  wished  him  a 
pleasant  jour^'V  to  Jamostown.  He  would  not  suffer 
so  brave  a  ik.ui  .is  Smith  to  be  eveti  beheaded,  with- 
out having  first  ordered  two  of  his  queens  to  serve 
him  with  water  and  a  bunch  of  feathers,  and  then 
feasted  him  in  what  the  victim  himself  considered 
his  best  barbarous  manner.  It  is  very  evident  there 
was  neither  fear  nor  hypocrisy  in  any  of  these  cases. 

None  of  the  noble  traits  we  have  mentioned  lose 
any  of  their  charm  from  being  connected,  as  they  are, 
with  the  utmost  simplicity  of  barbarism.  The  read- 
er of  these  times,  therefore,  may  be  allowed  to  smile 
at  the  pertinacity  with  which  this  mighty  warrior  and 
renowned  monarch  insisted  upon  Parker's  being  ran- 
somed in  fish-hooks ;  and  the  saienm  gravity  with 
whicli  he  divested  himself  of  his  mantle  and  old  shoes 
for  the  gratification  and  reward  of  Newi)ort.  The 
presents  sent  to  him  by  Sir  Thomas  Dale  were  two 
pieces  of  copper,  five  strings  of  white  and  blue 
beads,  five  wooden  combs,  ten  fish-hooks,  and  a  pair 
of  knives — not  to  mention  the  promise  of  a  grindstone, 
whenever  he  should  send  for  it — clearly  a  much  bet- 
ter bargain  for  his  daughter,  had  he  wished  to  dis- 
pose of  her,  than  the  two  bushels  of  Roanoke.  The 
Werowances  and  queens  of  conquered  nations  wait- 
ed upon  him  at  his  meals,  as  humbly  as  certain  kings 
of  the  middle  ages  are  said  to  have  waited  upon  the 
Pope ;  but  unlike  his  Holiness,  Powhatan  could  make 
bis  own  robes,  shoes,  bows,  firrows,  and  pots,  besides 
plantifig  his  corn  for  exercise,  and  hunting  deer  for 
amusement.  The  Indians  generally  subsisted  on 
fish  in  the  spring,  and  lived  light  for  some  months 
after ;  but  "  Powhatan,  their  great  king,  and  some 
others  that  are  provident,  rost  their  fish  and  flesh 
vpon  hurdles,  and  keepe  it  till  scarce  times."* 

In  fine,  it  would  seem,  that  no  candid  ])erson  can 
read  the  history  of  this  famous  Indian,  with  an  at- 

*  Smith's  account  of  the  Natural    Inhabitants  of 

ViROINU, 


'I 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPHY. 


65 


(1  him  a 
It  suffer 
1,  witli- 
to  serve 
1(1  then 
isidered 
lit  there 
e  cases, 
led  lose 
hey  are, 
le  read- 
to  smile 
rior  and 
ing  ran- 
ity  with 
Id  shoes 
t.  The 
ere  two 
id  blue 
d  a  pair 
idstone, 
ich  bet- 
to  dis- 
\  The 
IS  wait- 
n  kings 
pon  the 
d  make 
besides 
leer  for 
;ted  on 
months 
d  some 
d  flesh 

3on  can 
I  an  at- 


11 


tentive  consideration  of  the  circumstances  under 
which  he  was  placed,  without  forming  a  high  esti- 
mate of  his  character  as  a  warrior,  a  statesman  and  a 
patriot.  His  deficiencies  were  those  of  education  and 
not  of  genius.  His  faults  were  those  of  the  people 
whom  he  governed  and  of  the  period  in  which  he 
lived.  His  great  talents,  on  the  other  hand,  were  his 
own ;  and  these  are  acknowledged  even  by  those 
historians  who  still  regard  him  with  prejudice.  Stith 
calls  him  a  prince  of  excellent  sense  and  parts,  and  a 
great  master  of  all  the  savage  arts  of  government  and 
policy.  He  adds,  that  he  was  penetrating,  crafly,  in- 
sidious and  cruel.  "  But  as  to  the  great  and  moral 
arts  of  pohcy,"  he  concludes,  "such  as  truth,  faith, 
uprightness  and  magnanimity,  they  seemed  to  have 
been  but  little  heeded  or  regarded  by  him."  Burk's 
opinion  appears  to  us  more  correct.  In  the  cant  of 
civilisation,  (says  that  exceHent  historian,)  he  will 
doubtless  be  branded  with  the  epithets  of  tyrant  and 
barbarian:  But  his  title  to  greatness,  though  his 
opportunities  were  fewer,  is  to  the  full  as  fair  as  that 
of  Tamerlane  or  Kowli  Khan,  and  several  others 
whom  history  has  immortalized  ;  while  the  proofs 
of  his  tyranny  are  by  no  means  so  clear.  Still,  it 
might  have  been  as  reasonable  to  say,  that  there  are 
no  such  proofs  in  being.  The  kind  of  martial  law 
which  the  emperor  sometimes  exercised  over  his 
own  subjects,  was  not  only  a  matter  of  custom, 
founded  on  the  necessity  which  must  always  exist 
among  ignorant  men  ;  but  it  was  a  matter  of  license, 
which  had  grown  into  constitutional  law,  by  common 
consent.  It  has  been  justly  observed,  that  there  is  no 
possibility  of  a  true  despotism  under  an  Indian 
government.  It  is  reason  that  governs, — nominally 
at  least — and  the  authority  is  only  the  more  efiectuaJ, 
as  the  obedience  \a  more  voluntary, 

F3 


INTS    of 


66 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPHY. 


CHAPTER  III. 


VJi 


The  family  of  Powhatan — His  siiccossor — Sequel  of  the  his- 
tory of  Pocahontas — Her  acts  of  kindness  to  the  eolonists  at 
various  times,  and  especially  to  Smith — His  gratitude — Her 
civilisation,  and  instruction  in  Christianity — Her  visit  to 
England  in  1616 — Reception  at  Court — Interview  with 
Smith — His  memorial  respecting  her  to  Queen  Anne — Her 
death  and  character — Her  descendants. 


m 


The  family  of  Powli atari  was  numerous  and  influ- 
ential. Two  sons  and  two  daugliters  liave  already 
been  mentioned.  There  were  also  three  brothers 
younger  than  himself;  and  upon  them  successively, 
according  to  their  several  ages,  custom  seems  to 
have  required  that  the  government  should  devolve 
afler  his  own  death.  The  eldest,  Opitchipan,*  ac- 
cordingly succeeded  him,  in  form  at  least.  But  this 
prince  was  an  inactive  and  imambitious  man — ow- 
ing in  some  degree  perhaps  to  his  being  decrepid  ; 
and  he  was  soon  thrown  into  the  shade  by  the  supe- 
rior energy  and  talent  of  0[)echancanough,  who 
before  many  years  engrossed  in  fact  the  whole  f)ower 
of  the  government.  Of  the  younger  brother,  Keka- 
TAUGH,  scarcely  any  thing  is  known.  He  propably 
died  before  any  opportunity  occurred  of  signalizing 
himself  in  a  public  station.  The  sequel  of  the  history 
of  Opechancanough  is  well  worthy  of  being  dwelt 
upon  at  some  length  :  but  previously,  the  order  of 
time  reqi'ires  us  to  devote  a  share  of  attention  to  the 
fortunes  of  his  celebrated  niece,  Pocahontas. 

This  beautiful  and  amiable  woman,  whom  John 
Smith,  in  the  excess  of  his  admiration,  styles  "  the 

*By  various  writers  called  Itopatin,  Itoyatin,  Oetan,Opitch- 
ipan,  Toyatan — a  characteristic  instance  of  the  uncertainty 
which  attends  the  orthography  of  Indian  proper  names.  One 
cause  is  in  the  custom  of  changing  the  name  upon  great  occa- 
sions. Opitchipan  himself  after  his  accession  was  C^led 
Saiawpen;  and  Opechancanough  ^  Mangopeeomen.  .    ,    - 


i' 

t 


INDIAN    niOGRAPIIY. 


67 


ac- 


iJohn 
"the 

[pitch- 

rtainty 

One 

occa- 

|c»11ed 


■>• 


Ninni)aivil  of  Viririnia,"  has  hrcii  (!istiiij:nisli(Ml  in 
niodcrii  tiitu's,  cirn'tly,  l)y  that  yiii^'lc  cxtraordiiiary 
act  of  roiirap'  and  hinnanity  to  whndi  tijo  ;;allajit 
hiistoriaii  was  indcljtrd  tor  the  |)n'S('rvalion  of  his 
lifo.  I}ut  this  was  hv  no  means  the  only  cvidcncfi 
of  these  nohle  (juahfics  wliicii  history  has  preserved. 
Her  name  in(hMMl  is  seareely  onee  mentioned  hy  tlie 
mostaneieju  einvtnicles  of  the  eolony,  exeept  in  terms 
of  hi<.d»  j'nioirv,  and  ireneraliy  iji  ronnexion  also  with 
some  snhstantial  I'acls  ii'oinir  sironirlv  to  jnstifv  tlie 
imiversal  jjartiafity  with  whieli  her  memcjry  is  re- 
ganh'd  to  these  times. 

In  the  earh(»st  juid  most  jxlooniy  days  of  the  settle- 
ment, innncMfiately  after  Smitli's  retnrn  Ironi  liis 
captivity,  the  fiheral  and  thonirhtfnl  kindness  of 
Pocaliontas  went  very  liir  to  eiieer  tlie  des|)ondinnf 
hearts  of  the  eolonists,  as  well  as  to  reli<'V(?  tiieir  aetnal 
necessities.  She  eann^  into  .lamestown  with  Ikt 
attendants  onee  in  every  fonr  or  live'  days,  for  a  long 
time;  and  hrt)niilit  with  her  supplies  of  provisions, 
l)V  whieii  many  lives  are  stated  to  have  heen  saved. 
This  will  app(>ar  more  fully  from  an  ancient  docu- 
ment which  we  shall  hereaiter  transerihe  at  len<.nh. 

When  Smith  was  absent  nj)on  one  of  his  Indian 
ex])editions,  (;merjrencies  occurred  at  Jamestown 
which  rendered  his  j)resence  extremely  desirable. 
But  not  a  man  could  be  found  who  dared  venture  to 
carry  a  messairo  to  him  from  the  council.  He  was 
known  to  be  environed  by  enemitv,  and  the  hostility 
and  power  of  Powhatan  W(>reat  that  period  subjects 
of  the  most  exaggerated  apprehension.  One  Richard 
Wyfiin  at  last  undertook  the  hazardous  enterprise. 
Encountering  many  dangers  and  dilHculties,  he'  reach- 
ed the  residence  of  Powhatan,  a  tlay  or  two  after 
Smith  had  left  it  for  Pamunkey.  lie  found  that 
great  preparations  for  war  were  going  on  among  the 
Powhjitans  ;  and  he  soon  became  himself  the  object 
of  suspicion.  His  life  undoubtedly  would  have  paid 
the  forfeit  of  his  rashness,  had  not  Pocahontas,  who 
knew  his  perilous  bituaiion  even  better  than  himself, 


■1? 


68 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPHY. 


concealed  liim,  and  thwarted  and  embarassed  the 
eearch  of  the  savages  who  pursued  him,  so  that 
**  by  her  means  and  extraordinary  bribes  and  much 
trouble  in  three  days  travel!,"  as  history  says,  "at 
•length  he  found  vs  in  the  middest  of  these  tunno^  les," 
(at  Jamestown.) 

Her  conduct  was  the  same  after  Smith's  departure 
for  England.  Of  the  thirty  men  who  accompanied 
Ratcliffe  when  he  was  massacred  by  the  Indians,  only 
one  escaped  to  the  colony,  and  one  was  rescued  by 
Pocahontas.  This  was  a  boy  named  Henry  Spilman, 
who  subsequently  was  restored  to  his  friends,*  and 
from  the  knowledge  of  Indian  languages  which  he 
obtained  during  his  residence  with  the  Patowomekes, 
proved  highly  serviceable  as  an  interpreter.  Smith 
himself  was  more  than  once  under  obhgations  to  the 
princess  for  his  personal  safety.  We  have  alhided 
to  that  occasion  when  lie  quartc^red,  over  night,  near 
the  residence  of  her  father.  "  Pocahontas,  his  dearest 
iewell  and  daughter,  in  that  dcirke  night  came  through 
tlie  irksome  woods,  and  told  our  Captaine  gi'eat 
cheare  should  be  sent  vs  by  and  by  ;  but  Powhatan 
and  all  the  ]>ower  he  could  make,  would  after  come 
kill  vs  all,  if  they  that  brought  it  could  not  kill  vs 
with  our  owne  weapons,  when  we  were  at  supper. 
Therefore  if  we  would  Hue,  she  wished  vs  presently 
to  be  gone.  Such  things  as  she  delighted  in,  he 
would  haue  giuen  her ;  but  with  the  tearea  running 
downe  her  cheekes,  she  said  she  dui*st  not  be  seen  to 
haue  any,  for  if  Powhatan  should  know  it,  she  were 
but  dead,  and  so  she  ran  away  by  herself  as  she 
came."f  What  an  affecting  instance  of  the  most 
delicate  tenderness  mingled  with  the  loftiest  courage. 

It  would  have  been  strange  indeed,  if  Smith,  with 
all  his  passionate  chivalry,  had  been  insensible  of 
these  repeated  kindnesses.     Even  Powhatan  had 


*  He  was  destined,  however,  to  die  at  last  by  the  hands  of  die 
favages,  in  1623. 
t  Smith's  History, 


ii  11 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPHY 


r)9 


ed  the 

BO  that 

miurh 


too  good  an  opinion  of  liini  lo  snpposo  so,  for  hn 


liad    th 


do    f 


>o, 


"at 
les," 


parture 
ipanied 
tis,  only 
uftd  hy 
pihiuin, 
s,*  and 
bich  he 
jniekes, 
Smith 
s  to  the 
alUided 
;ht,  near 
1  dearest 
tlirough 
,e   gi'eat 
)whatan 
r  come 
t  kill  vs 
supper, 
esently 
in,  he 
running 
seen  to 
le  were 
as  she 
le  most 
ourage. 
th,  with 
ihle  of 
an  had 

idsoftlie 


or 


Had  tlie  sa«ranry  to  hmv  upon  his  <rratitu(lo 
political  purjfost'H.  When  soiiio  of  tlio  cinprrora 
suhjf'cts  were  taken  j)risoiH'rs  hy  Sniitli,  (altli(»uirh 
jH'ace  was  noiuinally  cxistiiiL',)  and  forced  to  confess 
that  Powliatan  had  employed  them  to  work  mischief 
a^^'linst  the  colony,  tlie  latter  "  sent  messenjiers,  am/ 
his  deanst  daitfrhter  Pomfwntas"  with  |)resents,  to 
make  a{)olo<ries  for  the  past,  and  ))romis(\s  for  the 
future.  ►Smith,  on  the  otlier  hand,  (who  understood 
as  well  as  any  one,  the  part  of  a  irentleman,)  jdler 
giving  the  prisoners  such  correction  as  he  deemed 
necessary,  treated  them  well  for  a  day  or  two,  and 
then  delivered  them  to  l*()cahontas,  "  for  whose  sake 
onely  he  fayned  to  haue  saued  their  lines,  and  gaue 
them  lihertie."  The  (>mperor  was  jiaid  for  this  in- 
genuity in  his  own  coin,  when  the  colonists,  in  lGh% 
took  the  [)rincess  herself  captive,  relying  on  the  well- 
known  strength  of  his  attachment  to  her,  as  the 
surest  means  of  procuring  f)eace. 

Her  sul)seque?it  history  may  he  soon  told.  Rolfe 
had  hccome  ardently  enamoured  of  h(»r  heauty,  and 
he  used  the  fortunate  occasion  of  her  stay  in  the 
colony — perhaps  wjls  active  in  hringing  it  on — to 
procure  the  intercession  of  the  President  in  his  hehalf. 
Pocahontas  cherished  similar  feelings  towards  him- 
self, and  when  her  hrothers  came  to  visit  her  she 
made  one  of  them  her  confidant.  Rolfe  gained  in- 
formation of  her  sentiments,  and  thus  was  emholden- 
ed  to  prosecute  his  suit  with  a  spirit  worthy  of  the 
success  which  it  met  with.  The  f)arti<'s  married. 
In  the  course  of  a  year  or  two,  the  young  hrido 
hecame  quite  an  <'idej)t  in  the;  English  language  and 
manners,  and  was  W(^ll  instructed  in  the  doctrines  of 
Christianity.  She  was  entitled  hy  her  new  acquaint- 
ances the  Lady  Rebecca. 

In  1(31(),  she  and  her  hushand  accompanied  Sir 
Thomas  Dale  to  England.  King. fames,  (tliat  anoint- 
ed pedant,  as  Stith  calls  him,)  is  said  to  have  heen 
ofiisnded  with  Rolfe  for  his  presumption  in  marrying 


1 1 

ii     • 

to* 


31;'«-.' 


i! 


M 


70 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPHY. 


the  daughter  of  a  king — a  crowned  head,  too,  it  will 
be  recollected. — He  niigiit  have  thought,  perhaps, 
following  up  his  own  principles,  that  the  offspring 
of  the  marriage  would  be  fairly  entitled  to  succeed 
Powhatan  in  his  dominion,  liut  the  affair  passed 
off,  with  some  little  nnirmuring ;  and  Pocaliontas 
herself  was  received  at  Court,  by  both  the  King  and 
Queen,  with  the  most  flattering  marks  of  attention. 
Lord  de  la  War,  and  his  lady,  and  many  other  cour- 
tiers of  rank,  followed  the  royal  example.  The 
princess  was  gratified  by  the  kindness  shown  to  her; 
and  diose  who  entertaiiuMl  her,  on  the  other  hand, 
were  unanimously  of  opinion,  as  Smith  expresses 
himself,  that  they  had  seen  many  English  ladies 
worse- favored,  j)roportioned  and  behaviored. 

The  captain  was  at  this  time  in  England ;  and 
although  upon  the  eve  of  leaving  that  country  on  a 
voyage  to  New  England,  he  delayed  his  departure 
for  the  purpose  of  using  every  possible  means  in  his 
power  of  introducing  the  princess  to  advantage.  A 
inemorial  which  !ie  draughted  with  his  own  hand, 
and  sent  in  to  the  Queen,  is  sup|)osed  to  have  had  no 
little  influence  at  Court.  It  is  well  worth  transcrib- 
ing, both  as  a  curiosity  of  style,  and  as  a  document 
of  authentic  history.    It  reads  thus ; 

"  To  the  most  high  and  vertuous  Princess  Queene 
Anne  of  Great  Britain. 

Most  admired  Queene, 

The  loue  I  beare  my  God,  my  King  and  Countrie 
hath  so  ofl  emboldened  mee  in  the  worst  of  extreme 
danger,  that  now  honestie  doth  constraine  mee  pre- 
sume thus  farre  beyond  myselfe,  to  present  your 
Maiestie  this  short  discourse.  If  ingratitude  be  a 
deadly  poyson  to  all  honest  vertues,  I  must  be  guil- 
tie  of  that  crime  if  I  should  omit  any  ineanes  to  be 
thankful.     So  it  is. 

That  some  ten  yeeres  agoe,  being  in  Virginia,  and 
taken   prisoner  by  tlie  power  of  Powhatan  their 


INDIAN    niOGRAPIIY. 


71 


and 


J  pre- 
your 
be  a 
guil- 
to  be 

a,  and 
their 


chiofe  Kinnr,  I  reroivofl  from  this  p'ont  Salvajre  px- 
cpc'fling  frreat  courtcsic,  psjxM'ially  from  his  soiino  Nan- 
tajrnans,  the  most  manliest,  comelicst,  hohh'st  spirit  I 
cuer  saw  in  a  salvage  ;  and  his  sister  Poraliontas,  the 
King's  most  deare  and  well-lxloued  daughter,  l)eing 
but  a  chihle  of  twehie  or  thirteene  yeeres  of  age, 
whose  compassionate  ])itifull  lieart,  of  desperate 
estate,  gaue  mee  much  cause  to  resj)ect  her ;  I  being 
the  first  christian  this  i)roud  King  and  his  grim  at- 
tendants euer  saw ;  and  thus  inthralied  in  their 
barharous  j>ower,  I  cannot  say  I  felt  the  least  occa- 
sion of  want  that  was  in  tiie  power  of  those  my 
mortall  foes  to  preuent,  notwithstanding  al  their 
threats. 

After  some  sixe  weeks  latiing  among  these  Salvage 
Courtiers,  at  the  minute  of  my  execution,  she  haz- 
arded the  beating  out  of  her  owne  braines  to  saue 
mine,  but  not  onely  that,  hut  so  preuailed  with  her 
fiither,  that  I  was  safely  conducted  to  lames-towne, 
where  1  found  about  eight  and  thirtie  miserable  poore 
and  sicke  creatures,  to  ke(»p(»  j)ossession  of  al  those 
large  ten'itories  of  V^irginia  ;  such  was  the  weaknesse 
of  this  poore  commonwealth,  as  had  the  salvages  not 
fed  us,  we  directly  had  starued. 

An<l  this  reliefe,  most  Gracious  Queene,  was  com- 
monly brought  vs  by  this  Lady  Pocahontas,  Not- 
withstanding al  these  passages,  when  inconstant 
fortune,  turned  our  peace  to  warre,  this  tender  Virgin 
would  still  not  sj)are  to  dare  to  visit  vs,  and  by  her  our 
iarres  haue  been  oft  appeased,  and  our  wants  still 
supplyed.  Were  it  the  policie  of  her  father  thus  to 
iniploy  her,  or  the  ordinance  of  God  thus  to  make 
her  his  instrument,  or  her  extraordinarie  aftection 
to  our  nation,  I  know  not.  But  of  this  I  am  sure ; 
when  her  father,  with  the  utmost  of  his  policie  and 
power,  sought  to  surprise  mee,  hauing  but  eighteene 
with  mee,  the  darke  night  could  not  affright  her 
from  comming  through  the  irkesome  woods,  and 
with  watered  eies  gaue  me  intilligence,  with    her 


72 


INDIAN    BIOGIIAI'IIV. 


lu'st  adiiiop,  to  esrnpn  liis  fiirU;;  which  had  hee 
knownc,  ho  had  surely  slaiiic  \wr, 

lanH's-toiiin',  with  ln-r  wild  traine,  she  as  freoly 
frrqumtcd  as  licr  liithcr's  hahitation  ;  and  (hiring  tlie 
tiiiK!  of*  two  or  three  ycercs,  n\w,  next  niuh'r  (iod, 
was  still  tJa;  instrinnent  to  preserve  this  coloiru?  from 
death,  DmiiiK!  and  ulter  ('(Hd'usion,  whieli  if  in  those 
times  had  oriec;  heen  disohied,  Vir<fii»ia  might  liauc 
line  as  it  was  at  our  first  arrival!  to  this  day. 

Sinee  then,  this  hiisinesse  liauinj^  heene  tnrned  and 
varied  hy  many  aeeidenis  from  that  I  left  it  at,  it  is 
most  eertaine,  afler  a  long  and  trouhlesome  warre 
after  my  departnre,  hetwixt  her  father  and  our 
colonie,  at  which  time  shee  was  not  heard  off,  a!)oiit 
two  yeeres  alh*r  she  her  selti;  was  taken  prisoner. 
Being  so  detained  neere  two  yeeres  lojigt'r,  tiie  colo- 
nic hy  that  means  was  reliisned,  })eace  concluded, 
and  at  last  reiecting  her  harharous  condition,  shee 
was  maried  to  an  English  gentleman,  with  whom  at 
this  })n^sent  shee  is  in  England  ;  the  first  Christian 
euer  of  that  nation,  the  first  Virginian  euer  spake 
English,  or  had  a  chihk;  in  marriage  hy  an  Pinglish- 
man.  A  mat»^er  surely,  if  my  meaning  hec  truly 
considered  and  well  vnderstood,  worthy  a  Prince's 
viKlerstanding. 

Thus,  most  Gracious  Lady,  I  liave  related  to  your 
Maiestie,  what  at  your  hest  leasure  our  approued 
Ilistorii^s  will  account  you  at  large,  and  done  in  the 
time  of  your  Maiestie's  life  ;  and  howeuer  this  might 
bee  presented  you  from  a  more  wortliy  pen,  it 
cannot  fi*oni  a  more  honest  heart.  As  yet  I  neuer 
begged  any  thing  of  the  state,  or  any,  and  it  is  my 
Avant  of  abilitie  and  her  exceeding  desert,  your  birtli 
meanes  and  authoritie,  her  birth,  vertue,  want  and 
simj)licitie,  doth  make  nice  thus  bohl,  humbly  to 
beseech  your  Maiestie  to  take  this  knowledge  of  her, 
though  it  bee  from  one  so  vnworthy  to  be  the  reporter 
as  my  selfe,  lier  husband's  estate  not  being  able  to 
make  her  fit  to  attend  your  Maiestie.    The  most  and 


INDIAN    mociUAriiv. 


73 


iniglit 

)('ii,   it 

neuer 

is  my 

birth 
lit  aiid 
l)ly  to 
}f  her, 

)orter 
Ible  to 
1st  and 


Irast  T  can  doe  is  to  toll  you  thin,  hnr/msc;  nono  so  ofl 
Ji.ith  tried  it  as  iny  sclt'c  ;  and  tlic  ratiicr  bciiij,'  of  so 
great  a  spirit,  howciicr  her  staliin'. 

It'  sIhm!  should  ii(»t  be  well  reeieuod,  seeinrr  thia 
kiii«r(]<)iu  may  ri^ditly  haue  a  kiii^'tioiu  by  iier  nieaneSj 
her  present  loue  to  vs  anil  ehristianitie  mii^ht  turne 
ti)  sueli  scorni!  and  tiu'ie,  as  to  diuert  al  this  good  to 
th(^  worst  of  euill  ;  where  [wiiereas]  finding  so  great 
u  Ciueene  should  doe  her  some  Iionor  more  tliaii  she 
can  iniai;m<>,  lor  l)ein;L;  so  kinde  to  your  seruants  and 
yjibjeets,  would  so  rauish  her  witli  eontcut,  as  eu- 
deare'  her  d"arest  blood  to  ellect  that  your  Maiestie 
and  al  the  King's  honest  subjects  most  earnestly  de- 
sire.    y\iid  so  1  hutnbly  kiss<!  your  gracious  liaiids," 

The  final  interview  between  the  gallant  imd  gene- 
rous writer  of  this  memorial  and  the  princess  who 
was  the  subject  oi'  it,  is  an  occasion  too  interesting 
to  be  passecl  over  without  notice,  yiie  had  been  told 
that  Smith,  whom  she  had  not  seen  lor  many  years, 
w.'LS  dead  ;  but  why  this  inlbrmation  was  given  her, 
does  not  a})pear.  Perhaps  it  WiL'«5  to  make  his  ajjpear- 
ance  the  more  gratifving.  Possibly,  Master  Roite, 
in  the  heat  of  his  passion,  during  the  critical  period 
of  courtshij)  had  <leeni(Hl  it  advisable  and  justifiable 
to  answer,  to  tliis  elfect,  tiie  anxious  inquiries  she 
would  naturally  make  alun-  Smith,  esj)ecially  during 
her  confinement  at  Jamestown.  But  whatever  the 
reason  was,  the  shock  of  the  first  meeting  had  nearly 
overwhelmed  her.  She  was  staying  at  Brentford, 
after  her  visit  to  London,  having  retired  thithtT  to 
avoid  tlie  noise  and  smoke  of  the  metropolis,  which 
she  was  far  from  enjoying.  Smith  was  announced, 
and  soon  after  made  his  ai)pearance.  She  saluted 
him — modestly,  he  says  hims(?lf;  and  coolly,  accor- 
ding to  some  other  writi^s — and  then  turning  away 
from  him,  she  coveretl  her  face,  and  seemed  to  be  too 
much  discomposed  for  conversation. 

Undoubtedly  she  was  deeply  afii.'cted  with  a  mul- 
titude of  conflicting  emotions,  not  the  least  of  which 
was  a  just  indignation  on  account  of  the  hnposition 

G 


74 


INDIAN    BIOCRAPIIV. 


',i 


ivliicl)  the  En*?lish  liad  ]»nirtis('(l  upon  hor.  For  two 
or  tiin'e  iiours  s\\()  was  Irfl  to  licr  own  iiirMiitatioiis. 
At  tlie  end  oftliat  tiino,  after  nnu'li  entreaty,  slio  was 
prevailed  upon  to  converse ;  and  this  point  onco 
guin<;d,  tlic  politeness  and  kindness  of  her  visitant 


dh( 


of  ill 


jsition,  soon  renewed 
her  usual  vivacity. 

In  the  eours<^  of  her  remarks  she  called  S»nith 
her  Talher.  'Iliat  ai)pel!atioii,  as  hestowcd  hy  a 
King's  daughter,  was  too  much  for  the  captain's 
modesty,  antl  he  informed  her  to  tliat  eirect.  But 
she  could  not  understand  his  reasoning  upon  the 
suhject.  "v\h !"  she  said — after  recounting  some 
of  tlie  ancient  courtesies  wluch  had  passed  hetweeu 
them — -"you  did  promisii  Powhatan  that  what  was 
yours  whotdd  he  his,  and  hee  the  like  to  you.  You 
called  him  Father,  heing  in  his  land  a  stranger;  and 
by  the  same  reas(»n  so  must  I  do(;  you."  Smith  still 
expressed  himself  unworthy  of  that  distinction,  and 
she  went  on.  "  Were  you  not  afraid  to  come  into 
my  father's  countrie,  and  caused  fear  in  him  and  all 
his  people — hut  mee — and/mr  you  1  should  here  call 
you  father  ?  I  tell  you  then  I  will;  and  you  nujst 
call  mee  childe,  and  then  I  will  hee  loreuer  and  euer 
your  country-woman."  SIh;  assured  Smith,  th-Mt  she 
had  btMjn  mside  to  believe  he  was  dead,  and  that 
Powhatan  himself  had  shared  in  that  delusion.  To 
ascertain  the  lact,  however,  to  a  certainty,  tliat  crafty 
barbarian  had  directed  an  Indian,  who  attended  her 
to  England,  to  make  special  in([uiries.  This  was 
Tomocomo,  one  of  the  emperor's  chief  counsellors, 
and  the  husband  of  his  daughter  Matachanna — per- 
haps the  same  who  had  been  demanded  in  mar- 
riage by  Sir  Thomas  Dale,  in  ltjl4. 

It  is  the  last  and  saddest  otiice  of  history  to  record 
the  death  of  this  incomparable  woman,  in  about  the 
two-and-twentieth  year  of  her  age.  This  ev^ent  took 
place  at  Gravesend,  where  she  was  preparing  to 
embark  for  Virginia,  with  lier  husband,  and  the 
child  mentioned  in  Smitli's  memorial.    They  werti 


^ 


INDIAN   riocjuAniv. 


75 


to  ]m\o  fTono  out  wiili  r;i])tain  Arirall,  wlio  snilcd 
rnrly  ill  1()17;  and  tin' trrnsiin'r  and  (Municil  of  tli«» 
roloMV  liad  made  siiital)!*'  accommodatiniis  lor  tli<Mii 
on  hoard  tlic  ndmiral-shii*.  Uut,  in  the  lanpiafrc  of 
Smith,  it  |»!('asr<l  (Jod  to  take  this  y<»mi,i,'  lady  to  his 
nuTcy.  n<'  adds,  that  sh'-  made  not  more  sorrow 
for  her  ini<v\)K'ct«'d  death,  tlian  oy  to  tlio  Ix'hohh'rs, 
to  licar  an»l  f^f'H  \\vr  make  so  n  liuioiis  and  pxlly  an 
•  •nd.  H'tith  also  records  tint  she  died,  jis  slie  had 
lon^"  lived,  a  most  sincere  and  pious  Christian.  Tho 
expn'ssion  of*  a  later  historian  is,  that  h<'r  death  was 
a  happy  mixture  of  Indian  fortitude  and  ehristi'an 
suhmission,  afVeetinir  all  those  who  saw  her  hy  tlin 
lively  and  e<lilyinir  pictine  of  piety  and  virtue,  which 
marked  her  latter  nioments.* 

Tin;  same;  j)hilosophic  writer,  in  his  fjeneral  ob- 
servations upon  the;  character  of  l*ocaliontas,  has 
justly  remarked,  that,  considerinff  all  concurrent  cir- 
cumstances, it  is  not  sin'pas«?ed  hy  any  in  the  whole 
ranj^e  of  history  ;  and  that  t()r  thost;  (pudities  more 
especially  which  do  lionor  to  our  nature — a  humano 
and  feelin*;  heart,  an  ardor  and  unshaken  constancy 
in  her  attachments — she  staiids  almost  without  a 
rival.  She  jrave  evidence,  indeed,  of  possessin*^  in  a 
ln«:h  de«5ree  every  attribute  of  mind  and  heart,  which 
should  l)e  juid  has  hecn  the  ornament  and  ])ride  of 
civilized  woman  in  all  countries  and  times.  Her 
luiwearied  kindness  to  the  En«ilish  was  entirely  dis- 
interested; she  knew  that  it  nnist  be  so  when  she 
encountered  dan<jrer  tmd  vv<3ariness,  and  every  kind 
of  opposition  and  diiHculty,  to  bestow  it.  seasonably, 
on  the  objects  of  her  noble  benevolence.  It  wtts  deli- 
cate, too,  in  the  niode  of  bestowment.  No  favor  was 
expected  in  return  for  it,  and  y<;t  no  scuise  of  obli«ifation 
was  permitted  to  mar  the-  pleasure  whicli  it  ^ave. 
She  asked  nothing  of  Smitli  in  recompense  for  what- 
ever she  had  done,  but  the  boon  of  being  looked 
upon  as  his  child.     Of  her  character  as  a  princess, 


*Diirk'.i  Virojniu,  Vol.  I. 


"I  ♦ 


If 


fi; 


f 


|;fllT'*  S 


Pi 


il 


Pi 


76 


INDIAN  nio(';RAruv. 


cvidcncn  rnoujL'h  hns  already  hrcn  fiirnisliod.  TT«t 
di^^nity,  Ikt  riHT'^y,  her  indcjx'iKlcncr,  and  tin*  daimt- 
loss  C()iira<r<;  Aviiicli  in-vcr  deserted  lier  for  a  moment, 
were  worthy  of'l*o\viiatan'Mdaii;:liter. 

Indc(Ml,  it  lias  been  truly  said  tliat,  well  authenti- 
cated ax  i.s  th(^  history  ori'oealiontas,  tiien^  is  ^rnnmd 
for  apprehension  that  posterity  will  l)«r  dis|>osed  to 
rcfi^ard  Ikt  story  as  n  romance.  "  It  is  not  even  im- 
|)rol)ahle,"  says  IJurk,  "that  considering' every  thin;^ 
rolalin«(to  herself  and  Smilh  as  a  mere  iietion,  they 
may  vent  their  sple(Mi  atrainst  the  iiistorian  ll)r  im- 
pairin;:^  the  interest  oChis  plot  l»y  marryin*;  ihr  prin- 
cess of  Powhatan  to  a  Mr.  Rolte,  of  whom  uothinj; 
had  been  j)reviously  said,  in  delianee  of  all  tiie  ex- 
pectations raised  hy  tin;  lore<.'oin<r  |)arts  of  th(!  fiihle." 

Young  Ilolfe,  her  only  otfsprinir  was  h'fl  at  Plym- 
outh, Enjjland,  under  th(^  eareof  Hir  Lewis  SlcMikley, 
who  undertook  to  direct  Ins  education — his  tender 
years  making  it  inexpedient  to  remove  him  to  Vir- 
ginia. As  that  gentleman  was  soon  aller  complet»dy 
beggared  and  disgraced  by  tlu^  part  whicli  he  took 
in  th^)  proceedings  against  Sir  Walter  Raleigh,  the 
tuition  of  Rolfe  ])ass(!d  into  tin;  hands  of  his  uncle, 
Henrj'  Rolfe  of  London.  He  became  in  after  years 
a  man  of  eminence  and  fortune  in  Virginia,  and  in- 
herited a  considerable  tract  of  land  which  had  be- 
longed to  Powliatan.  At  his  death  he  left  an  only 
daughter,  who  was  married  to  Col.  Robert  JJolling. 
By  him  she  had  an  only  son,  who  was  father  to  Col. 
John  Boiling,  (well  known  to  many  now  living;)  and 
several  daughters  married  to  Col.  Richard  Randolj)fi, 
Col.  John  Fleming,  Dr.  William  Gay,  Mr.  Thomas 
Eldridge  and  Mr.  James  Murray.  This  genealogy 
is  taken  from  Stitli ;  and  he  shows  with  sufficient 
minuteness,  that  this  remnant  of  the  imperial  family 
of  Virginifi,  which  long  survived  in  a  single  person, 
had  branched  out  into  a  very  numerous  ])rogeny,  even 
as  early  as  1747.  The  lion.  John  Randolph  of 
Roanoke  is,  if  we  mistake  not,  a  lineal  descendant  of 
the  princess  in  the  sixth  degree. 


IXM.W    niOGRAniY. 


77 


CHAPTER   IV. 


Scqni'l  (tf  the  hlstftrv  of  Opf(h;incnnoiii,'li — Rriiowal,  h\  him 
iiiid  Opitrliipiiii,  of  llu'  trciity  (ifiMiicc — I'liif-sc  Ity  uliicli  he 
«'Mcml('(l  his  <l(>iiiiiii<iii  oNcr  ihc  (  hi(k;ilii»iiiiiii<'s — ric|i;ii'if 
lions  I'ur  War — Ciiiisi's  ^^\'  it — I'lof'oiiiul  ilissiiiiuliUioii  iiiirlcr 
uhicli  hisli(istility  was  concialrd — Indian  (  nslmn  ol' inakinif 
(.'onjiin'is — .Munci'in  res  aLfaiiisI  ihc  Iji^lish  iiitcrc.-l — Tho 
prcat  nia.'-.>.ai-i'(>  of  1()22;  (•ii<Miinslancos  and  consrinicnccs  of 
il — I'ailiiidar  occasiMii  uhich  h-d  to  it — Charactn-  and 
dcalli  (if  N  K  MA  r  r.\  NOW — Details  of  the  war  snl)s('(|n('nt  to 
the  nias-.acrf' — Trncc  hrokcn  l)\  the  Kni^dish — New  r>.«'riionM 
of  r)p»'chain'anoMnh — liatllc  of  raniiinkt-y — IN-arc  of  llui2 
—  Massacre  of  Hill — Capture  of  Opechuucanungh  hy  the 
English — llis)  dcatii  and  character. 

Cai'tain  Afirall  ln'oii^rlit  out  fiom  l'!n*rl.'ni<l,  junong 
otiu'r  tliinos,  Ji  variety  oT  pn'sj'iits  for  ()|K'cliaiicu- 
iioiiirli,  who  siM'tns  now  to  have  hccii,  notwithsttiiKhii^^ 
thjit  l*owliataii  was  still  living,  the;  chief  ol))(M"t  of 
the  colony's  a|»|)re|ieiisioii  jiikI  re«ranl.  Jle  laiiieiited, 
iiH  tlu!  liMJiatis  (lid  iitiivei'saiiy,  tlio  mitiinely  liite  of 
their  Mivorite  princess  ;  but  lie  tilso  oxpresseti  liiin- 
s<'lf  satisfieci  witii  tin;  ctire  wiiicii  iiiul  heeii  taken  of 
lier  son.  Arjrall  sf'nt  inessen«;ers  to  hitn  innjiediately 
on  iiis  Jirrivtil  at  Jamestown  ;  and  the  chieftain  paid 
Jiini  a  visit,  and  received  liis  presents.  Toniocoino, 
who  returned  witli  Arfjall,  hud  conceived  a  dislike 
for  Sir  Thomas  Dale,  and  he  railed  violently  affainst 
hini  i  partii^iilar,  as  he  did  ajiainst  the  En^dish  in 
general ;  hntOpechancjuiongh  either  was  or  ntWu'U'Ai 
to  he  convinced,  that  iiis  ani^er  and  his  accusations 
were  equally  «iroundless.  On  the  death  of  Pow  hatan, 
in  1018,  both  himself  and  bis  royal  brother  Opitclii- 
])an  renewed  the  ancient  league  of  the  (?m[)eror 
with  the  English  ;  under  the  protection  of  which,  wo 
are  told,  every  man  ])eaceably  followed  bis  building 
and  planting,  witlioiit  any  remarkable  accidents  or 
interruj)tion.* 


*  Siith. 


G2 


78 


INDIAN    BIOORAPIIY. 


I' ji 


V  A 


A  transnftion  whioh  omirrcd  in  KIIG,  fiirnishos  Uio 
host  ronuiKMit  wc  ran  jjive  U|)Oii  the  character  of 
Opcchancanou^rh.  ItappcNirs,  that  President  Yeard- 
iy  at  that  time  undertook  to  reHeve  the  necessities  of 
the  colony  hy  collectinjr  tribute  of  the  Chickahomi- 
iiies.  But,  lor  some  nvison  or  other,  that  Avarlikn 
people  refused  to  ])ay  it ;  and  even  sent  him  an 
answer  to  his  demand,  which  he  construed  into  an 
affront.  He  therefore  called  upon  them,  soon  after, 
with  a  company  of  one  hundred  soldiei*s,  well  armed. 
Some  threatening^  and  bravado  ensued  on  l)oth  sides, 
and  a  regular  batth^  was  the  speedy  consequence. 
The  Indians  were  defeated,  juid  as  Yeardly  was  re- 
turning^ to  Jamestown  with  liis  s})oil,  Opechanca- 
nougli  met  him,  and  artfully  (^flectcMl  an  airn^'ment 
with  him,  that  he  (Yeardly)  would  make  no  peace 
with  the  Chickahominics  without  his  consent.  He 
then  went  to  that  tribe,  and  preten-ied  that  he  had, 
with  great  pains  and  solicitation,  ])rocured  a  pe.ace 
for  them.  To  requite  this  inunense  service,  as  it 
w.ns  now  considered,  they  cheertidly  ])roclaimed  him 
King  of  tlunr  nation,  and  flocked  from  all  quarters 
with  presents  of  Deads  and  copper.  From  this  time 
he  was  content  to  be  entitled  the  King  of  Chicka- 
honiiny  ;  and  thus  w.is  subjected  to  him,  with  tln^ir 
own  free  consent,  a  brave  and  resolute  people,  who 
had  successfully  resisted,  for  many  years,  the  power 
of  every  savage  and  civilized  foe. 

The  English  historians  generally  agree  in  repre- 
senting Opechancanough  as  an  inveterate  enemy  of 
the  English  f/om  first  to  last.  Such  may  have  been 
the  case  ;  and  he  might  have  liad  what  appeared  to 
him  reason  and  occasion  enough  for  his  hostility. 
The  character  of  many  of  the  colonists  was  but  too 
well  calculated  to  thwart  the  best  intentions  on  the 
part  of  the  government,  however  peaceable  and  just 
might  be  their  theory  of  Indian  intercourse.  The 
discontent  of  Tomocomo  might  have  its  efiect,  too, 
and  especially  among  the  mass  of  his  countrymen. 
The  pledge  of  harmony  which  had  existed  in  the 


.r,i3iAN  BioanvriiY. 


79 


]>rrson  of  Poofiliontas  wns  fi)r;rott('n.  TJiit  al)ovc  all, 
(Jj)r('lianranoii<:li  was  too  slin-wd  a  man  not.  to 
porriovc,  in  tlio  alarn)in<(  disprojjorlion  wliirii  was 
daily  showing  itsciriHtwccn  the  [)ow(>r  of  the  En<ilisli 
and  the  Jn«iians  of  VirL'^inia — indcprndcntly  of  par- 
ticular provorations — a  sure  indication  of  tlie  ikjccs- 
sity  f»f  a  now  system  of  defence. 

^?Ml»s(H|uent  events  coidinn  tliis  ronjecture.  No 
better  j>reparation  l()r  a  war  could  have  been  mado 
on  the  chieftain's  part,  than  he  eflected  in  the  sub- 
mission of  the  Chickahominies.  It  is  not  unlikely 
that  he  himself  instijiated,  ihrouiih  his  satellites,  the 
very  insolence  whereby  th(\v  drew  upon  themselves 
that  severe  chastisement  from  the  colony,  which  in- 
creased his  owni  influence  over  them  as  mu«*h  as  it 
agffravated  their  liostility  to  tin;  I'^nglish.  Wo  fnid 
that,  in  KJIH,  they  conimitted  several  outraj^es  of  a 
most  flagrant  character;  and  although  Opechanca- 
iiough,  who  was  applicMl  to  lor  satisfaction,  promised 
to  send  in  the  heads  of  the  offenders,  this  was  never 
done,  and  it  may  be  questioned,  whether  he  was  not 
privy  to,  or  perhaps  the  cliief  author  and  contriver 
of  the  whole  aflair.  At  all  ev(^nts,  historians  r(*j)re- 
sent,  that  his  regal  authority  ovr  the  tribe  was  there- 
by "firmly  riveted  and  established." 

Still,  not  only  had  the  artful  chieftain  given  no 
open  cause  of  offence  or  evidence  of  hostility;  but  he 
absolutely  succeeded,  as  we  have  seen,  in  complet(^ly 
quieting  the  suspicions  of  the  colonists.  In  l()20, 
indeed,  we  find  it  recorded  in  the  journal  of  Mr. 
Rolfe,  that  "/loif?  Opechmiknnouf^^h  will  not  come  at  f.?, 
that  causes  vs  suspect  his  former  promises."  But  this 
little  uneasiness  was  wholly  done  away,  on  the  arrival 
of  Sir  Francis  Wyatt,  the  successor  of  Yeardly,  in 
1621.  That  gentleman  immediately  sent  messengers 
to  Opechancanougb  and  Opitchipan,  who  both  ex- 
pressed great  satisfaction  at  the  accession  of  the 
new  President,  and  cheerfidly  renewed  their  former 
leagues  with  the  colony.  The  former  also  declared 
himself  pleased  with  the  idea  of  the  English  inhabit- 


80 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPHY. 


ing  the  country.  He  proposed,  by  way  of  amalga- 
mating the  two  nations,  that  some  of  the  white  fam- 
ihes  should  s(!ttle  among  his  people,  while  some  of 
his  should  sctth;  at  Jamestown.  A  former  promise 
was  confirmed,  of  sending  a  guide  with  tlie  English 
to  certain  mines  represented  to  he  situated  above  the 
falls.  Nay,  so  far  was  the  deception  carried,  that 
"Mr.  Tliorpe  [the  chief  messenger]  thought  he 
perceived  more  motions  of  religion  in  Opechanca- 
iiough  than  could  easily  be  imagined,  in  so  great 
ignorance  and  blindness.  He  acknowledged  his  own 
religion  not  to  be  the  right  way  ;  and  desired  to  be 
instructed  in  the  Christian  f'lith.  He  confessed  that 
God  loved  the  English  better  than  them  ;  and  he 
thought  the  cause  of  God's  anger  was  their  custom 
of  conjuring  their  children,  and  making  them  black 
feo?/5."* 

♦  Allusion  seoHis  to  1>e  made  here  to  a  custom  which  is  sutiicient- 
ly  siuj^ular  to  deserve  some  description.  Smith  calls  it  a  yearly 
sacrifice  of  children.  A  ceremony  of  the  kind  which  was  perform- 
ed near  Jamestown  may  best  be  described  in  his  own  words. 
"  Fifteene  of  the  properest  young  boyes,  betweene  ten  and  fifteenfl 
yeeres  of  age,  they  paynted  white.  Hauiiig  brought  them  forth, 
the  people  spent  the  forenoone  in  dauncinp  and  singinp  about  them 
with  rattles.  In  the  afternoone  they  put  those  children  to  the 
roote  of  a  tree.  By  them  all  the  men  stood  in  a  guard,  each  hauing 
a  Bastinado  in  his  hand,  made  of  reeds  bound  to<rether.  Tliis  made 
a  lane  betweene  them  all  alonp,  through  which  there  were  appoint- 
ed fiue  yoMug  men  to  fetch  these  children.  So  eiiery  one  of  tlie 
fiu2  went  through  the  guard  to  fetch  a  chi!de,each  after  other  by 
turnes,  the  guard  firecely  beating  them  witlj  their  Bastinadoes, 
aJid  they  patiently  enduring  and  receiuing  all,  defending  the  child- 
ren with  their  naked  bodies  from  the  vnmerciful  blowes,  that  pay 
them  soundly,  tho'  the  children  escape.  All  this  while,  the  women 
weepe  and  cry  out  very  passionately,  prouiding  mats,  skinnes, 
reosse  and  dry  wood,  as  things  fitting  their  childrens'  funerals. 
After  the  children  were  thus  passed  the  guard,  the  guard  tore 
down  the  trees,  branches  and  boughs,  with  such  violence  that  they 
rent  the  body,  and  made  wreaths  for  their  heads,  or  bedecked 
their  hayre  with  the  leaues.  What  els  was  done  with  the  children 
was  not  scene,  but  they  were  all  cast  on  a  heape  in  a  valley  as 
dead,  where  they  n»ade  a  great  feast  for  all  the  company.  The 
Werowance  being  demanded  then:eaning  of  this  sacrifice,  answer- 
ed, that  the  children  were  not  all  dead,  but  thtJ  the  Okce  or  DivijJ 
did  sucke  the  hloode  from  their  left  breast,  who  chanced  to  be  his 
by  lot,  till  they  were  dead  ;  but  the  rest  were  kept  in  the  wilder- 
neese  by  the  young  men  till  nine  months  were  expired,  duiil>i{ 
which  time  they  must  not  converse  with  any,  nnd  of  fAc*e  were 


I.VDIAN    BIOGRAPHY. 


u 


It  must  li.ive  l)orn  about  this  tinio  tlmt  Opocliaii- 
caiioiijrli  took  tlio  troubl(i  to  send  s(»m<;  of  his  ijicii 
to  a  sarliom  on  the  x!isf<'ni  shore,  lor  a  (|nriiitify  of 
poison,  jx'cuhar  to  tliat  roirion,  i\\\d  which  he  wi>h(Ml 
to  us(3  in  liis  operations  aifainst  tho  Eiii^lish.*  This 
may  liave  been  tlie  true  object  of  tlic  embassy  ;  and  it 
may  also  liave  been  but  a  cover  for  soundinj^  th<»  dis- 
])o^;iti<»n  of  the  eastcM'n  trib(\s  towards  the  colony. 
Accorifui^iy,  it  is  recorded  in  th(?  "()l)servations  of 
Mast(>r  lohn  l*orv,  secretarie  of  Viririnia,  in  his  trav- 
els,"  that  Nanienacus,  the  SaclicMU  of  Pawtu.xent, 
made  an  application  to  the  colony,  in  ](>2I,  for  tho 
])rivile<.^e  of  tra(lin<r  with  them.  Th«5  request  was' so 
i'liv  attended  to,  th.ii  the  J'^nulisli  promised  to  visit 
liim  within  six  wt'(;ks.  Now  it  seems  that  tiieir 
connuerce  with  th(5  fiuhansat  this  period  wasuiostly 
carried  on  l)y  th(^  aid  ol"  one  Thonias  Salvajre,  an 
interj)reter,  and  the  same  man  whom  Smith  had 
h.'tl  with  I'owhatan  fturtern  vears  before.  Tho 
visit  took  j»lace  according  to  j)romise,  and  it  was 
then  ascertained  that  Opec]iancan()U.j:h  had  t  niploy- 
ed  one  of  his  Indians  to  kill  Hava^'e.  The  pretence 
WiL<,  "  b(»cause  lie  brotiuhr  the  trad(>  from  him  to  the 
easterne  shore."  Tlie  truth  j)ro'.K-')ly  was,  tliat  th* 
chieftain  was  jealous  of  the  EnglicK  'ntluence  among 
tho  tribes  of  tliat  region. 

But  the  storm  which  liad  be-  ti  ^atherinj;  ever 
since  the  death  of  the  emperor,  w:is  at  lenirth  ready 
to  burst  U])on  the  devoted  coIom  /.  Opech.  ;  canou;?h 
had  conjph'ted  every  preparavioii  wiiiclj  tlu;  nature 
of  things  permitted  on  his  part ;  and  nothijig  rei»jain- 
ed,  but  to  strike  the  ijreat  blow  which  h<;  intended 
sliould  utterly  extinn-nish  the  I'njrlish  settlements 
forever.  The  twt'ntv-second  day  of  March,  1622 — 
an  era  but  too  memorable  in  Virginian  hi:iiory — was 
selected   lor   the   time  ;  and   a  certain  houi   agreed 


miidr  tfirir  Priist.^  mid  Coiiiurpr.--.''^  Master  I'ory  s:iys,  in  his  •'/bservn- 
tidus,  tlmt,  the  Acroniacks  were  a  civil  .ind  t)a<  table  ppoplr  :  "nor 
doP  they  vse  that  deuilliah  custouie  in  7nakui(r  Black  Jiuycs." 
*SLith. 


Si' 


Id 


82 


INDIAN    BIOGRAniY. 


upon,  to  onsuro  a  simnltnnooiis  assault  in  every  <1i- 
r«'('tion.  Tlie  various  trihrs  ('n<rMjj('(l  in  the  ronapir' 
ary  were  drawn  tojrctlur,  and  stationed  in  the  vicini- 
ty of  tlie  several  plarci^  ot*  niassaere,  with  a  celerity 
and  precision  unparalleled  in  the  annals  of  the  'Conti- 
nent. Althou<;h  some  of  t!ie  detachnn'uts  had  to 
march  fi'oui  ^'reat  distnnc(^s,  and  through  acoiitinied 
forest,  guided  only  l>y  the  stars  and  moon,  no  si»  /le 
instance  of  disorder  or  mistake  is  known  to  have 
liap|)(  lied.  One  hy  one,  they  followed  each  other 
in  ])rofound  silence,  treadin<r  as  nearly  as  jxtssihie  in 
each  other's  steps,  and  adju;;tin<r  the  lonjr  <rrass  and 
l)ranches  which  they  displaced.*  They  haltiul  at 
short  distances  from  the  settlements,  and  waited  in 
death-hk(;  stillness  for  the  siL^nal  of  attack. 

That  was  to  be  given  l>y  their  lei  low-savages, 
"who  had  chosen  the  name  morning  for  visiting  the 
difTerent  j)lantations,  in  considerahle  numh(U's,  for 
the  j)urpos«'  of  ascertaining  their  strength  and  pre- 
cise situation,  and  at  the  same  time  })reventing  any 
suspicion  of  the  general  design.  This,  it  should  be 
ol)served,  had  recently  become  too  habitual  a  ])rac- 
tice  with  the  Indians,  to  excite  suspicion  of  itself. 
The  j)e{ice  was  su|)posed  to  be  inviolable.  The 
savages  were  well  Umowu  to  be  in  no  condition  for 
a  war ;  and  had  shown  no  disposition  for  one.  The 
English,  therefore,  while  they  sup})lied  them  gene- 
rally with  whatever  they  disked  for,  upon  fair  terms, 
neglected  to  ])repare  themselves  tor  deteni'o.  Tiu?y 
were  eo  secure,  that  a  sword  or  a  lirelock  was  rarely 
to  be  met  with  in  a  private  dwelling.  Most  of  their 
plantations  were  seated  in  a  scattered  and  straggling 
manner,  as  a  water- privih^ge  or  a  choice  vein  of  rich 
land  invited  them ;  and  indeed  it  was  generally 
♦bought,  the  further  from  neighbors,  the  better. 
The  Indians  were  daily  received  into  their  houses, 
fed  at  their  tables,  and  lodged  in  their  bedchambers ; 
and  boats  were  even  lent  them  ])revi()usto  the  twen- 


*15iHk. 


INDIAN  nionnAPHY. 


83 


ty^soroiiH,  as  tlioy  passed  backnanls  nn«l  fl>rwanls 
for  the  very  purpose  of  completing  the  plan  of  ex- 
tirpation. 

Tlie  hour  being  come,  the  savafjes,  knowinsj  ex- 
actly in  what  spot  eveiy  Enj,'lishinan  was  to  ho 
found,  rose  n[)on  them  at  once.  The  work  of  deat.li 
was  coiiimenced,  and  th(>v  spared  neither  sex  nor 
age,  man,  woman  nor  ciiild.  Some  entered  th<} 
Ijouscs  under  color  of  trade.  Others  drew  the 
owners  abroad  upon  vjumous  })retences ;  while  tiie 
rest  fell  suddenly  on  such  as  w<'fe  occupied  in  their 
several  labors.  So  quick  was  the  execution,  t-liat 
few  perceived  the  weapon  or  blow  which  despatched 
them.  And  thus,  in  one  hour  and  almost  at  the 
same  instant,  fi'll  three  hundn'd  and  forty-seven 
men,  won»en  and  children  ;  most  of  ihetu  by  their 
own  arms,  and  all,  (as  Stith  obs(>rves,)  by  the  hands 
of  a  naked  and  tljuid  peo})le,  who  durst  not  stand  the 
presenting  oi'  a  staff  in  the  manner  of  a  firelock^  in 
the  hands  of  a  woman. 

Those  who  bad  suflicient  w'arninir  to  make  re- 
sistance, saved  their  lives.  Nathaniel  (\'iusi<',  an  old 
soldier  of  (.'aptain  Smith'-,  though  cruelly  wounded, 
ckvived  (b'lvn  om;  of  bi;s  assailants  with  an  axe  ; 
uj)on  which  the  whole  ])arty  who  had  surrounded 
him  fled,  and  lie  escjux d.  At  another  ])lace,  two 
ij.  • .:  hel<l  ]K)ss."ssion  ot  a  house  against  sixty  Indians. 
At  Warrasijueake,  a  iMr.  Baldwin,  whose  wife  was 
so  badly  wounded  that  she  lay  for  dead,  by  repeated- 
ly discharging  his  rnusket  drove  off  the  enemy,  and 
siued  both  her  and  himself  Ralph  Hamer,  the  his- 
torian, defended  himself  in  his  house,  successfully, 
with  spades,  axes  and  brickbats.  One  .small  family, 
living  near  Martin's  HuudnMl,  where  as  many  as 
seventy-three  of  the  Kniilish  were  slain,  not  only 
escaped  the  massacre,  but  never  heard  any  thing  of 
it  until  two  or  three  days  allerwards.  Jamestown 
and  some  of  the  neighboring  places  were  saved  by 
the  disclosure  of  a  Christian  Indian  named  Chauco, 


) 


H 


84 


INDIAN    CIOCRAniY. 


a« 


Wh 


.  ■  * ; 

:  «i 


who  was  confidentially  infbrnind  of  the  design  by 
Ills  brother,  on  tin;  niorninir  ot'tiie  22(1. 

Such  was  the  evidence'  which  (^pcchancanou^h 
«rav(!  oi'liis  dt;c|)-rootcd  hatred  oCthe  English.  And 
yet,  such  was  ids  i)r  dbund  dissimulation,  that  so  lato 
a.s  the  middle  of  March,  Ik;  treated  a  imssen'rcM'  s(uit 
to  iiini  from  the  President  with  the  utmost  «'ivility, 
assuring  him  he  held  the;  ]»eace  so  firm,  that  the  sky 
would  tall  sooner  than  it  should  he  violated  on  his 
part.  Mr.  Th()rj)e,  an  excellent  man,  who  had  taken 
a  peculiar  interest  in  christianizing  the  Indians, 
stipposed  that  he  had  gained  the  especial  fiivor  of 
Opechancanough  by  building  him  a  very  neat  house 
alter  the  English  iashion  ;  in  wlii(di  he  took  such 
pleasure,  as  to  lock  and  unlock  his  door  a  hundred 
times  a  day.*  He  seenied  also  to  lie  ph'ased  with 
the  discourse  and  company  of  Mr.  Thorpe,  and  ex- 
j)ressed  a  desire  to  recjuite  some  of  his  kindness. 
Nevertheless,  the  bo»lv  of  tliis  unfortimate  man  was 
found  junong  the  skiin.  Oidy  two  days  before  the 
massacre,  the  Indians  guiiiv  d  a  party  of  the  English 
throuirh  the  woods,  and  s(>nt  home  one  who  had 
lived  among  them  to  learn  their  laniiuage.  On  the 
very  mt>rning  of  the  fatal  day,  as  also  the  evening 
luifore,  they  came,  as  at  other  times,  nnarmed  into 
the  houses  of  the  English,  with  deer,  turkeys,  fish, 
fruits  and  other  things  to  sell ;  and  in  some  places 
snt  down  to  breakfast  with  the  same  [)ersons  whom 
they  rose  up  to  tomahawk. 

Theparticidar  occasion — as  the  historians  consider 
it — of  the  (o  ispricy,  is  too  characteristic  to  be 
omitted.  T'lere  was  a  notvul  Indian,  named  Ne- 
MATTANow,  wiio  was  woiit,  out  of  Vanity  or  some 
unaccountable  humor,  to  dress  himself  up  with 
feathers,  in  a  most  barbarously  lantastic  manner. 
This  habit  obtained  for  him  among  the  English  the 
name  oi'  Jack-of-the-fcather.  IJe  was  renowned 
among  his  countrymen  both  for  courage  and  cun- 


*??uth. 


rNDlAN    BIOGRAPHY. 


85 


ning ;  and  was  esteemed  the  greatest  war-captain  of 
those  times.  But,  vvliat  was  most  reinarkahle,  although 
he  had  heen  in  many  skirmishes  and  engag(Mm!nts 
with  the  English,  he  had  always  escaped  without  a 
wound.  From  this  accident,  seconded  by  his  own 
ambition  and  craft,  he  obtained  at  h^ngth  tiio  reputa- 
tion of  being  invuhierable  and  immortal. 

Early  in  lO'^'i,  Nemattanow  came  to  the  house  of 
one  Morgan,  who  kept  and  sold  a  variety  of  well- 
selected  commodities  f()r  the  use  of  the  Indians. 
Siiiitten  with  a  strong  (h'sire  to  obtain  some  of  them, 
Nematt.inow  persuaded  ]M organ  to  accoinpany  him 
to  Pamunk<n',  on  the  assuranc<;  of  an  advaiitaijeous 
traffic  at  that  place.  On  the  way,  he  is  supjjosod  to 
have  murdered  the  trader.  Within  two  or  three 
days,  ho  returned  again  to  the  house  of  his  victim, 
where  were  oidy  two  stout  young  men,  servants  of 
Morgan,  at  home.  They,  observing  that  he  wore 
their  master's  cap  on  his  head,  inquired  after  him ; 
and  Jack  told  tli^'m  frankly  he  was  dead. 

Contirmed  in  tlu  ir  pn;vious  suspicions  by  this 
declaration,  they  seized  him,  and  endeavored  to  carry 
him  before  Mr.  Thorpe,  who  lived  at  a  neighboring 
8ett'(;ment.  Ihit  their  prisoner  troubled  them  so 
much  by  his  resistance,  and  withal  f)rovoked  them 
so  intolerably  by  his  bravadoes,  that  they  finally  shot 
him  down,  and  put  him  into  a  boat,  in  ord«>r  to  con- 
vey him  the  renmining  seven  or  eight  miles  of  the 
way.  l?ut  the  Indian  soon  grew  faint ;  and  finding 
himself  surprised  by  the  pangs  of  death,  he  request- 
ed his  captors  to  stop.  In  his  last  moments  he  most 
earnestly  besought  of  them  two  gi-eat  favors ;  first, 
never  to  make  it  known  that  he  was  killed  by  a 
bullet ;  and  secondly,  to  bury  him  among  the  English, 
that  the  certain  knowledge  and  monument  of  his 
mortality  might  still  be  concealed  from  the  sight  of 
his  countrymen.  So  strong  was  the  ruling  passion 
in  death. 

Opechancanough  was  so  ftu*  from  being  a  par- 
ticular fi-iend  of  Nemattenow  that  he  had  given  the 

H 


.»     r' 


86 


INDIAN    BIOGRAniY. 


V 


President  to  understaud,  by  a  meswenger,  soinetinie 
before  tlie  transaction  just  related,  that  he  sliou'd 
consider  it  a  favor  in  him,  if  he  would  take  measurija 
to  have  Jaek  despatched.  The  popularity  of  tho 
war-ea[)tain  was  the  only  reason  why  he  forbore  to 
tak(i  such  measures  himself.  Nevertheless,  with  a 
consunnnate  vviliness  he  availed  himself  of  this 
sjune  popularity,  on  the  death  of  his  rival — as  Jack 
seems  to  have  been — the  better  to  inflame  and  exiis- 
perate  the  Indians  aijainst  the  whites.  He  affected 
to  be  excessively  ffrieved  at  his  death,  and  for  some- 
time WJLS  uinisually  loud  in  his  declarations  of  resent- 
ment and  his  threats  of  revenge.  A  messenger  came 
from  the  President,  to  ascertain  what  was  intended 
by  thciso  demonstrations  of  hostility,  and  again  all 
was  (|uiet  as  before  ;  nothing  could  induce  the  Sa- 
chem to  violate  the  vast  regard  which  he  had  always 
entertained  for  the  English.  About  the  same  time  he 
gjive  them  liberty,  by  negotiation,  to  seat  themselves 
any  where  on  the  shores  of  the  rivers,  within  his 
dominions,  where  the  natives  had  no  villages.  The 
treaty  he  had  already  made  for  the  discovery  of 
mines,  as  well  as  for  mutual  friendship  and  defence, 
was  at  his  request  engraven  on  a  brass  plate,  and' 
fastened  to  one  of  the  largest  oaks  growing  upon  his 
territories,  that  it  might  be  had  always  in  remem- 
brance.* 

For  several  years  after  the  massacre,  a  war  v^^as 
waged  between  the  colonists  and  the  savages,  so  in- 
veterate and  ferocious  as  to  transmit  a  mutual  abhor- 
rence and  prejudice  to  the  posterity  of  both.  The 
former  obtained  at  this  period  the  name  of  the  Long- 
Knives,  by  which  they  were  distinguished  to  a  very 
late  day  in  the  hieroglyphic  language  of  the  natives. 
Every  precaution  and  prei)aration  was  taken  and 
made  upon  both  sides,  in  view  of  a  desperate  conflict. 
Orders  were  issued  by  the  govermnent,  from  time  to 
time,  directing  a  general  vigilance  and  caution  against 


Belknap's  Am.  Biog.  p.  64,  Vol.  II. 


I 


INDIAN    BIOr.UAPHY. 


87 


tlio  onomy  who  now  rnj^ossod  all  tlionirlit ;  nn<l 
rs|)crial!y  prohihifinij  the  wastn  of  arni.s  and  ammu- 
nition. The  rrmnantsol'thcHcTtlenirnts  were  drawn 
tojretlHT  into  ft  narrovvor  compass.  Ofrij^lity  plant - 
ntioMS  all  wrro  ahandonfd  hnt  six,  which  lay  contitr- 
uons  at  the  lower  jiart  of  James  river;  and  three 
or  foi.r  others,  of  which  the  ownersj  or  overseers, 
refnsin^T  to  ohey  pnhlie  orders,  intrenched  them- 
selves, rnd  monntcd  cannon  for  tJieir  own  separate 
defence.* 

A  considerahle  space  of  territory  between  the  Vir- 
ginians and  the  savage  tribes,  was  wasted  with  fire, 
for  the  sole  purpose  of  laying  bare  the  stealthy 
approaches  ot  the  enemy,  who,  under  cover  of  tho 
long  grass  and  imderwood,  and  the  gigantic  shield 
of  the  oak  and  eyf)ress,  had  heretofore  been  able  to 
advance  unperceived,  nnd  rise  u|)  in  attack  almost 
from  under  the  very  fi.'et  of  tiie  English.  But  even 
a  boundary  of  lire  could  not  always  restrain  the  fury, 
nor  elude  the  skill,  of  the  Indians.  Wisely  content 
with  short  and  sudden  incursions,  for  [)lunder  and 
revenge  rather  than  conquest,  they  fre(]uently  suc- 
ceeded in  carrying  oflf  the  corn  and  cattle  of  tho 
colonists,  and  sometimes  their  })ersons  into  captivity. 
They  were  tiiemselves,  on  the  other  hand,  lumted 
like  beasts  of  prey.  No  prisoners  were  made  ;  no 
quarter  >vas  given. 

From  tlie  time  of  the  massacre,  Opechancanough 
seems  no  longer  to  have  taken  the  least  troubli;  to 
conceal  his  hostility.  He  returned  .i  haughty  answer 
to  the  fii-st  demand  made  upon  him  for  tlie  redemp- 
tion of  the  English  captives  ;  and  tram[)led  under  foot 
the  picture  of  the  English  monarch,  which  was  sent 
to  him  a*}  a  compliment.  Late  in  1(322,  when  Captain 
Croshaw  was  trading  on  the  Potomac,  with  the  only 
tribe  which  was  now  willing  to  carry  on  commerce, 
he  had  scarcely  landed  from  his  vessel,  when  a  mes- 
senger arrived  from  Opechancanough  to  Japazaws, 


hi 
01 


*  rurchas  V.  1792. 


If  il 


88 


INDIAN    niOGRAPHV. 


(kin^' of  tlio  Pntawonickrs,)  Ix'Mriiiir  two  baskets  of 
ImmkIs  as  a  r(»yal  ])n'S('nt,  and  solicitlii";  tlu^  kiiij?  to 
imirdcr  liis  new  viKitanfs  oii  the  S|m>l.  Wa  \\a»  ns- 
Hured,  that  wlx'tlicr  Im'  did  his  ]mvt  or  not,  befon;  tlio 
CM)d  of  two  jiioons,  thrnjslioidd  not  b<!  an  Kii«.diHlimaii 
left  in  tlio  wlioU;  country.  Ja[)azaw.s  first  dihiclospd 
tiio  mossji^e  to  his  ffucst ;  and  then,  after  think iFijr  and 
taJkinjj;  of  it  two  days,  made  answ(;r  that  the  Kn^dish 
wen;  liis  friends,  and  0|)itclii|)an  (the  Powhatan  »;ni- 
peror)  liis  brother;  and  therefore  there  should  be  no 
more  blood  shed  between  them  by  his  means.  The 
beads  were  returned  by  the  messenjjer. 

After  this,  the  colonists  had  their  season  of  success  ; 
and  more  Indians  are  said  to  have  been  slain  duA'ing 
the  autumn  and  winter  of  Kl'J'i — .3,  than  had  ever 
before  fallen  by  the  hnnds  of  the  Eiijflish,  since  the 
settlement  of  Jamestown.*  But  the  course  adopted 
by  the  civili/ed  j)arty  sulliciently  indicates  the  despe- 
rate state  of  their  affairs.  They  availed  themselves 
of  a  stratagem  worse  than  barbarous  in  its  [)riuciple, 
how  ver  circumstances  mij[(ht  be  supposed  m  this 
case  to  justify  it.  A  peace  was  offered  to  tlie  enemy 
and  accejned  ;  but  just  as  the;  corn  which  the  latter 
were  thus  induced  to  plant,  was  be«rinnin^  to  grow 
ripe,  the  English  fell  uj)on  them  in  all  directions  at 
a  given  liour  of  an  appohited  day,  killed  many,  and 
destroyed  a  vast  quantity  of  provisions.  Several  of 
the  greatest  war-ca|>tains  were  among  the  slain  ;  and 
for  sometime  Opechancanough  himself  was  report- 
ed to  be  one.  This  rumor  alone,  so  long  as  believed, 
was  equal  to  a  victory ;  "  for  against  him,  "  says  the 
historian,  "  was  this  stratagem  chiefly  laid." 

Such  language  furnishes  evidence  enough  of  the 
apprehension  which  his  movements  and  reputation 
had  excited.  But  he  gave  more  substantial  reasons 
for  the  respect  which  he  still  wrested  from  his  enemy, 
by  his  prowess.  A  battle  took  place  at  his  own 
village  of  Pamunkey,  in  1625,  in  which  the  main 

♦StiUi. 


L 


0  Imskots  of 
:  tUv,  kin^  to 

He  \\a»  ns- 
nt,  hcfon;  the 

1  Ki)<:liNlitiian 
irst  (lUclosPcl 

tliiukin<;aii(l 
t  the  lOnplish 
owliatan  ein- 

shoiild  be  no 
means.     The 

»n  of  success; 
I  slain  diu'ing 
lan  liad  ever 
ish,  since  tlie 
fiirse  adopted 
es  the  despe- 
d  themselves 
its  principle, 
[)oaed  in  this 
to  tiie  enemy 
ich  the  latter 
ling  to  grow 
directions  at 
d  many,  and 
Several  of 
le  slain  ;  and 
"  was  report- 
g  as  believed, 
;n, "  says  the 
lid." 

lough  of  the 
id  reputation 
ntial  reasons 
m  his  enemy, 
at  his  own 
ch  the  main 


INDIAN    UIOr.RArilY. 


89 


body  of  the  savages  nnnibered  tigiit  Imndrcil  bow- 
men, independently  of  d<  (acliintnts  front  rerrioto 
tribes;  and  though  the  Kiiglis!),  Uh\  on  by  (jovernor 
AVyatt  in  person,  succeeded  in  driving  the  enemy 
from  the  fuld,  they  v/ere  unabh'  to  pursue  tliem  even 
as  far  as  ^latapoiiy.  'i'iiat  town  was  their  principal 
depot  and  rallying  ])oiiit,  and  the  acknowledged 
inability  to  reach  it,  though  but  four  miles  distant, 
proves  that  tlu^  battle  was  b\  no  means  decisive.  It 
appears  from  this  allair,  to<  'liat  all  the  efforts  of 
th(!  English,  dm-ing  an  inv  e  war  of  three?  years, 

luid  not  driven  the  tribes  evtii  from  the  neighborhood 
of  their  own  settlements.  ^V'hat  was  more  discour- 
aging, Opechancanough  was  not  to  be  deceived  a 
second  time  by  the  arts  of  di|)lomacy.  In  1028,  the 
governor's  proclanuition,  which  announced  the  ap- 
pointment of  commissioners  to  negotiate  with  the 
enemy,  declared  expressly  an  intention  to  repj.'at  the 
stratagem  of  1(522 ;  *  but  the  plan  liiiled  of  success, 
and  the  Pamunkies  and  Chickahominies — most  im- 
mediately under  the  influence  of  Opechancanough 
— were  more  troublesome  at  this  period  than  ever 
bef()re. 

Four  years  afterwards,  the  same  tribes  made  an 
irruption  so  furious  and  alarming,  that  every  twenti- 
eth man  was  despatched,  under  the  command  of  the 
governor,  to  parley  with  them — a  term  in  the  records 
whi*^!]  shows  forcibly,  as  Hurk  observes,  the  respect 
this  brave  people  had  ins])ired.  But  Opechanca- 
nough was  still  implacable  ;  and  when,  in  the  course 
of  1632,  a  peace  was  at  last  formally  concluded,  so 
little  dependence  was  placed  on  tliat  circumstance, 
that  even  while  the  commissioners  on  both  sides 
were  adjusting  the  preliminaries,  a  proclamation 
was  issued,  forbidding  the  colonists  either  to  parley 
or  trade  with  the  Indians. 

This  truce  or  treaty  was  understood  to  be  on  both 
Bides  a  temporary  expedient ;  but  the  chieftain  was 

♦Ancient  Records  of  Virginia. 
H2 


I 


I 


r 


.11 


,.^.. 


IMAGE  EVALUATION 
TEST  TARGET  (MT-3) 


2? 


^/ 


A 


% 


^ 


Hi 

11.25 


1^  ly^  1 2.5 
"  lis  iio 


1.4 


6" 


m 


1.6 


V] 


71 


Photographic 

Sciences 
Corporation 


23  WEST  MAIN  STREET 

WEBSTER,  N.Y.  14580 

(716)  872-4503 


S^ 
^ 


\ 


^ 

d 


4. 


LV 


'^1^^    ^ 
<^/ 


\*^^ 


v\ 


5- 


90 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPHY. 


m 


I: 


,t<     I  ' 


the  first  to  take  advantd*re  of  it.  During  nine  years 
he  remained  quietly  making  his  preparations  for  the 
conflict  which  his  sagacity  told  him  must  some  day 
or  other  ho  renewed.  The  hour  at  length  arrived. 
The  colony  was  involved  in  dissensions.  Insurreo 
lions  had  taken  place.  The  governor  was  unpopu*- 
lar,  and  the  people  were  unprepared  and  heedless. 
Opechancanough  lost  not  a  moment  in  concerting 
measures  for  effecting  at  a  single  blow  the  bloody, 
but  in  his  bosom  noble  design,  which  had  already 
engrossed  the  solicitude  and  labor  of  so  large  a  part 
of  his  life. 

He  was  now  advanced  in  years,  but  his  orders  were 
conveyed  with  electric  rapidity  to  the  remotest  tribes 
of  the  great  confederacy  associated  under  his  influ'o 
ence.  With  the  five  nearest  his  own  location,  and 
most  completely  under  his  control,  he  resolved  to 
make  the  principal  onset  in  person.  The  more  dis- 
tant stations  were  assigned  to  the  leading  chiefs  of 
the  several  nations ;  and  thus  the  system  of  a  war 
that  raged  from  the  mouth  of  the  Chesapeake  to  the 
heads  of  all  the  great  rivers,  which  flow  into  it,  was 
so  simple  as  to  render  confusion  impossible.  The 
whole  force  was  let  loose  upon  the  entire  line  of  the 
English  settlements  at  nearly  the  same  instant  of 
time.  Five  hundred  persons  perished  in  the  mas- 
sacre.* Many  others  were  carried  into  captivity. 
The  habitations,  corn,  household  utensils,  instru- 
ments of  farming,  every  thing  essential  to  comfort, 
and  almost  every  thing  necessary  to  life,  was  con-i- 
sumed  by  fire.  But  for  circumstances  in  the  situa- 
tion of  the  settlements,  over  which  Opechancanough 
had  no  control,  and  which  he  could  not  guard  against, 
the  fate  of  Virginia  had  been  decided  by  tliis  single 
blow. 

As  it  was,  every  other  labor  and  thought  were 
suspended  in  the  terrors  of  an  Indian  war.  The 
loom  was  abandoned.    The  plough  was  lefl  in  its 


*  Beverly's  History,  p.  49. 


-^^. 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPHY, 


91 


furrow.  All  who  wore  able  to  bear  arms  were 
embodied  as  a  militia  for  the  defence  of  tlie  colony ; 
and  a  chosen  body,  comprising  every  twentieth  man, 
marched  into  the  enemy's  country  under  Governor 
Berkeley's  personal  command.  The  operations  of 
the  war,  which  raged  thenceforth  without  any  inter- 
mission until  the  death  of  Opechancanough — and 
that  alone  was  expected  to  end  it — are  detailed  by  no 
historian.  The  early  Virginian  records  which  re- 
main in  manuscript  are  altogether  silent  respecting 
this  period ;  and  the  meagre  relation  of  Beverly  is 
the  only  chronicle  which  has  survived  the  ravages 
pf  time.  This  circumstance  of  itself  sufficiently  in^ 
dicates  the  confusion  and  dismay  of  the  era. 

Opechancanough,  whose  Lost  sceije  now  rapidly 
approaches,  had  become  so  decrepid  by  age,  as  to  be 
unable  to  walk,  though  his  s[)irit,  rising  above  the 
ruins  of  his  body,  directed,  from  the  litter  upon  which 
his  Indians  carried  him,  the  onset  and  the  retreat  of 
his  warriors.  The  wreck  of  his  constitution  was 
at  length  completed  by  the  extreme  fatigues  encoun- 
tered in  this  difficult  and  laborious  service.  His 
flesh  became  macerated ;  his  sinews  lost  their  elas- 
ticity ;  and  his  eyelids  were  so  heavy  that  he  could 
not  see,  unless  they  were  lifted  up  by  his  faithful 
attendants.  In  this  forlorn  condition  he  was  closely 
pursued  by  Berkeley  with  a  squadron  of  hoi*se,  and 
Bt  length  surprised  and  taken.  He  entered  James- 
town, for  the  first  time  in  his  life,  as  the  most  con- 
spicuous figure  in  the  conqueror's  triumph. 

To  the  honor  of  the  English,  they  treated  their 
distinguished  captive  with  the  tenderness  which  hi3 
infirmities  demanded,  and  the  respect  which  his 
appearance  and  talents  inspired.  They  saw  the 
object  of  their  terror  bending  under  the  load  of 
years,  and  shattered  by  the  hardships  of  war ;  and 
they  generously  resolved  to  bury  the  remembrance 
of  their  injuries  in  his  present  melancholy  reverse 
.of  fortune.  His  own  deportment  was  suitable  to  his 
former  glory,  and  to  the  principles  of  an  Indian  hero. 


■f. 


u 


•w 


'\> 


H 


92 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPHY. 


He  disdained  to  utter  complaint  or  to  manifest 
uneasiness.  He  believed  that  tortures  were  prepar- 
ing for  him  ;  but  instead  of  any  consequent  reduc- 
tion in  his  haughtiness,  his  language  and  demeanor 
bespoke  the  most  absolute  defiance  and  contempt. 

But  generally  he  shrouded  himself  in  reserve  ;  and 
as  if  desirous  of  showing  his  enemies  that  there  was 
nothing  in  their  presence  even  to  rouse  his  curiosity, 
and  much  less  to  excite  his  apprehensions,  he  but 
rarely  permitted  his  eyelids  to  bo  lifted  up.  He 
continued  in  this  state  several  days,  attended  by  hia 
affectionate  Indian  servants,  who  had  begged  permis-? 
sion  to  wait  upon  him.  But  his  long  life  of  near  an 
hundred  years*  was  drawing  to  its  close.  He  waa 
basely  shot  through  the  back  by  one  of  ihe  soldiera 
appointed  to  guard  him,  from  no  other  provocation 
tlian  the  recollection  of  his  ancient  hostility. 

To  the  last  moment  his  courage  remained  un- 
broken. The  nearer  death  approached,  the  more 
care  he  seemed  to  use  in  concealing  his  dejection, 
and  preserving  the  dignity  and  serenity  of  his  aspect. 
Only  a  few  minutes  before  he  expired,  he  heard  an 
uimsual  bustle  in  the  room  where  he  was  confined. 
Having  ordered  his  attendants  to  raise  his  eyelids,  he 
discovered  a  number  of  persons  crowding  roimd  him, 
for  the  mirpose  of  gratifying  an  unseasonable  curi- 
osity. The  dying  chief  felt  the  indignity,  but  dis- 
daining to  notice  the  intruders  he  raised  himself  as 
well  as  he  could,  and  with  a  voice  and  air  of 
authority,  demanded  that  the  governor  should  be 
immediately  brought  in.  When  the  latter  made  his 
appearance,  the  chieftain  scornfully  told  him,  that 
"  had  it  been  his  fortune  to  have  taken  Sir  IVUliam 


'1 1 


¥ 


*  So  write  some  historians,  but  as  he  is  understood  to  hare 
been  younger  tlian  Powhatan,  the  estimate  is  possibly  too 
large  by  ten  or  twenty  years.  It  is  said  that  Berkeley  had 
proposed  taking  him  to  England,  as  a  living  argument  to  coun- 
teract the  representations  made  in  tliat  country  as  to  the  un- 
healthiness  of  the  Virginian  climate. 


liNDIAN    DIOGRAPIIY. 


93 


Berkeley  prisoner,  he.  should  not  have  exposed  him  as 
a  9ho\v  to  his  people."* 

Such  was  the  death  of  Opechnnctinongh.  His 
charaetor  is  too  well  explained  hy  liis  life  to  nMpiiro 
any  additional  coniment.  His  own  country  men  were 
more  extensivt^ly  and  iiwrc  completely  under  hw 
influence  than  they  had  been  under  that  of  Powhatan 
himself  This  is  the  more  remarkal)le  from  the  fact 
that  Opitchipan,  whose  age  and  family  at  least  en- 
titled him  to  some  deference,  retained  the  nominal 
authority  of  emperor  so  long  as  he  lived.  Beverje.y 
sa^'s,  that  Opechancanougli  was  not  esteemed  by  the 
Indians  to  be  in  any  way  related  to  Powhatan  ;  and 
that  they  represented  him  as  the  prince  of  a  foreign 
nation  residing  at  a  great  distance  somewhere  in  the 
Southwest.  lie  might  be  an  emigrant  or  an  exile 
from  the  empire  of  Mexico,  or  from  some  of  the 
tribes  between  that  region  and  Virginia.  The  same 
historian  describes  him  as  a  man  of  large  stature, 
noble  presence  and  extraordinary  parts.  Stith  calls 
him  a  politic  and  haughty  prince.  Burk  entitles 
him  the  Hannibal  of  Virginia. 

He  was  perhaps  tlie  most  inveterate  and  trouble- 
some enemy  which  any  of  the  American  colonies 
have  ever  met  with  among  his  race.  The  general 
causes  which  made  him  so,  independently  of  his 
inherent  talents  and  principles,  are  to  be  looked  for  in 
the  situation  of  the  tribes  under  his  command,  and 
especially  in  the  relations  existing  between  them  and 
the  colonists.  He  saw,  that  either  the  white  or  the 
red  man  must  sooner  or  later  establish  an  exclusive 
superiority;  and  he  very  reasonably  decided  upon 
doing  all  in  his  own  pov/er  to  determine  the  issue  in 
favor  of  his  country  and  himself.  But  more  particu- 
lar provocations  were  not  wanting.  Even  afler  the 
peace  of  1686,  great  as  the  anxiety  was  for  its  preser- 
vation, "  the  subtle  Indians,"  says  Beverley,  "  resented 
the  encTQachments  on  them  by  Hervey^s  grants."    A 


f 


4 


'  Beverfey . 


94 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPHY. 


r '  i 


late  historian  expresses  liimself  in  warmer  terms.  It 
was  not  enough,  he  writes,  that  they  liad  ahandoned 
to  their  invaders  the  dehghtful  regions  on  the  sea- 
shore, where  their  fathers  had  been  placed  by  the 
bounty  of  heaven — where  their  days  had  rolled  on 
in  an  enchanting  round  of  innocence  and  gayety — 
where  they  had  possessed  abundance  without  labor, 
and  independence  without  government.  The  little 
that  remained  to  them  was  attempted  to  be  wrested 
from  them  by  the  insatiable  avarice  and  rapacity  of 
their  enemies.* 

♦Bulk,  Vol.  II. 


II 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPHY. 


95 


il 


CHAPTER  V. 

Biography  of  other  Virginian  chieftains — Opitchipan— 
Some  particulars  respecting  Tomocomo — His  visit  to 
EngliinH,  interview  with  Captain  Smith,  and  return  to 
America — Japazaws,  chief  sachem  of  the  Patowomekes — 
His  frieM(It<hip  for  the  Eu^li^h — 111  treatment  wliich  he  re- 
ceived from  them — Totopotomoi,  successor  of  Onechan- 
canoudi — His  services — His  death  in  1656 — Notices  of 
several  native  chiefs  of  North  Carolina — Grancanimo, 
v^ ho  dies  in  1585 — Mf.natenon,  king  of  the  Chowanof-ks 
— P^NSKNORE,  father  of  Clranganimo;  and  Wing  in  a,  his 
brother — Plot  of  tlie  hitter  against  tl>e  Hatteras  colony— 
His  death — Cuniment  ou  the  Carolinian  Biography. 

The  characters  we  have  heretofore  noticed  are  far 
tlje  most  nroininent  in  the  Indian  history  of  Virginia, 
indeed,  they  are  almost  the  only  ones  which  have 
been  preserved  with  distinctness  enough  to  excite 
I'nuch  interest  in  them  as  individuals.  Still,  there 
are  several  which  ought  not  to  he  wholly  passed 
by  ;  and  the  want  of  a  vivid  light  and  coloring  in 
some  of  them,  may  perhaps  be  compensated,  at 
least,  by  the  appearance  of  milder  qualities  than  are 
predominant  m  the  portraitures  we  have  hitherto 
sketched. 

The  extant  information  respecting  certain  members 
6f  the  Powhatan  family,  whose  history  has  not  been 
concluded,  may  soon  be  detailed.  Opitchipan  is  not 
mentioned  subsequently  to  the  great  battle  of  Pa- 
munkey,  in  1625,  when  for  the  first  time  he  appears 
to  have  placed  himself  at  the  head  of  his  countrymen, 
in  opposition  to  the  English.  As  the  name  of 
Opechancanough  in  not  even  alluded  to  in  the  records 
of  that  period,  it  may  be  presumed  he  was  accident- 
ally absent.  Generally^  he  seems  to  have  been  out 
of  favor  with  his  reigning  brother,  and  to  have  con- 
tended against  his  influence,  such  as  it  was,  in  all 
his  designs  hostile  to  the  colony.    Opitchipan  disap- 


)si 


96 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPHV. 


'      « 


m 


I! 


'I 


il 
I' » 


it 


proved  of  the  preat  massacre  of  1622 ;  and  early  in 
the  ensuing  season  we  find  him  sending  in  Chanco, 
tlie  Christian  convert  who  disclosed  the  conspiracy 
in  that  ctiso,  with  a  message  to  Governor  Wyatt,  that 
if  he  would  send  ten  or  twelve  men,  he  would  giv« 
up  all  the  English  prisoners  in  his  possessioh — 
(which,  as  we  have  seen,  Opechancanough  had  re- 
fused to  do.)  He  even  promised  to  deliver  up  his 
implacahle  hrother — if  brother  he  was — bound  hand 
and  foot.  "  Captain  Tucker,"  says  Stith, "  was  accor- 
dingly sent  upon  this  service,  but  tvithout  ihe  desired 
success.  However,  Opitchipan  sent  back  Mrs.  Boyce, 
naked  and  unapparelled,  in  manner  and  fashion  like 
one  of  their  Indians."  So  insignificant,  even  with 
these  savages,  was  the  power  of  mere  family  rank,  as 
opposed  to  the  authority  of  reputation  and  talent. 

One  of  the  chief  counsellors  and  priests  of  Pow- 
hatan, and  the  husband  of  his  daughter  Matachanna, 
was  ToMOcoMo,  who  went  to  England  with  Poca- 
hontas, and  I'tJturned  with  Captain  Argall.  Smith, 
who  calls  him  Vttamatomakkin,  says  he  was  held  by 
his  countrymen  to  be  "  a  very  understanding  fellow." 
The  same  inference  might  be  made  from  the  com- 
mission which  Powhatan  gave  him,  on  the  occasion 
just  alluded  to,  to  take  the  number  of  the  people  in 
England,  and  to  bring  him  an  exact  and  minute 
account  of  their  strength  and  resources.  Tomocomo 
set  about  that  business  with  equal  simplicity  and 
zeal.  Inuiiediatcly  on  his. arrival  at  Plymouth,  he 
procured  a  long  stick,  whereupon  to  cut  a  notch 
with  his  knife  for  every  man  he  should  see.  But  hie 
soon  became  weary  of  his  task,  arid  threw  his  stick 
away.  When  the  emperor  inquired,  on  his  return, 
how  many  people  there  were,  he  could  only  compare 
them  to  the  stars  in  the  sky,  the  leaves  on  the  trees, 
and  the  sands  on  the  sea-shore. 

Mr.  Purchas,  (compiler  of  the  famous  collection 
ef  voyages,)  was  informed  by  President  Dale,  with 
whom  Tomocomo  went  out  from  Virginia,  that 
Opechancanough,  and  not  Powhatan,  had  given  him 


I 


11 


INDIAN    niOfiRAPHV. 


97 


hlrt  inslruotions ;  and  that  the  objort  of  tlirm  was 
not  8()  iniu'li  to  a.sr(M*tain  the  popnlation,  as  to  form 
an  estimate  of  the  amount  ot  corn  raised,  and  of 
forest  trees  growing  in  En^^land.  Nomantack  anri 
the  otiier  savages  who  had  previously  visited  that 
country,  being  ignorant,  and  having  seen  little  of  the 
Kritisli  em|)ire  exeept  London,  had  reported  a  very 
large  calculation  of  the  men  and  houses,  whih;  they 
said  almost  nothing  about  the  trees  an<I  corn.  It 
v/as  therefore  a  general  opinion  among  the  Indians, 
that  the  English  had  settled  in  Virginia  oidy  for  the 
purpose  of  getting  supplies  of  tUvHo,  two  articles  ; 
and  in  confirmation,  they  observed  their  continual 
eagerness  afler  corn,  and  the  great  quantities  of  cedar, 
clapboards,  and  wainscoting,  which  they  amnially 
exported  to  Engl.und.  Tomocomo  readily  undeceived 
liis  countrymen  upon  this  point.  Laniling  in  the 
west  of  England  in  stnnmer,  and  travelling  thenco 
to  London,  he  of  course*  saw  evidences  of  gnmt  agri- 
cultural and  rural  plenty  and  wealth ;  and  was  soon 
obliged  to  abandon  the  account  he  had  imdertaken 
to  keej)— bis  arithmetic  fjiiling  him  on  the  first  day. 

In  the  British  metropolis,  he  met  accidentally  with 
Captain  Smith  ;  and  the  two  immediately  renewed 
their  ancient  acquaintance.  Tomocomo  t  •('!  the  cap- 
tain, that  Powhatan  had  given  orders  to  n  quest  of 
him — if  indeed  be  was  not  dead,  as  reported — the 
favor  of  showing  Tomocomo  the  English  God,  and 
also  their  King,  Queen  and  prince,  of  whom  they 
had  formerly  conversed  so  oficn  together.  "  As  to 
God,"  as  Stith  expresses  it,  "  Captain  Stnith  excused 
and  explained  the  matter  tlie  best  he  could."  As  to 
the  king,  he  told  Tomocomo  he  had  already  seen 
him,  which  was  true.  But  the  Indian  denied  it ;  and 
it  was  not  without  some  trouble  that  Smith,  by  men- 
tioning certain  circumstances,  convinced  him  of  the 
fact.  The  Indian  then  assmned  a  most  melancholy 
look,  "  Ah  ! "  said  he,  "  you  presented  Powhatan  a 
white  dog  which  he  fed  jis  himself!  Now,  I  am  cer- 
tainly better  than  a  white  dog;  but  your  king  has 


'<)! 


;:/ 


98 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPHV. 


j^ivrn  inc  nofliin^."  Such  nn  arch  smso,  adds  tlio 
iiistorian,  had  this  savage  of  th<^  *  wtin*ry'  trcatinnit  he 
liad  n;r(!iv(?d  at  court.  Nothiuff  i«  known  ol'Tomo- 
como  after  Iiis  return  to  America. 

The  most  constant  friend  an<l  ally  of  the  Virginian 
English,  for  twenty  years  from  th<5  settlement  of 
Jamestown,  was  Japazaws,  the  Sachem — or,  as  the 
old  writers  call  him,  the  king — of  the  Potomacs  or 
Patowoinekes.  1I<;  w,ih  a  person  of  gr(;at  influence 
and  authority  on  the  whole  length  of  the  river  which 
bears  to  this  day  the  name  of  his  trihe  ;  being  in  fact 
a  kind  of  petty  «?mperor  then',  and  always  affecting 
to  treat  Powhatan  and  the  other  emperors  rather  as 
bn'thren  than  superiors.  lie  had  two  hundred 
bowmen  in  his  own  village,  at  the  date  of  the  great 
massacre.  The  entire  population  which  was  more 
or  less  subject  to  him,  appears,  though  somewhat 
indistinctly,  from  Smith's  account  of  liis  first  inter- 
view with  the  Sachem  and  his  people,  in  1608. 

"The  IGth  of  lune,"  he  writes,  "we  fell  with  the 
riuer  Patowonick.  Feare  being  gone  and  our  men 
reeouered,  we  were  al  content  to  take  some  paines 
to  know  the  name  of  that  seuen-mile  broad  riuer. 
For  thirtie  miles  sayle  we  could  sec  no  inhabitants. 
Then  we  were  conducted  by  two  Salvages  vp  a  little 
bayed  creeke  towards  Onawmanaient,  where  al  the 
woodes  were  layd  with  ambuscadoes  to  the  number 
of  three  or  foure  thousand  Salvages,  so  strangely 
paynted,  grimed  and  disguised,  shouting,  yelling  and 
(trying  as  so  many  si)irits  from  hell  could  not  bane 
showed  more  terrible.  Many  brauadoes  they  made, 
but  to  appease  their  furie,  our  captaine  prepared  with 
as  seeming  a  willingness  as  they  to  encounter  them. 
But  the  grazing  of  our  bullets  vpon  the  wa,ter  (many 
being  shot  on  purpose  they  might  see  them)  with 
the  ecco  of  the  woodes,  so  amazed  them,  as  dowue 
\veiit  their  bowes  and  arrowes ;  and  (exchanging 
hostages)  lames  Watkins  was  sent  six  mylcs  vp  the 
woodes  to  their  King^s  habitation.  We  were  kin<lly 
vsed  of  those  Salvages  of  whom  we  vnderstood  they 


INDIAN    BIor.UArilY. 


99 


wvrc  roiinnandod  to  botray  u»  by  tlio  ilirrction  of 
Powhutaii."  Alb'r  this,  lir  ^VJUM  siippliod  witli  plenty 
of  Pxcellrnt  provinioiis  by  the  Hiibj<M'ts  ot'  Japa/.aws, 
and  rnrnishcd  by  that  sacbcin  birnsrit' with  LMiiilcs  to 
ronduct  his  party  up  sotne  of  thr  stn'anis.  finally, 
be  "kindly  requited  this  kinde  king  and  ul  liis  kindo 
poopb'." 

Thus  auspiciously  coininonrrd  n  valuabb'  ac- 
quaintanr<" ;  and  it  is  crninrntly  worthy  of  observa- 
tion, with  what  fidelity  of  Iriendship  tho  Kn«;lisli 
were  repaid  for  the  eourtesy  shown  to  this  intellijfent 
barl)arian,  and  for  the  justice  done  to  his  Kubjeets. 
Kver  afterwards,  th<'y  sustaineil  the  Tinijlish  cause, 
and  supplied  the  Knjilish  necessities,  when  all  the 
rest  ot  their  countryni<!ii  were  wiHin«;  neither  to 
treat  nor  trade  u|)on  any  terms.  When  Ar^all  ar- 
rived, in  1()14,  for  exarM|)le,  "  be  w^as  sent  to  thn 
riuer  Patawonieake,"  (as  IMaster  1  lamer  calls  it,) 
"  to  trade  for  corne,  the  Halvajjjes  about  va  bauing 
small  quarter,  but  friends  and  foes  as  they  tbund 
aduantage  and  opportunitie."  Then,  Arj,'all  "  liau- 
ing  entred  into  a  j^reat  acquaintance  witb  Japazaws, 
an  old  friend  of  Captaine  Smith's,  and  so  to  all  our 
nation,  ever  since  bee  discouevered  the  countrie," 
the  negotiation  ensued  wbich  resulted,  as  we  bave 
bcretofore  shown,  in  getting  possession  of  the  person 
of  Pocahontas,  and  therc^by  ultimately  effecting  a 
general  peace. 

Tbe  warmtb  of  the  Sacbem's  gratitude  perhaps 
caused  him  to  lay  too  little  stress  on  tbe  liospitality 
due  to  a  princess  and  a  guest — if  guest  she  was — but 
the  struggle  which  attended  the  bargain,  and  the 
sorrow  which  followed  it,  both  show  that  Japazaws 
was  not  without  principle  or  feeling.  The  argument 
which  probably  turned  the  balance  in  his  mind,  re- 
spected the  prospect  of  a  treaty  to  be  brought  about 
by  means  of  Pocahontas,  in  which  she  and  Powhat- 
an had  much  more  interest  than  himself.  The 
bright  copper  kettle  was  a  subordinate  consideration, 
though  not  a  slight  one.     We  have  seen,  that  the 


100 


INDIAN  nioGiiAriiv. 


!j 


i^ 


li) 


■  i' 


Powhatan  Siirlinus  won*  uilliiiL'  to  Imrtrf  tilinOAt 
tlicir  hirtliri^rlit  lid*  a  poiiml  <»r  two  ot'  hliir  Ih>u(Is. 
At  all  events,  ,la|m/aws  must  liavecndit  liir  the  deli- 
rate  arrani;enii'iit  hy  wliij'li  the  |>ririeeMs  wils  liiKt 
notiiied  ot'lier  lorloiii  eondition.  ^^Iiijxizau's  Inadin^ 
ofl  oil  the.  (Utpta\i\e\t  J'out^  to  reiiiemlM  r  he  had  dono 
liiH  part,  the  eaptaiiie,  when  he  saw  his  time,  per- 
Koaded  PoeahontiLs  to  the  ^nni-rooiiie,  fainiii^Mo  have 
some  eonferenee  with  lapa/aws,  which  ivits  tmlif  that 
shee  should  not  pcrcieue  h(c  was  any  way  guillie  of  her 
captiuHir" 

In  !()!!>,  Ijipazous  —  so  railed  hy  master  John 
Rolfe — eariK!  to  Jam«'slown,  lor  the  tirst  time,  to 
desire  that  two  ships  mifrht  he  s<'iil  t(»  tra«le  in  his 
river,  corn  hein^  mon^  ahinidaiit  than  titr  a  lon^ 
time  hofore.  Parties  were  sent,  aeeordir)»rly  ;  hnt, 
^ir  some  reitsons,  not  ex[)lained,  they  met  with  in- 
(lifTerent  sneeess  in  tlu;  eonnnenM*,  and  so  eonehided 
to  take  ci^'ht  hnndred  hnshels  of  rorn  hy  force. 
That  Japazaws  was  not  nnieh  in  I'anlt,  would  appear 
from  the  circumstance  that  he  liad  no  part  in  the 
j^reat  conspiracy  of  KJS!^ ;  immediately  atler  which 
we  fin<l,  that  Captain  Croshaw  went  up  the  Potomac, 
"where  he  intended  to  stay  and  trade  for  himself  hy 
reason  x)f  the  lon^  acijuaintance  he  had  with  this 
Khigj  that,  so  earnestly  entreated  him  now  to  be  his 
friend,  his  countenancer,  his  captaine  and  director 
against  the  Pazaticans,  the  Nacotchtanks  and  Moya-r 
ons,  his  mortall  enemies."* 

Croshaw  gladly  availed  himself  of  this  invitation, 
fii-st  for  the  sake  of  conducting  his  conunerce  to 
advantage,  and  secondly,  lor  the  purpose  of  "keeping 
the  king  as  an  opposite  to  Oi)echancanough."  It 
was  soon  afterwards,  that  the  chic'tlain  last  named  sent 
his  messengers  to  Japazaws,  with  presents  of  beads, 
and  ^aroposals  of  alliance  against  the  English — both 
which  were  rejected.  Then  we  are  told,  that  "  Cap- 
taine Hamer  arriuing  with  a  shij)  and  a  pinnace  fit 

♦Smillj's  Ilidtorj,  Vol.  U. 


A 


If 


I'- 


INDIAN    BIOriRArilY. 


101 


Patawomokr,  was  kimllv  onu-rtaiinMl  liotli  hv  liirii 
[(Jnwliaw]  and  tlio  kiiij;."  TIh*  two  wrro  living 
simply  to^rrtlicr  at  tliis  tiiiic  ;  usiii«;  cotiinioii  ctlorts 
far  supplyin*^  tln^  (Milony — or  at  I<»ast  tin*  J'apta'm — 
on  \\u'.  one  iiaiwl,  and  tlir  siippn'ssiiii;  tlir  kini;'!) 
t'lMMiiii'S,  iLM  imincMl  above,  on  tlio  other.  Tlioir 
union  wan  at  length  interniptiMi  by  tlie  niairbinations 
of  on  exile  Saebeni,  wbo  bad  taken  refuj^e  nt  Poto- 
mac from  tbe  discontent  of  bis  own  snbjeets.  Anjfry 
witb  Japa/aws  for  not  assisting'  Itiin  in  tbe  recovery 
of  biH  (b)ininion,  be  for^'ed  an  artful  8tory  about 
Japa/aws  and  bis  tribe  bjiving  recently  leagued  witb 
Opecbmicanougb. 

Tbat  story  be  tobl  to  one  Isaac  IMadiaon,  wbo 
bad  just  been  sent  to  Potomac  by  (lovernor  Wyatt, 
witb  a  reenforcement  of  tbirty  m(.'n,  and  a  commis- 
sion expressly  cbar^inp  bim  to  assist  tbe  Patowo- 
mekes  against  tbeir  enemii's,  and  to  protect  tbetn  and 
tbeir  corn  to  bis  utmost  power.  To  pve  liis  false- 
bood  tbe  air  of  probability,  tins  savage  lago  cunning- 
ly commented  upon  certain  circumstances  wbicli 
bad  recently  occurred.  Madison  was  at  lengtb  so 
mucb  alarn)ed,  tbat  sending  for  Ja|m/aws  to  bis  own 
strong-bouse  (wbicb  Japazaws  bimself  had  assisted 
bim  in  fortifying,)  he  locked  in  tbe  Sachem,  bis  son, 
and  their  four  attendants,  set  over  them  a  guard  of 
soldiers,  and  then  made  a  violent  and  bloody  assault 
upon  the  neighboring  village  of  the  Indians.  The 
kmg  remonstrated,  but  in  vain.  He  denied  all  the 
charges  brought  against  bim,  to  no  purpose.  Madi- 
son then  led  him  and  the  other  five  prisoners  to  bis 
ship,  promising  to  set  them  at  liberty  as  soon  as  his 
men  were  safely  aboard.  The  king  meanwhile  pre- 
vented his  subjects  from  annoying  the  English  on  tbe 
way.  But,  contrary  to  all  good  faith,  the  captives 
were  carried  to  Jamestown,  and  detained  there  till 
the  following  October,  when  they  were  taken  home 
by  Captain  Hamer  and  ransomed  with  a  quantity  of 
com.  Madison  was  prosecuted  afterwards  for  his 
infamous  conduct,  but  never  punished.    The  Patow- 

12 


102 


INDIAN     BIOGRAPHY. 


^1 


[      i 


\\i 


M  ■' 


M 


omekes  must  of  course  have  been  estranged  by  it 
from  the  English  interest,  Hiougli  there  is  no  evi- 
dence of  their  ever  opposing  cfiem  in  arms.  Japazaws 
kept  himself  aloof,  and  is  no  more  mentioned  in 
h  istory. 

The  death  of  Opechancanough  was  a  signal  for 
the  dissolution  of  the  famous  confederacy  which  it 
had  required  the  whole  genius  of  that  chieftain  and 
his  predecessor  to  form  and  maintain.  The  tribes 
relapsed  into  their  former  state  of  separate  govern- 
ment ;  and  no  formidable  leader  ever  again  roused 
them  to  union.  The  nominal  successor  of  Opechan- 
canough was  ToTOPOTOMOi,  whom  we  do  not  find 
even  mentioned  until  after  a  lapse  of  ten  years  from 
his  accession.  The  ancient  records  of  Virginia  show, 
that  in  1(351,  an  Act  of  Assembly  was  passeil,  assigning 
and  securing  to  Totopotomoi  such  lands  on  York 
river  as  he  should  choose  ;  and  commissioners  were 
appointed  to  conduct  him  and  his  attendants  in  safety 
to  Jamestown,  and  from  that  place  home  again,  after 
the  adjustment  of  the  treaty.  The  termination  of  his 
reign  and  life  was  as  follows.  Five  years  subsequent 
to  the  date  last  mentioned,  and  after  an  interval  of 
profound  peace  with  the  Indians  which  had  continu- 
ed for  fifteen  years,  information  was  suddenly  receiv- 
ed at  Jamestown,  that  a  body  of  inland  or  njountain 
savages,  called  Rechahecrians,  to  the  number  of  six 
or  seven  hundred,  had  seated  themselves  near  the 
falls  of  James  river,  with  the  apparent  intention  of 
forming  a  regular  settlement.  The  motives  of  this 
singular  movement  have  never  been  explained.  It 
is  only  known,  that  it  gave  no  little  alarm  to  the 
colonists;  and  that  active  preparations  were  made 
for  driving  the  new  enemy  back  to  their  own  territo- 
ries. A  campaign  ensued,  and  a  battle  was  fought ; 
and  in  this  battle  fell  the  king  of  the  Powhatans,  gal- 
lantly fighting  in  aid  of  the  English,  at  the  head  of 
one  hundred  warriors.  Victory  declared  for  the 
Rechahecrians,  but  a  peace  was  soon  after  negotiated 
with  them  on  terms  satisfactory  to  both  parties. 


INDIAN    DIOGRAniY. 


103 


by  it 


i 


Totopotomoi  lias  at  least  liis  naino  iimnortalized 
by  the  author  of  Hiulihras,  who  introduced  hini  (to 
make  out  a  rhyme,)  in  his  noted  allusion  to  u  certain 
scandal  upon  the  New  England  colonists. 

A  precious  brother  havinj;  slain, 

In  time  of  peace,  an  Indirui, 

#         #         #         #         # 

The  mighty  Tottipotimoy 
Sent  to  our  elders  an  envoy, 
Complaining  sorely  of  the  breach 

Of  league,  held  forth  by  brother  Patch. 

#         #         # 

For  which  he  craved  the  saints  to  render 
Into  his  hands,  or  hang,  the  offender. 
But  they,  maturely  having  weighed, 
They  had  no  more  but  him  of  the  trade — 
A  man  that  served  them  in  a  double 
Capacity,  to  preach  and  cobUle — 
Resolved  to  spare  him  ;  yet  to  do 
The  Indian  Hogan  Mogan  too 
Impartial  Justice,  in  his  stead  did 
Hang  an  old  weaver  that  was  bed-rid. 

We  may  certainly  be  amused  with  the  wit  of  the 
satirist  in  this  case,  without  insisting  upon  a  strict 
proof  of  his  statements. 

Such  is  the  meagre  biography  of  the  last  of  the 
V^irginian  chieftains.  We  shall  close  this  chapter 
with  some  particulars  respecting  two  or  three  of  the 
principal  Indians  known,  at  an  earlier  date,  to  the 
first  colonists  of  Carolina.  One  of  these  was  Win- 
GiNA,  the  king  of  a  considerable  tract  of  territory 
called  Wingandacoa,  bordering  upon  Albemarle 
Soiind.  Another  was  Granganimo,  the  brother  of 
Wingiua.  Not  much  information  is  extant  concern- 
ing either  of  these  persons ;  but  the  little  which  is 
known  derives  an  additional  interest  both  from  the 
style  of  the  ancient  writers  of  that  period,  and  from 
the  circumstance  that  the  foreign  settlements  which 


it). 


'  «fi 


r;t 


I 


; 


104 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPHY. 


led  to  this  partial  acquaintance  were  among  the  veiy 
first  upon  the  continent. 

On  the  '^7tli  of  April,  1584,  PhiHp  Amidas  and 
Arthur  Barlow  sailed  fi'om  the  west  of  England,  a3 
commanders  of  two  barks,  fitted  out  by  Sir  Walter 
Raleigh,  for  the  purpose  of  exploring  a  vast  tract 
of  country  granted  to  hirn  by  a  patent  from  Queen 
Elizabeth,  of  the  March  previous.  Taking  the 
usual  route  by  way  of  the  Canaries  and  West  Indies, 
they  approached  the  coast  of  the  Southern  States, 
(now  so  called,)  on  the  second  of  July,  (enjoying  for 
a  day  or  two  "a  most  delicate  sweete  smell"  from 
the  shore.)  After  sailing  one  hundred  and  twenty 
miles  nortn,  they  entered  the  first  harbor  they  met 
with,  returned  thanks  to  God  for  tlieir  safe  arrival, 
went  to  view  the  neighboring  land,  and  then  took 
possession  of  it,  formally,  "  for  the  Queene's  most  ex- 
cellent majestic."  "  Which  done,"  writes  our  ancient 
chronicler,  "they  found  their  fii-st  landing-place  sandy 
and  low,  but  so  full  of  grapes  that  the  very  surge  of 
the  sea  sometimes  overflowed  them  ;  of  which  they 
found  such  plenty  in  all  places,  on  the  sand,  the 
gi'eene  soyle  and  hils,  as  in  the  plaines,  as  well  on 
euery  little  shrub  as  also  climbing  towardes  the  tops 
of  high  cedars,  that  they  did  thinke  in  the  world 
were  not  the  like  abundance." 

This  beautiful  spot  was  the  island  ofWococon, 
sui)posed  to  be  the  same  now  called  Ocracock.  The 
newly  arrived  adventurers  wandered  over  every  part 
of  it  with  mingled  feelings  of  amazement  and  de- 
light. Goodly  woods  covered  the  green  bosom  of 
its  quiet  valleys.  There,  we  are  told,  were  the  high- 
est and  reddest  cedars  of  the  world,  "  bettering  thei 
of  Azores  or  Libanus.  There,  were  Pynes,  Cypres, 
Saxefras,  the  Lentisk  that  beareth  mastick,  and  many 
other  of  excellent  smelle  and  qualitie.  Then  there 
were  deere  and  conies,  and  fowl  in  such  incredible 
abundance,  that  the  discharge  of  a  musket  would 

*  See  the  Collections  of  Hackluyt. 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPHY. 


105 


rii'ise  a  flock  of  tliem  from  under  the  vevy  feet  of  the 
travellers,  with  a  noise,  '  as  if  an  ainiy  of  men  had 
shouted  altogether.' " 

On  the  third  day,  three  of  the  natives  appeared  in 
a  canoe,  one  of  whom  went  fearlessly  ahoard  an 
Encflish  hark.  The  crew  could  hold  no  conversation 
with  him  ;  hut  they  gave  him  a  shirt,  a  hat,  wine  and 


meat.  These  he  liked  exceedingly  ;  and  so  having 
satisfied  his  curiosity  with  gazing,  he  paddled  oti'  to 
the  distance  of  half  a  mile.  He  there  loaded  his  hoat 
with  fish  in  a  short  time,  then  landed  on  a  point  near 
by,  divided  his  booty  into  two  heaps — "  pointing  one 
heap  to  the  ship,  and  the  other  to  the  pinnace" — and 
then  departed.  This  pacific  interview  was  followed 
with  happy  consequences.  The  next  day  Granga- 
nimo  appca»*ed,  with  forty  or  fifty  of  his  people. 
He  came  to  the  point  with  his  train,  and  seated  him- 
self u[K)n  a  mat.  A  party  of  the  English  went  ashore, 
well  armed ;  but  instead  of  showing  any  indications 
of  suspicion  or  fear,  he  made  signs  to  them  to  be 
seated  at  his  side — stroking  their  heads  and  breasts, 
as  also  his  own,  no  doubt  in  testimony  of  his  good 
will.  He  then  made  a  long  speech  to  his  new  visi- 
tants— probably  of  welcome — and  they  presented  di- 
vers  gewgaws  to  him  in  return,  which  he  politely 
accepted.  He  was  so  much  regarded  by  his  attend- 
ants, that  none  of  them  would  sit  or  even  speak  in 
his  presence,  with  the  exception  of  four.  To  them 
the  English  gave  other  presents ;  but  they  were 
immediately  put  into  Granganimo's  hands,  who  sig- 
nified, with  an  air  of  dignity,  that  every  thing  of  this 
nature  must  be  at  his'  own  disposal. 

At  the  next  interviev/,  the  English  entertained 
him  with  a  display  of  many  commodities  calculated 
to  dazzle  and  surprise  him.  But  none  of  them 
struck  his  fancy  like  a  large  bright  pewter  dish  or 

folate,  and  a  copper  kettle,  for  the  former  of  which 
le  gave  twenty  deer-skins,*  and  for  the  latter  fifty. 


P  Then  valued  at  a  crown  each, 
of  Japazaws. 


The  anecdote  reminds  ono 


I 


106 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPHY. 


He  made  a  hole  in  the  plate,  aiul  hung  it  about  \m 
neck  for  a  hl•caHt^)lat(^  Much  other  "  truck  "  passed 
between  the  parties,  in  such  good  humor  and  good 
faith,  that  in  the  course  of  a  day  or  two  a  meeting 
took  place  on  board  one  of  the  vessels,  and  the 
Sachem  ate,  drank  and  made  merry  with  the  En- 
glish, like  one  of  their  own  number.  Not  long  after- 
wards, he  brought  his  wife  and  children,  who  are 
described  as  slender,  but  well-favored  and  very  mod- 
est. The  wife  wore,  as  her  husband  did,  a  band  of 
"white  coral  on  her  forehead,  and  in  her  ears  brace- 
lets of  pearl,*  "  hanging  down  to  her  middle,  of  the 
size  of  large  peas."  Her  female  followers  had  pen- 
dants of  copper ;  and  the  noblemen — as  those  who 
seemed  to  be  leading  characters  among  the  males 
are  entitled — had  five  or  six  in  each  car.  All  were 
dressed  alike  in  sl^ins.  The  women  wore  their  hair 
long  on  both  sides  of  the  head ;  the  men,  only  on 
one. 

The  next  step  in  the  acquaintance,  and  a  very 
natural  one,  was  that  great  numbers  of  people  began 
to  come  in  from  various  parts  of  the  neighboring 
coast,  bringing  skins,  coral  and  different  kinds  of 
dyes  for  sale ;  none  of  which,  liowever,  any  of  them 
but  the  noblemen  ("  them  that  wore  red  copper  on 
their  heads,  as  he  did,")  would  undertake  to  barter 
in  presence  of  Granganimo  himself  The  character 
pf  the  Sachem  showed  itself  more  and  more  to  ad- 
vantage at  every  interview.  With  a  very  considerate 
and  civil  regard  for  the  comfort  of  the  English,  he 
never  paid  them  a  visit  without  previously  signify- 
ing the  number  of  boats  he  should  bring  with  him, 
by  fires  kindled  upon  the  shore  ;  so  that  his  strength 
might  be  exactly  estimated.  He  invariably  kept, 
with  perfect  punctuality,  every  promise  which  he 
made  in  the  course  of  traffic,  as  he  also  regularly 
sent  to  the  vessels,  daily,  a  gratuitous  fi-esh  supply 

*  So  called  by  the  early  writers  on  various  occasions.  Prob- 
ably they  were  ghelln,  or  rock-cr\slal,  or  something  of  that 
kind. 


INDIAN    BIOGR.M'HY. 


107 


of  provisions — j^enrrally  Ji  braces  of  Imrk?,  conies, 
ral)l)its,  and  fisli ;  anil  sonietiines  melons,  walnuts, 
cucumbers,  pears  and  otber  roots  and  fruits.  Final- 
ly, he  invited  the  English  to  visit  bim  at  his  ovvn 
residence,  on  the  nortli  end  of  an  island  called 
lloanoke,  distant  about  twenty  miles  from  the  harbor 
first  made  by  the  colonists. 

The  invitation  Wfis  promptly  accepted  by  a  party 
of  eight  of  the  English.  Tliey  found  Granganimo's 
village  to  consist  of  nine  houses,  built  of  cedar,  and 
fortified  with  sharp  palisades,  "and  the  entrance  like 
a  turnpik."  The  Sachem  himself  was  absent  when 
they  arrived  ;  but  his  wife  came  out  eagerly  to  meet 
them.  Some  of  her  people  she  conunanded  to  draw 
tlieir  boat  ashore,  that  it  might  not  suffer  from  the 
sea's  dashing;  others  to  carry  the  English  on  their 
backs  through  the  surf,  and  put  away  their  oai*s 
under  cover.  Meanwhile  she  conducted  her  guests 
into  a  house  containing  five  apartments.  As  they 
were  wet  with  rain,  she  had  a  large  fire  kindled  in 
an  inner  apartment,  washed  their  feet  and  their 
clothes,  and  then  served  up  a  bountiful  dinner  in 
{mother  room.  "  She  set  on  the  bord  standing  along 
the  house  somewhat  like  frumentie,  sodden  venison 
and  rested  fish  ;  and  in  like  manner  mellons  raw, 
boyled  rootes,  and  fruites  of  diners  kindes." 

She  manifested  the  utmost  anxiety  for  the  comfort 
of  her  guests.  While  they  were  eating,  two  or  three 
Indians  happened  to  enter,  with  bows  and  arrows, 
upon  whicli  the  English  started  up  and  laid  hold  of 
their  arms.  She  perceived  their  distrust,  but  instead 
of  being  oflTended,  caused  the  weapons  of  the  intruders 
to  be  snapped  asunder,  and  themselves  to  be  beaten. 
Still  the  company  did  not  feel  perfectly  at  home,  and 
towards  evening  they  retired  to  their  boat.  This 
grieved  her  not  a  little  ;  but  she  sent  them  a  supper. 
When  she  saw  them  jealously  pushing  off  some  rods 
from  the  shore  for  a  safe  anchorage,  she  sent  tln'ni 
mats  to  shelter  them  from  the  rain,  and  directed  a 
guard  of  her  people  to  watch  during  the  night  upon 


108 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPHY. 


r  -^li  / 


^.f» 


iiit^ 


II 


^  h 


the  shore.  On  tho  wholo,  it  has  heen  justly  observecf, 
that  there  is  scarcely  in  all  history  a  picture  of  un- 
ufTected  and  generous  hospitality  more  striking  than 
this. 

Wingina,  meanwliile,  lay  at  his  chief  town,  ill  of 
wounds  he  had  recently  received  in  battle  ;  and  the 
English  saw  nothing  of  him.  Nor  was  any  thing 
more  seen  of  Granganimo,  until  April  of  the  next 
year,  when  Sir  Richard  Grenville  brought  out  a  col- 
ony of  one  hundred  and  eight  persons,  whom  he  left 
on  the  Carolinian  sliore  at  Hatteras.  Granganimo 
then  came  on  board  his  ship  in  his  usually  friendly 
and  fearless  manner.  Rut  it  was  his  last  visit.  He 
died  during  the  year  1585. 

This  event  produced  a  gi'cat  alteration  of  affaira 
in  the  colony.  They  were  settled  on  Roanoke,  an 
island  at  the  mouth  of  Albemarle  Sound,  and  that 
situation  made  it  quite  convenient  for  them  to  visit 
the  coast  and  the  country  in  various  directions,  which 
they  were  instructed  to  do.  They  explored,  there- 
fore, in  the  coui*se  of  their  expeditions,  as  far  south 
as  beyond  Pandico  river;  and  as  far  north  as  the 
territory  of  the  Chesapeaks,  on  tlie  bay  of  their  own 
name.  They  also  went  up  Albemarle  Sound  and 
Chowan  river,  one  hundred  and  thirty  miles,  to  a 
nation  of  Indians  called  Chowanocks,  living  above 
the  junction  of  the  Nottaway  and  the  Meherrin. 

We  mention  these  particulars  for  the  sake  of  in- 
troducing Menatenon,  the  king  of  the  tribe  last 
named.  His  province  is  described  as  the  largest  on 
the  whole  length  of  the  river;  and  the  town  of 
Chowanock,  it  is  said,  could  bring  seven  hundred 
bowmen  into  the  field.  3Ienatenon  was  lame — owing 
probably  to  a  wound  in  battle — but  writes  an  old 
chronicler  "  he  had  more  understanding  than  all  the 
rest."  He  amused  the  colonists,  and  especially  their 
governor,  Mr.  Lane,  with  a  story  about  a  copper  mine 
and  a  pearl  fishery,  somewhere  along  the  coast.  lAe 
also  gave  a  strange  account  of  the  head  of  the  ri^  er 
Moratuc,  (now  called  the  Roanoke,)  where  lived  a 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPHY. 


109 


bservecf, 
3  of  lin- 
ing than 

m,  ill  of 
and  the 
ly  thing 
the  next 
lit  a  col- 
n  he  left 
nganimo 
fi'iendly 
isit.    He 

)f  affaira 
noke,  an 
and  that 

to  visit 
IS,  which 
d, there- 
ar  south 
^1  as  the 
leir  own 
imd  and 
les,  to  a 
g  above 
rhi, 

e  of  in- 
ribe  last 
irgcst  on 
town  of 
hundred 

-owing 

an  old 
n  all  the 
lly  their 
>er  mine 
ast.  Ide 
he  ri^er 

lived  a 


king  (he  affirmed,)  whoso  country  hordorcd  on  the 
sea,  and  who  took  such  an  abundaiicc  ol'iHarls  from 
it,  that  not  only  his  skins  and  his  nol)lcriR'n's,  but 
his  beds  and  his  houses  were  garnishiMl  witli  that 
ornament.  Mr.  Lane  expressed  a  wish  to  see  a 
specimen  of  them  ;  but  Meiiat(mon  readily  n'plied, 
that  the  king  of  that  ricli  country  reserved  them  ex- 
pressly for  tradinf^  with  white  nien.* 

The  source  of  the  Moratuc  was  described  as 
springing  out  of  a  vast  rock,  standing  so  near  the 
sea,  that  in  storms  the  surges  beat  ovc^r  it.  As  lor 
the  copper,  that  he  said  was  generally  collected  in 
great  bowls,  covered  with  skin,  at  a  place  particularly 
described,  and  yielded  two  parts  of  metal  for  three 
of  ore.  There  might  be  a  shadow  of  foundation  for 
some  of  these  relations ;  but  the  chief  object  of 
Menatenon — who  was  a  captive  among  the  colonists 
at  the  time  of  his  making  them — must  have  been  to 
render  himself  an  important  man  in  their  eyes,  and 
perhaps  to  lead  them  into  some  hazardous  enterprise. 
Hearing  them  talk  much  about  mines  and  pearls, 
and  the  South  Sea — which  were  all  hobbies  with 
the  credulous  adventurers  of  that  period — he  adapted 
his  discourse  accordingly,  and  his  eager  hearers 
were  simple  enough  to  believe  every  thing  he  as- 
serted.f 

They  even  undertook  the  proposed  expedition  in 
search  of  the  copper  mine  and  the  South  Sea ;  and 
had  actually  advanced  nearly  two  hundred  miles  up 

*  "  This  King  was  at  Cliowunock  two  yearcs  agoe  to  trade 
with  blacke  pearte,  his  worst  sort  whereof  I  had  a  rope, 
but  they  were  naught;  but  that  king  he,  [Menatenon]  sayth 
hath  store  of  white,  and  had  traflicke  with  white  men,  for 
whom  lie  reserved  tliem." 

f  '*  The  Mangoaka  Imue  such  plentie  of  it,  they  beautifie 
their  houses  witli  great  plates  thereof:  this  the  salvages  report; 
and  young  Sliiko,  the  King  Chawonocks  sonne  my  prisoner, 
tliat  had  been  prisoner  among  the  Mangoaks,  &c.      *      ♦      ♦ 

Menatenon  also  confirmed  all  this,  and  premised  me 
guides  to  this  mettall  coiintrit,  ^-c. 

k 


M 


li 


.1! 


Ilii  i! 


no 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPIir. 


the  conntr}',  before  faniinr;  and  fatiinin,  and  ffic 
hostility  of  innunieral)lo  sava^'s  (•onii)eIlcd  them  to 
turn  about.  It  hchmuh  tliut  Wingina  had  hoard  of* 
this  expodition — perhajw  from  Monatenon  —  and 
like  that  cunning  though  crippled  Sachem,  he  did 
all  in  his  power  to  make  it  both  specious  in  prospect 
and  fatal  in  result.  After  having  said  every  thing 
to  excite  the  curiosity  and  avarice  of  the  colonists, 
till  he  saw  them  determined  to  go,  he  sent  word  to 
the  different  powerful  trib<'s  living  on  their  pro[)osed 
route,  that  the  English  were  coming  against  them  ;■ 
and  that  the  sooner  they  suppressed  this  new  enemy, 
the  better.  H(!nce  it  was,  that  the  party  setn^ral 
times  came  very  near  being  cut  off  by  the  savages ; 
and  hence,  instead  of  being  plentifully  supplied  with 
choice  provisions,  as  exfiected,  they  were  glad  to 
live  several  days  upon  two  dogs  '  boiled  down  with 
saxefras  leaves.' 

Fortunately  tor  the  colony,  several  circumstances 
concurred  in  the  period  of  distress  which  succeeded 
this  enterprise,  to  prevent  Wingina  from  making 
open  war  upon  them.  One  was  the  influence  of 
his  father,  Ensenore,  the  best  friend,  next  to  Gran- 
ganimo,  whom  the  English  had  ever  found  among 
the  natives.  But  the  safe  return  of  the  expedition 
made  a  stronger  impression  upon  the  mind  of  Win- 
gina. Rumors  had  been  circulated  that  the  party 
were  all  starved  or  slain  ;  and  then  he  had  "begun 
to  blaspheme  our  God  that  would  suffer  it,  and  not 
defend  vs,  so  that  old  Ensenore  had  no  more  credit 
for  vs ;  for  he  began  by  al  the  deuises  he  could  to 
inuade  vs."*  But  the  return  of  the  expedition  after 
having  defeated  all  enemies — "asswaged  a  Uttle  his 
deuises,  and  brought  Ensenore  in  respect  againe, 
that  our  God  was  good,  and  wee  their  friends,  and 
eur  foes  should  perish,  &c." 

The  last  observation  suggests  another  circumstance 


*  See  the  journal  of  Governor  Lane,  as  preserved  in  the  old« 
oollcctions. 


I 


i 


INDIAN    niOfiRAPHY 


111 


winch  wont  to  rcstmiii  tlic  rninity  of  tlic  clrirtlaiii. 
This  was  a  mortal  <*pi(h'mir,  ot'  niiknovvii  charHCtrr, 
whirh  prevailed  (wohisivi'ly  amon^  the  Indians,  and 
carried  ofl'  preat  nunihers.  Th<;  eolonists  had  tlni 
art  to  make  these  simple  hein«fs  re^'ard  it  as  a  punish- 
ment for  the  hostility  hitherto  manitestcd  towards  the, 
Knplish.  \Vin<:ina  himself,  who  lived  in  the  imme- 
diate vieinity  of  the  colony,  was  exceedingly  over- 
come hy  his  superstition.  Twice  lie  was  very  sick, 
and  came  near  dying.  lie  then  dismissed  the  priests 
who  usually  attended  him,  and  sent  for  some  of  the 
P^nglish  to  pray  for  him,  and  to  he — as  Master  lleriot 
«xpresse5  it,  in  his  "Ohservations"  upon  this  voyage — 
"a  meenes  to  our  God  that  liee  might  line  with  liim 
after  death."  lie  sui)posed  that  lie  had  offended  the 
Deity  of  the  English  hy  his  hhisphemy.  They  were 
themselves  in  great  repute,  of  course.  "  This  marifei- 
lous  accident  in  all  the  country  wrought  so  strange 
opinion  of  vs  that  they  could  not  tell,  whether  to 
thinke  vs  Gods  or  men."  Of  the  two,  they  considered 
the  former  most  prohahle,  for  the  whites  havrng  no 
women  among  them,  the  inference  in  their  minds 
was,  that  instead  of  being  born  of  women,  they  were 
men  of  an  old  generation  many  years  past,  and  risen 
again  from  immortahty.*  All  which,  we  are  told,  so 
changed  the  heart  of  Pemissapan  ( — a  name  assumed 
l)y  Wingina  since  the  death  of  Granganimo — )  that, 
at  Ensenore's  suggestion,  when  the  Englisli  were 
reduced  to  extremities  for  want  of  food,  he  sent  in 
his  8ul)jects  to  make  fish- weirs  for  them,  and  to  plant 
the  fields  they  had  hitherto  thought  of  abandoning. 
But  in  April,  1586,  Ensenore  died ;  and  as  Wingina 
had  now  completely  recovered  his  health,  and  most 
of  the  enemies  which  the  colony  had  among  the 
tribes  took  this  opportunity  of  renewing  their  machi- 
nations, he  relapsed  into  his  former  hostility.  Ar- 
rangements were  made  for  collecting  seven  or  eight 
hundred  Indians,  under  pretence  of  solemnizing  the 

*  Heriot. 


£;fefc,.*"" 


112 


INDIAN    BIOGIIAPHV. 


}; 


■;m 


'i 


fiinprni  of  Ensonoro.  Half  of  thorn  were  to  lie  in 
ninbiiHh  lor  those  oftlio  coloiiistH  wlio  daily  strapffled 
aloiiff  th(^  coast  ill  pursuit  of  crahs,  fish  and  other 
proviHiona.  The  other  detachment  was  to  assault 
the  settlement  of  Roanoke,  at  a  signal  by  fire  in  the 
ni^lit.  Even  the  particular  houses  were  allotted  to 
be  burned  by  [)articular  persons  or  parties.  Twenty 
were  charj^ed  to  beset  the  dvv«"llinf?  of  Governor  Lane, 
and  fire  the  reeds  which  covered  it ;  this  would  brinj:^ 
him  out,  naked  and  unarmed,  and  then  they  could 
despatch  him  without  danfjer.  The  same  order  was 
made  for  Mr.  Heriot's,an(l  various  other  habitations, 
which  were  to  be  fired  at  the  same  instant.  In  the 
meantime,  as  it  was  of  preat  consequence  to  reduce 
the  strength  of  the  colony  by  disj)ersin«;  it,  Wingina 
provided  for  breaking  up  the  weirs,  and  strictly  pro- 
hibited all  trade  in  provisions.  He  kept  himself 
aloof  also  with  a  similar  view. 

The  plan  was  well  concerted,  and  not  without  suc- 
cess. The  Governor  was  soon  obliged  to  send  off 
twenty  of  the  colonists  to  a  part  of  the  coast  called 
Croatan,  merely  that  they  might  collect  the  means  of 
their  own  sustenance.  Ten  more  were  sent  to  Hatte- 
ras  for  the  same  purpose  ;  and  other  small  companies 
scattered  themselves  about  on  the  seacoast,  to  gather 
oysters  and  roots.  But  the  ingenuity  of  the  civilized 
party,  driven  to  desperation,  finally  prevailed  against 
the  chiefl;ain's  naked  shrewdness.  The  Governor 
sent  him  word  he  was  going  to  Croatan,  to  meet  an 
English  squadron  which  had  touched  there  with 
supplies,  covering  the  object  of  this  fabrication  by 
also  requesting  the  services  of  a  few  Indians  to  fish 
and  hunt  for  the  colony.  Desirous  of  gaining  time, 
Wingina  prom])tly  replied,  that  he  would  himself 
visit  Mr.  Lane  in  eight  days.  No  doubt  he  expected 
to  complete  his  conspiracy  in  this  interval. 

Bftt  the  Governor  was  not  so  to  be  deceived.  He 
resolved,  on  the  contrary,  to  pay  the  Sachem  a  visit 
the  next  day  after  receiving  his  answer.  Previous  to 
that,  however,  he  proposed  to  surprise  the  Indians  at 


INDIAN    lUOCK.VPnV 


11:3 


Winpna'sold  spftlrincnt  on  tlir,  i>laii<l  (Uoanok*')  and 
to  take;  their  caimrs  iVom  iIu'IM.  I5«it  tiicy,  too,  *von; 
oil  tiio  al(Mt,  so  entirely  liaM  \Vin;;iiia  prepariMl  them 
*I>r  eiijerp'iii'ies.  "  I'Vu"  wlieii  I  sent  to  take  tlio 
canows,"  says  Mr.  Lane  in  Lis  Journal,  "they  met 
fine  ^^oin<;  froni  the  shore,  overtlin^w  her,  and  eut 
otl*  two  Salvajres'  IkmuIs  ;  wln'revpon  the  cry  arose, 
beinj?  by  their  spies  |M;reeived  ;  for  tliejf  kept  as  ffood 
watch  oucr  vs  as  ive  oner  thtmy  A  skiriiiish  ensued. 
And  the  Iinlians  fled  into  the  woods.  The;  next 
niorninjj,  the  (iijvernor  (Tossed  over  to  u  place  on 
the  main  called  Dassamonpeak,  and  sent  Wiii^inu 
word  ho  was  poin;;  to  Croatan,  and  haviii;^  certain 
com|)IaintH  to  make  to  him  respecting  liLs  siihjecta, 
would  he  happy  to  call  upon  him  by  the  way.  On 
the  faith  of  this  ])rop(>sal,  the  chieflain,  with  s<^vcral 
of  his  })rincipal  imcmi,  met  the  (jiovernor's  party  on 
their  route.  But  no  conversation  took  place.  The 
Governor  jjave  an  appoirit(ul  watcliwonl  to  his  men 
on  approachin<r,  and  they  fired  upon  the  Indians. 
Wiiigina  was  shot  throu«rh  with  a  ])istol-bullet,  and 
f«'ll.  liecoverinjr  his  fe<!t  immediately,  he  fled,  and 
was  near  escaping;  his  pursuers,  when  an  Irish  lK)y 
#!hot  him  a  second  time.  He  was  soon  overtaken, 
and  then  beheaded  on  the  spot. 

We  do  not  feel  disposed  to  dismiss  these  biogra- 
phies of  the  Carolinian  Sachems,  short  and  slight  as 
they  are,  without  offering  such  comment  as  they 
most  obviously  suggest.  It  appears  singular,  at  firsf.^ 
sight,  that  so  striking  a  difference  of  feeling  towards 
the  English  should  be  manifested  by  the  two  brothers. 
Perhaps  there  was  fault  on  both  sides.  Master  Heriot 
admits,  that  some  of  the  colony,  "  towards  the  latter 
end  showed  themselves  too  furious,  in  slaying  some 
of  the  peoi)le  in  some  Townes,  vpon  causes  that  on 
our  part  might  haue  been  borne  with  moremildnesse." 
We  have  seen  with  how  little  ceremony  the  Governor 
proceeded  to  take  summary  nieiLsurcs.  He  was 
driven  to  extremities,  indeed,  but  that  in  itself  was 
no  fault  of  the  Indians — they  were  not  under  obliga* 


% 


»f.'  1 

W'vl 

1  li ''  ^ 

Mr  '^' 

!. 

114 


INDIAN    RIOr.nAPHV. 


II 


tion  to  supply  him,  tliongli  it  nppf-ars  that  they  some- 
tiiiioa  did,  grntuitoiisly. 

Perhaps  a  remark  should  he  made  respecting  a 
provocation  which  occurred  when  the  colony  wa« 
first  lefl  hy  (jiren\ille.  The  English  went  ahout 
ranging  tin;  coast  from  trihe  to  trihe,  and  from  town 
to  town — which  very  ("ircumstanee,  hesides  l)eing 
prohahly  aecotnpanied  hy  other  trespasses,  and  at  all 
events  wholly  unlicensed  hy  the  natives,  could  hardly 
be  looked  upon  as  either  friendly  or  just.  Then,  "  at 
Aquascosack  the  Indians  stole  a  silver  cup,  wherefore 
we  burnt  the  towntj  and  spoxfled  their  come^  and  so  re- 
turned to  our  fleet  at  Tocokon."*  This  was  certain- 
ly no  way  to  make  friends,  and  those  who  an;  familiar 
with  the  Carolinian  history  sul)sc(|uent  to  Wingina*8 
death,  will  remenjher  that  the  injury  was  hy  no  means 
forgotten.  Finally,  setting  aside  the  attempt  to  justify 
either  party,  it  will  he  noticed,  by  such  as  may  take 
the  pains  to  look  into  the  annals  of  this  period,  that 
the  greater  part  of  the  information  which  the  Govern- 
or received  of  the  Sachem's  motives  and  movements 
came  through  the  medium  of  that  shrewd  cripple, 
Menatenon,  and  his  son  Shiko.  Whatever  the  facts 
might  be,  tlien,  the  evidence  was  clearly  inadequate, 
if  not  wholly  inadmissible. 

*  Relation  of  Lane. 


INDIAN   uior.RAriiY. 


115 


'^1 


CHAPTER  VI.* 

S>iv)p«i8  of  the  N«\v  F.niiliind  Indiiuw  at  thn  dato  of  th« 
IMyiiioiith  Si'ttK'inoiU — 'I'ln-  l'nkiu»»kot  conrcdfrarv — Tlie 
Wampanoiifif  triU' — TImmi-  first  Iwad-Sachein,  known  to  the 
English — Massasoit — The  firnt  intcrvirw  Ix'tween  hini  und 
the  whites — His  visit  to  ri\iMt.iuh,  in  1()21 — Treaty  of  peace 
and  fri('n(lshi|) — Knihansv  sent  to  liini  at  SowainH,  by  the  Kng- 
|i}<h — Anccdott'H  respect  log  it — He  is  snspeeled  of  treachery 
or  hostility,  in  1622-— His  sickness  in  1623 — A  second  deputa- 
tion visits  him — Cerenionies  and  results  of  the  visit — ll'xj*  in- 
tercourse with  otlier  trilwH — Conveyances  of  laiiU  to  the  Eng- 
lish— His  death  and  character — Anecdotes. 

The  clearest,  if  not  the  completest  classification 
of  the  New  England  Indians,  at  the  date  of  the  set- 
tlement of  Plymouth,  includes  five  principal  con- 
federacies, each  occupying  their  own  territory,  and 
governed  by  their  own  chiefs.  The  Pequots  inhab- 
ited the  eastern  part  of  Connecticut.  East  of  them 
were  the  Narraghansetts,  within  whose  limits  Rhode 
Island,  and  various  smaller  islands  in  the  vicinity, 
were  comprised.  The  Pawtucket  tribes  were  situat- 
ed chiefly  in  the  southern  section  of  New  Hampshire ; 
the  Massachusetts  tribes  around  the  bay  of  their  o\vn 
name ;  and  between  these  upon  the  north  and  the 
Narraghansetts  upon  the  south,  the  Pokanokets 
claimed  a  tract  of  what  is  now  Bristol  county,  (Rhode 
Island)  bounded  laterally  by  Taunton  and  Pawtuck- 
et rivers  for  some  distance,  together  with  large  parts 
of  Plymouth  and  Barnstable. 

This  confederacy  exercised  some  dominion  over 

*  Not  to  subject  ourselves  to  the  charge  of  plagiarism,  it 
may  be  proper  to  remark  here,  that  several  passages  in  the 
following  notices  of  the  Pokanoket  Sachems  have  been  taken 
almost  unaltered  from  an  article  on  Indian  Biography,  publish- 
ed heretofore  in  the  North  American  Review,  and  written  by 
the  author  of  this  work.  The  same  is  true  of  a  part  of  the 
Bubscquent  notice  of  Tecumseh  and  his  brptlier. 


116 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPHY. 


the  Indians  of  Nantucket  and  M.-irtlia's  Vinpyard, 
and  over  several  of  tlic  nearest  iMiu^sacIiusetts  aiul 
Nipmuck  tribes  ; — the  latter  name  desifxnating  an 
interior  territory,  now  mostly  within  the  boundaries 
of  Won^ester  county.  Of  the  Pokanok<  ts,  there 
were  nine  separate  cantons  or  tribes,  each  governed 
by  its  own  petty  sagamore  or  squaw,  but  all  subject 
to  one  gi'and-sachem,  who  was  also  the  particular 
chief  of  the  Wampanoag  canton,  living  about 
Montaup.* 

The  first  knowledge  we  have  of  the  Wampanoags, 
and  of  the  individuals  who  ruled  over  them  and 
the  other  Pokanokets,  is  furnished  in  the  collections 
of  Purchas,  on  the  authority  of  a  Ca[)tain  Dermer, 
the  Master  Thomas  Dirmire  spoken  of  by  John 
Smith  in  his  JVcw  Eiigland  Trialls,  as  "an  vnderstand- 
ing  and  industrious  gcTitleman,  who  was  also  with 
him  amongst  the  Frenchmen."  Dermer  was  sent 
out  from  England  in  1619,  by  Sir  F.  Gorges,  on  ac- 
count of  the  President  and  Council  of  New  England, 
in  a  ship  of  two  hundred  tons.  He  had  a  Pokanoket 
Indian  with  him,  named  Squanto,  one  of  about 
twenty  who  had  been  kidna|)ped  on  the  coast  by 
Captain  Hunt,  in  1614,  and  sold  as  slaves  at  Malaga 
for  twenty  pounds  a  man.f  Squanto  and  a  few 
others  of  the  cay>tives  were  either  rescued  or  redeem- 
ed, by  the  benevolent  interposition  of  some  of  the 

*Tlus  celebrated  eminence  (frecjucntly  called,  by  corruption 
of  the  Indian  name,  Mount-Ho|)c)  is  a  mile  or  two  east  of  the 
village  of  Brii»tol.  It  is  very  steep  on  all  sides,  and  ter- 
minates in  a  large  rock,  having  the  appearance  to  a  distant 
spectator,  of  an  immense  dome. 

t  It  is  gratifying  to  learn  from  Smith  that  Hunt  was  pun- 
ished, though  not  according  to  the  baseness  of  his  infamous 
crime.  '*  He  betraied  foure  and  twentie  of  these  poore  Sal- 
uages  aboord  his  ship,  and  most  dishonestly  and  inluunanely 
for  their  kinde  usa.»e  of  me  and  all  our  men,  carried  them  with 
him  to  Maligo,  and  there  for  a  little  priuate  gaine  sold  those 
silly  Saluagos  for  Rials  of  eight ;  but  this  vilde  act  kept  him 
ever  after  from  any  more  imploiement  to  these  parts."-=r' 
(Grenerale  His^torie  of  New  England,  published  in  1632, 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPHY. 


117 


monks  upon  that  island.  "  When  I  arrived,"  says 
Dernier  in  his  letter  to  Purciias,  "at  my  savage's 
native  country,  finding  all  dead,  I  truvelle<l  alon<^  a 
day's  journey  to  a  place  called  Nunimastaquyt,  wliere, 
finding  inhabitants,  I  despatched  a  messenger  a  clay's 
journey  further  west,  to  Pacanokit,  which  border- 
eth  on  the  sea ;  whence  came  to  see  me  two  kin^s, 
attended  with  a  guard  of  fifty  armed  men,  who  being 
well  satisfied  with  that  my  savage  and  I  discoursed 
unto  them,  (being  desirous  of  novelty)  gave  me  con- 
tent in  whatsoever  I  demanded.  Here  I  redeemed 
a  Frenchman,  and  afterwards  another  at  Massta- 
chusitt,  who  three  years  since  escaped  shipwreck"  at 
the  northeast  of  Cape  Cod."  One  of  these  two  kings, 
— as  the  sachems  were  frequently  entitled  by  the 
early  writers, — must  have  been  Massasoit,  so  well 
known  afterwards  to  the  Plymouth  settlers ;  and 
probably  the  second  was  his  brother  Quadepinah. 
The  "native  country"  of  Squanto  was  the  vicinity 
of  Plymouth,  where  the  Indians  are  understood  to 
have  been  kidnapped.  Thousands  of  them,  there, 
as  well  as  elsewhere  along  the  whole  coast  of  New 
England,  had  been  swept  oflT  by  a  terrible  pestilence. 
The  first  appearance  of  INIassasoit,*  after  the  set- 
tlement of  Plymouth,  was  upon  the  22d  of  March, 
1621,  a  week  previous  to  which  some  information 
concerning  him  had  been  gathered  from  an  Indian 
named  Samoset,  who  entered  the  village  with  great 
boldness,  and  greeted  the  inhabitants  with  a  "  wel- 
come." On  the  second  occasion,  he  came  in  with 
four  others, — having  engaged  to  introduce  some  of 
the  Wampanoags,  to  traffic  in  furs, — among  whom 
was  Squanto,  at  that  time  probably  the  sole  remain- 

*  We  have  given  the  most  simple  orthography  of  this  word. 
It  is  frequently  written  Massasoyt,  Massasoiet,  Ma.asasowat, 
&c.  Mr.  Belknap  says,  (American  Biography,)  that  contem- 
porary pronmitiation  made  it  a  word  of  four  syllables,  with 
the  accent  on  tlie  second, — Mas-sass-o-it.  The  sachem  sub- 
sequently assumed  another  name,  which  has  undergone  still 
more  various  modifications, — Oosjiinequin,  Woosaraequin,  and 
AuBainequin,  are  some  of  them. 


in 


m. 


* 


;;ll  ; 


\il 


118 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPHY. 


hig  native  of  Plymouth.  This  party  iirought  a  few 
fish  and  skins  to  sell,  and  infbnned  the  English  that 
the  great  sachem,  with  his  brother  and  his  whole 
force,  were  near  at  hand.  Massasoit  soon  appeared 
upon  the  neighboring  hill,  with  sixty  men.  As  they 
seemed  unwiUing  to  approach  nearer,  Squanto  was 
despatched  to  ascertain  their  designs ;  and  they  gave 
him  to  understand,  that  they  wished  some  one 
should  be  sent  to  hold  a  parley. 

Edward  Winslow  was  appointed  to  this  ofRce, 
and  he  immediately  carried  presents  to  the  sachem, 
which  were  willingly  accepted.  He  addressed  him 
also  in  a  speech  of  some  length,  which  the  Indians 
listened  to  with  the  decorous  gravity  characteristic 
of  the  race,  ill-explained  as  it  was  by  the  intei-preter. 
The  purport  of  the  speech  was,  that  King  James 
saluted  the  sachem,  his  brother,  with  the  words  of 
peace  and  love ;  that  he  accepted  him  as  his  friend 
and  ally ;  and  that  tlie  Governor  desired  to  gee  him, 
and  to  trade  and  treat  with  him  upon  friendly  terms, 
Massasoit  apjiears  to  have  made  no  special  reply  to 
this  harangue,  for  the  sufficient  reason,  probably, 
that  he  did  not  precisely  comprehend  the  drift  of 
it.  He  paid  more  attention  to  the  sword  and  armor 
of  Winslow  while  he  spoke ;  and  when  he  had  ceas- 
ed speaking,  signified  his  disposition  to  commence 
the  proposed  trade  forthwith  by  buying  them.  They 
were  not,  however,  for  sale  ;  and  so,  leaving  Wins- 
low in  the  custody  of  his  brother,  he  crossed  a  brook 
between  him  and  the  English,  taking  with  him 
twenty  of  the  Wampanoags,  who  were  directed  to 
leave  their  bows  and  arrows  behind  them.  Beyond 
the  brook  he  was  met  by  Captain  Standish  and 
another  gentleman,  with  an  escort  of  six  armed  men, 
who  exchanged  salutations  with  him,  and  attended 
him  to  one  of  the  best  houses  in  the  village.*     Here, 

*  A  Btone  arch  has  in  modern  times  been  thrown  over  this 
brool^,  to  point  ont  the  precise  spot  of  the  meeting.  The  hill 
where  the  chieftain  first  appeared  was  by  the  settlers  of  hia 
time  railed  "  Strawberry -Hill." 


I    ' 


■■•■Mik.,- 


INDIAN*    BIOGRAPHY. 


119 


a  ^een  rug  was  spread  upon  the  floor,  and  tlireo  or 
four  cushions  i)iled  on  it  for  his  accointnodation. 
The  Governor  then  entered  tlie  liouse,  followed  hy 
several  soldiers,  and  preceded  by  a  flourish  of  a 
drum  and  trumjiet, — a  measure  probably  recom- 
mended by  Standish,  and  which  answered  the  pur- 
pose of  delighting  and  astounding  the  VVampanoags, 
even  beyond  expectation.  It  was  a  deference  paid 
to  their  sovereign,  which  pleased  as  well  as  surprised 
them.  The  sachem  and  the  Governor  now  kiss<?d 
each  other,  and  after  the  interchange  of  certain  other 
civilities,  sat  down  together,  and  regaled  themselves 
with  what  Neal  calls  an  entertainment.  It  consisted, 
it  seems,  chiefly  of  "strong  waters,  a  thing  the 
savages  love  very  well;  and  the  sachem  took  such  a 
large  draught  of  it  at  once,  as  made  him  sweat  all 
the  while  he  staid."  A  treaty  was  concluded  upon 
this  occasion,  the  terms  of  which  were  as  follows. 

1.  That  neither  he,  nor  any  of  his  (Massasoit's) 
should  injure  or  do  hurt  to  any  of  their  people. 

?.  That  if  any  of  his  did  any  hurt  to  any  of  theirs, 
he  should  send  the  offender,  that  they  might  punish 
him. 

3.  That  if  any  thing  were  taken  away  from  any 
of  theirs,  he  should  cause  it  to  be  restored,  and  they 
should  do  the  like  to  his. 

4.  That  if  any  did  unjustly  war  against  him,  they 
would  aid  him  ;  and  if  any  did  war  against  them,  he 
should  aid  them. 

5.  That  he  should  send  to  his  neighbor  confed- 
erates, to  inform  them  of  this,  that  they  might  not 
wrong  them,  but  might  be  likewise  comprised  in 
these  conditions  of  peace. 

6.  That  when  his  came  to  them  upon  any  occa- 
sion, they  should  leave  their  arms  behind  them. 

7.  That  so  doing,  their  Sovereign  Lord,  King 
James,  would  esteem  him  as  his  friend  and  ally. 

"  All  which,"  says  Morton, — and  some  other  annal- 
ists agree  with  him, — "  he  liked  very  well,  and  withal^ 
at  the  same  time,  acknowledged  himself  content  t(^ 


i 

t 

r 


i< 


120 


INDIAN    BIOGIIAPIIV. 


>lMiV    ^ 


become  the  subject  of  our  Sovereign  Lord  the  King 
aforesaid,  his  lieirs  and  successors ;  and  gave  unto 
him  all  the  lands  adjacent,  to  him  and  his  heirs  for- 
ever." This  acknowledgement  of  the  sovereignty 
of  the  King,  if  it  really  made  a  part  of  the  agreement, 
certainly  deserved  a  place  as  a  distinct  article  ;  being 
by  far  more  important  than  all  the  others.  The 
gi*ant  of  land, — and  this  grant  constituted  the  entire 
title  of  the  Plymouth  settlers,  as  against  the  natives, — 
is  confirmed  by  subsequent  transactions,  and  espe- 
cially by  the  acts  of  Massasoit.  But  his  submission 
to  the  authority  of  King  .Tnmes,  as  a  subject  to  a 
sovereign,  is  more  doubtful ;  nor  does  it  by  any  means 
accord  with  the  seventh  express  article.  That  the 
treaty  itself  also  was  not  preserved  precisely  as  it 
was  probably  imderstood,  may  be  inferred  from  the 
variations  of  it  giv^en  by  Mourt  in  his  Relation.  Ac- 
cording to  his  sixth  article,  for  example,  a  just  recip- 
rocity is  maintained,  by  providing  that  the  English 
should  leave  their  pieces  behind  them  in  their  inter- 
views with  the  Indians.  This  distinction  between 
alliance  and  subjection, — at  least  in  the  mind  of  one 
of  the  parties, — seems  to  have  been  too  much  over- 
looked. 

Such,  however,  was  the  first  treaty  made  ^vith  the 
Indians  of  New  England, — a  passage  in  its  history 
of  great  interest.  It  was  made  upon  peaceable  and 
honorable  terms.  The  Indians  came  in  voluntarily 
to  make  it ;  and  though  they  received  as  a  considera- 
tion for  the  immense  territory  granted  at  the  time, 
only  a  pair  of  knives,  and  a  copper  chain  witJi  a 
jewel  in  it  for  the  grand  sachem ;  and  a  knife,  a 
jewel  to  hang  in  his  ear,  a  pot  of  strong  water,  a 
good  quantity  of  biscuit,  and  some  butter  for  Quade- 
pinah,* — yet  were  all  parties  satisfied  with  the  sub- 
stance as  they  were  gratified  by  the  ceremonies  of 

*So  minutely  is  the  transaction  described  in  The  Journal 
of  a  Plantation  at  Plymouth,  preserved  by  Purchas,  and' 
re-published  among  the  Historicul  Collections  of  Massachusetts.' 
There  is  reason  to  tliink  that  Winslow  was  the  author. 


1141 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPHTT. 


121 


the  agreement.  It  is  pleasing  to  learn  from  liistory, 
that  this  simple  negotiation  was  remcml)ered  and 
adhered  to  on  hoth  sides  for  the  unparalleled  tenn 
of  half  a  century  ;  nor  was  Massasoit,  or  any  of  the 
Wampanoags  during  his  lifetime,  convicted  by  the 
harshest  revilers  of  his  race,  of  having  violated,  or 
attempted  to  violate,  any  of  its  plain,  just,  and  delib- 
erate provisions. 

The  two  parties  seem  to  have  regarded  each  other 
on  this  occasion  witli  a  curiosity  of  equal  interest 
and  minuteness ;  for  while  the  sachetn  was  inspect- 
ing the  armor  of  Winslow,  and  his  Wampanoags 
exerting  themselves  to  blow  the  trumpet  in  imitation 
of  their  hosts,*  the  English  by-standors,  on  the  other 
hand,  were  making  tiicir  own  observations.  The 
writer  of  the  Journal  of  a  Plantation  settled  at 
Plymouth,  describes  M.assasoit  as  "  a  very  lusty  man, 
in  his  best  years,  an  able  body,  gi'ave  of  countenance, 
and  spare  of  speech."  In  his  attire,  he  issaid  to 
have  differed  little  from  the  rest  of  his  followers,  ex- 
cepting that  he  wore  a  large  chain  of  white  bone- 
beads  about  his  neck,  which  was,  probably,  one  of 
the  royal  insif^nia  ;  and  that  he  had  suspended  from 
it  behind,  a  little  bag  of  tobacco,  which  he  drank, 
says  the  writer,  "  and  gave  us  to  drink."  His  api)ear- 
ance  otherwise  does  not  seem  to  have  been  particu- 
larly elegant ;  his  face  being  painted  of  a  sad  red, 
like  murrey,  and  both  head  and  face  so  oiled  that 
he  "  looked  greasily."  His  only  weapon  was  a  long 
knife,  swinging  at  his  bosom  by  a  string.  His  atten- 
dants were  probably  arrayed  for  this  gi*eat  occasion 
with  peculiar  attention  to  etiquette ;  some  of  them 
being  painted  black,  others  red,  yellow,  or  white ; 


some 


wearmg  crosses 


and  "  otlier  antick  works  ;" 
and  several  of  them  dressed  in  furs  or  skins  of  various 
descriptions.  Being  tall,  strong  men  also,  and  the 
fii-st  natives  whom  most  of  the  Colonists  had  ever 


**'  He  marvelled  much  at  our  trumpet,  and  some  of  his  men 
would  sound  it  as  well  as  we  could." — Journal. 


I 


''  If 

fi 

m.V 

I 

t 

rw 

4 

p. 

> 

< « 

it 

■  ii 

S"v 

, 

h'',  < 


:i  r 


11^^ 


122 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPIir. 


seen  near  at  hand,  they  must  have  made  to  them  a 
somewhat  imposing,  as  well  as  interesting  spectacle. 
Leaving  a  few  of  their  number  among  tlie  whites, 
as  hostages,  the  Wam[)anoags  retired  to  the  wodds 
about  half  a  mile  distant  and  spent  the  night ;  and 
Winslow  acted  as  their  hostage.  The  English  were 
not  yet  prepared,  it  would  seem,  to  put  faith  in  the 
professions  of  savages ;  for  they  kej)t  strict  watch 
all  night,  besides  retaining  the  security  just  named. 
Their  guests,  on  the  contrai-y,  enjoyed  themselves 
quietly  in  the  woods  ;  and  there  were  some  of  their 
wives  and  children  with  them,  who  must  have  come 
upon  this  courteous  visit  from  a  distance  of  forty 
miles.  The  sachem  sent  several  of  his  people  the 
next  morning,  to  signify  his  wish  that  some  of  his  new 
friends  would  houor  him  with  their  presence.  Stan- 
dish  and  one  Alderton*  "  went  venturously  "  among 
them,  and  were  cordially,  if  not  royally  welcomed 
with  an  entertainment  of  tobacco  and  ground-nuts. 
"  We  cannot  yet  conceive,"  continues  our  still  un- 
satisfied informant,  "but  that  he  is  willing  to  have 
peace  with  us  ;  for  they  have  seen  our  people  some- 
times alone  two  or  three  in  the  woods  at  work  and 
fowling,  when  they  offered  them  no  harm,  as  they 
might  easily  have  done."  They  remained  at  ♦heir 
encampment  till  late  in  the  forenoon  •  the  Govdnor 
requiting  the  sachem's  liberality,  meanwhile,  by  send- 
mg  an  express  messenger  for  his  large  kettle,  and 
filling  it  with  dry  peas.  "  This  pleased  them  well ; 
and  so  they  went  their  way ;" — the  one  party  as 
much  relieved,  no  doubt,  as  tlie  other  was  gi*atified.f 

*  From  wlioni  the  outer  point  of  Boston  harbor  is  said  to 
have  been  named. 

■j  Such  was  the  earliest  visit,  of  ceremony  or  !>i!c'.ness  at 
least,  which  the  natives  of  New  England  paid  to  ini:  Colonists. 
The  account  given  of  it,  though  ex  partem  as  all  such  descrip^ 
tions  nuist  be,  is  honorable  to  the  former  in  tlie  highest  degree. 
They  show  that  many,  if  not  most  of  the  savages,  who  were 
fairly  dealt  with,  were  at  fust  as  sensible  and  as  prone  to 
kindness  as  could  have  been  wisiied.     Thev  went  unarmed 


{ 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPHY. 


V23 


)  them  a 
spectacle, 
e  whites, 
le  woods 
^ht;  and 
lish  were 
ith  in  the 
ct  watch 
t  named, 
lemsclves 
!  of  their 
ive  come 

of  forty 
3opIe  the 
f  his  new 
e.  Stan- 
"  among 
v^elcomed 
und-nuts, 

still  un- 
T  to  have 
►le  some- 
vork  and 
1,  as  they 
1  at  ♦heh» 
Grovcinor 
,  by  send- 

ttle,  and 
em  well ; 
paity  as 
jratified.f 

is  said  to 

yUc'.ness  at 
:  Colonists, 
ch  descrip^ 
est  degree, 
who  >vere 
8  prone  t() 
unarmed 


% 


We  meet  with  Masfsasoit  aj^ain  in  July,  lG2t ;  an 
embassy  bein^  then  sent  to  him  at  his  own  residence, 
Atoutaup  or  Sowams.  This  embassy  consisted  of 
Edward  Winslow  and  Stephen  Hopkins ;  and  the 
objects  of  it  were,  says  Mourt,*  "  that  forasmuch  as 
his  suhjects  came  often  and  tvithoiU  fear  upon  all  occa- 
sions amongst  us,  so  the  English  went  now  to  visit 
him,  carrying  with  them  a  coat  from  the  Governor 
to  his  frieihi  the  sachem,  as  a  token  of  good  will, 
and  desire  to  live  peaceably.  It  was  farther  intima- 
ted, though  with  great  delicacy,  that  whereas  his 
people  came  frequently  and  in  gi*eat  numbers  to 
Plymouth,  wives,  children,  and  all,  and  were  always 
welcome, — yet  being  but  strangers  in  the  land,  and 
not  confident  how  their  corn  might  prosper,  they 
could  uo  longer  give  them  such  entertainment  as  they 
had  done,  and  still  wished  to  do.  If  Massasoit  him- 
self, however,  would  visit  them,  or  any  special  friend 
of  Jiis,  he  should  be  welcome.  A  request  was  then 
made,  that  the  Pokanokets,  who  had  iurs,  should  be 
permitted  to  dispose  of  them  to  the  Colonists.  The 
Governor  wished  him  also  to  exchange  some  corn 
for  seed  with  the  Plymouth  peofrfe. 

The  remaining  article  in  this  message  is  more 
illustrative  of  the  relations  understood  to  exist  and 
to  be  desirable  between  the  parties.  On  the  first 
arrival  of  the  Colonists  at  Cape  Cod,  it  seems  they 
had  found  corn  buried  there  in  the  ground.  Seeing 
no  inhabitants  in  the  neighborhood,  "  but  some  graves 
of  the  dead  newly  buried,"  they  took  the  corn,  with 
the  intention  of  making  full  satisfaction  for  it  when- 
ever it  became  practicable.    The  owners  of  it  were 


among  the  settlers  without  fear,  disposed  to  be  honest  and 
friendly  at  all  events,  and  as  hospitable  as  their  moans  per- 
mitted. It  will  appear  in  the  sequel,  that  they  continued  so 
for  a  long  course  of  years,  as  tliey  also  continued  faithful  to 
their  express  obligations. 


in 


*  See  iMouRT's  Relation,  part  of  which  is  also  preserved 
the  Collections,    The  name  of  die  publisher  only  seema 


hi 
'  I, 

'ti 


ri 


to  be  attached  to  it. 


124 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPHY. 


il.  - : 


;   I 


I'? 


h  i\ 


!'*  1? ; 


supposed  to  have  fled  through  fear.  It  was  now  pro- 
posed, that  these  men  should  be  informed  by  Massas- 
oit, — if  they  could  be  found, — that  the  English  were 
ready  to  pay  them  with  an  equal  quantity  of  corn, 
English  meal,  or  "any  other  commodities  they  had 
to  pleasure  them  withal ;"  and  full  satisfaction  was 
offered  for  any  trouble  which  the  sachem  might  do 
them  the  favor  to  take.  This  proposal  was  equally 
politic  and  just. 

The  visitei-s  met  with  a  generous,  though  humble 
hospitality,  which  reminds  one  of  the  first  reception 
of  Columbus  by  the  West-Indian  islandere.  Tliey 
reached  Namaschet  about  three  o'clock  in  the  after- 
noon ;  and  there,  we  are  told,  the  inhabitants  enter- 
tained them  with  joy,  in  the  best  manner  they  were 
able  ;  giving  them  sweet  bread*  and  fish,  with  a  less 
acceptable  accompaniment  of  boiled  musty  acorns. 
Various  civilities  were  exchanged  after  this  primitive 
and  savory  repast, — as  ancient,  by  the  way,  as  the 
eai'ly  Greeks, — and  some  time  was  passed  very  pleas- 
antly in  shooting  a  crow  at  a  considerable  distance, 
to  the  vast  astonishment  and  amusement  of  the 
Indians.  They  were  then  directed  to  a  place  about 
eight  miles  distant,  (Middleborough)  where,  says  the 
Journalist,  they  should  find  "  more  store  and  better 
victuals."  They  were  welcomed,  on  their  arrival, 
by  a  party  who  were  catching  gi*eat  numbers  of  fine 
bass  in  Taunton  river,  and  who  gave  them  a  supper, 
and  a  breakfast  in  the  morning,  besides  the  privilege 
of  lodging  in  the  woods  near  by  over  night. 

Attended  by  six  of  their  hosts  the  next  day,  they 
were  assisted  in  passing  the  river ;  and  here  they 
met  with  the  first  indications  of  ill-will,  in  the  per- 
sons of  two  old  Indians  upon  the  opposite  bank. 
These  two,  espying  them  as  they  entered  the  river, 
ran  swiftly  and  stealthily  among  the  high  grass  to 

*  Called  maziunif  and  made  of  Indian  corn,  no  doubt. 
Gookin  says,  that  a  meal  whi(  h  they  made  of  parched  maize 
was  so  sweet,  so  hearty,  and  so  toothsome^  that  an  Indian 
would  travel  many  days  with  no  other  food. 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPHY. 


125 


meet  them  ;  and  thon,  with  loud  voicos  and  dra\>n 
bows,  demanded  of  the  stranjjors  wlio  they  were  ; 
"hut  seeing  we  were  friends,"  it  is  addeil,  "they 
welcomed  us  with  such  food  as  they  had,  and  we 
bestowed  a  small  bracelet  of  heads  on  them."  The 
remarks  which  follow  this,  upon  the  conduct  of  the 
six  attendants,  we  caimot  forbear  citing  at  large, 
irrelevant  to  our  main  purpose  as  they  arc.  "  When 
we  came  to  a  small  brook,"  says  our  accurate  writer, 
"  where  no  bridge  was,  two  of  them  desired  to  cany 
us  through  of  their  own  accords ;  also  fearing  we 
were,  or  woidd  be  weary,  offered  to  carnr  our  pieces  ; 
also  if  we  would  lay  off  any  of  our  clothes,  [it  being 
excessively  hot,]  we  should  have  them  carried  ;  aiid 
as  the  one  of  them  had  found  more  special  kindness 
from  one  of  the  messengers,  and  the  other  savage 
from  the  other,  so  they  showed  their  thankfulness 
accordingly,  in  affording  us  lielp  and  furtherance  in 
the  journey." 

After  one  more  entertainment  on  the  way,  our 
travellers  reached  Sowams.  Massasoit  was  not  at 
hoiue,  but  arrived  soon  after,  and  was  saluted  by  his 
visiters  with  a  discharge  of  musketry.  He  welcomed 
them  kindly  after  the  Indian  manner,  took  them  into 
his  lodge,  and  seated  them  by  himself.  They  then 
delivered  their  message  and  presents,  the  latter  com- 
prising a  horseman's  coat  of  red  cotton,  embroidered 
with  fine  lace.  The  sachem  mounted  this  superb 
article  without  delay,  and  hung  the  chain,  which 
they  also  gave  him,  about  his  neck,  evidently  enjoy- 
ing the  unspeakable  admiration  of  the  Wampanoags, 
who  gazed  upon  him  at  a  distance.  He  now  answer- 
ed the  message,  clause  afler  clause  ;  and  particularly 
signified  his  desire  to  continue  in  peace  and  friend- 
ship with  his  neighbors.  He  gathered  his  men 
around  him,  in  fine,  and  harangued  them ;  they  oc- 
casionally confirming  what  he  said  by  their  custom- 
ary ejaculations.  Was  not  he,  Massasoit,  conmiand- 
er  of  the  country  about  them  ?  Was  not  such  a 
town  within  his  dominions — and  were  not  the  peo* 

L2 


« 


I 


l\ 


I 


111. 


ii'..- 


I.  f 


126 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPHY. 


pie  of  it  his  subjects — and  should  they  not  bring 
their  skins  to  him,  if  he  wished  it  ? 

Tims  he  proceeded  to  name  about  thirty  of  his 
small  settlements,  his  attentive  auditors  responding 
to  each  question.  The  matter  being  regularly  set- 
tled, he  lighted  tobacco  for  his  guests,  and  conversed 
with  them  about  their  own  country  and  King,  mar- 
velling, above  all,  that  his  Majesty  should  live  with- 
out a  squaw.  As  it  grew  late?,  and  he  oifered  no 
more  substantial  entertaimnent  than  this, — no  doubt 


for  the  sound  reason,  that  he  had 


nothing  to 


ofler, 


— his  guests  intimated  a  wish  to  retire  for  the  night. 
He  forthwith  accommodated  them,  with  himsolf  and 
his  wife,  they  at  one  end  and  his  visiters  at  the  other, 
of  a  bed  consisting  of  a  plank  platform,  raised  a  foot 
or  two  from  the  ground  and  covered  with  a  thin 
mat.  Two  of  his  chief  men,  probably  by  way  of 
compliment,  were  also  station«;d  upon  the  same 
preujises ;  and  this  body-^uard  performed  their 
pressing  duty  of  escort  so  effectually,  that  no  other 
circumstances  were  necessary  to  i?i.-^ke  the  honored 
guests  "  worae  weary  of  their  lodging  than  they  had 
been  of  their  journey." 

On  the  following  day,  many  of  the  petty  chiefs, 
with  their  subjects,  came  in  from  the  adjacent  coun- 
try, and  various  sports  and  games  were  got  up  for 
the  entertainment  of  the  English.  At  noon,  they 
partook,  with  the  sachem  and  about  forty  others, 
of  a  meal  of  boiled  fish  shot  by  himself^  (probably 
with  arrows.)  They  continued  with  him  until  the 
next  morning,  when  they  departed,  leaving  Massasoit 
"  both  grieved  and  ashamed"  that  he  could  not  bet- 
ter entertain  him.  Very  importunate  he  was,  adds 
the  journalist,  to  have  them  stay  with  him  longer ; 
but  as  they  had  eaten  but  one  meal  for  two  days 
and  a  night,  with  the  exception  of  a  partridge,  which 
one  of  them  killed ;  and  what  with  their  location  at 
night,  the  "savages*  barbarous  singing  of  themselves 
to  sleep,"  musquitoes  without  doors,  and  other  tri- 
fling inconveniences  within,  could  not  sleep  at  all ; 


t    J 


'i 


INDIAN    BIOGUAPIIY. 


127 


they  begpcd  to  be  excused, — on  the  score  of  con- 
Bcience,  Sunday  bein«(  near  at  hjuid, — not  to  mention 
that  tliey  were  f^rowing  li<^ht-headed,  and  could 
hardly  expect,  if  they  stayed  much  longer,  to  be 
able  to  reach  hojn(!. 

Ma^sasoit's  friendsliip  vvtw  a^ain  tested  in  March, 
ir/i*^,  when  an  Indian,  i^nown  to  be  under  Squanto's 
influence,'*  came  ruiuiiiifi^  in  among  a  party  of  colo- 
nists, witii  his  face  gaslied,  and  the  i)iood  fresh  upon 
it,  calling  out  to  them  to  flee  for  their  lives,  and  then 
looking  behind  him  as  if  pursued.  On  coming  up, 
he  told  tliem  that  the  Indians,  under  Massasoit,  were 
congregating  at  a  certain  place  for  an  attack  upon 
the  Colony;  that  he  had  received  his  wounds  in 
consequence  of  opposing  their  designs;  and  had 
barely  escaped  from  them  with  his  life.  The  report 
occasioned  no  little  alarm  ;  although  the  correctness 
of  it  was  flatly  denied  by  Ilobamock,  a  Pokanoket 
Indian  resid(;nt  at  Plymouth,  who  recommended 
that  a  messenger  should  be  sent  secretly  to  Sowams, 
for  tlie  purpose  of  ascertaining  the  truth.  This  was 
done,  and  the  messenger,  flnding  every  thing  in  ita 
usually  quiet  state,  informed  Massasoit  of  the  reports 
circulated  against  him.    He  was  excessively  incens 

♦Which,  it  may  >)e  here  observed,  was  quite  considerable. 
Squanto  was  ambitious  and  niedillesome,  though  not  malicioua 
— well-disposed  and  serviceable  to  the  English,  but  a  little  too 
anxious  to  have  credit  for  that  fact  among  his  countrymen. 
He  amused  himself  with  telling  them  that  the  whites  kept  the 
plague  barrelled  up  in  their  cellars,  that  they  intended  war 
upon  various  tribes,  &c.  for  the  sake  of  being  employed, 
sometimes  hired,  to  act  as  mediator;  and  of  course  he  always 
succeeded  in  settling  the  diiiliculty.  Squanto  died  in  Novem- 
ber, 1622,  on  an  expedition  fitted  out  by  Governor  Bradford 
for  obtaining  corn  among  the  Indians.  His  last  request  was, 
that  the  governor  would  pray  for  him  that  he  might  go  to  the 
Englishman's  God  in  Heaven.  He  bequeathed  his  little  prop- 
erty to  his  English  friends.  So  perished  the  last  aboriginal 
of  the  Plymoutli  soil.  He  sometimes  played  *  Jack  upon  both 
sides,'  as  Hubbard  says,  but  his  death  was  justly  considered  a 
public  loss. 


128 


INDIAN    DIOGUAPHY. 


\'A 


'1      ■ 


i\  .' 


C(l  ngniriRt  Sfninnto,  hut  soiit  Iiis  timnks  to  tlic  Gov- 
ernor for  the  opinion  of  liir*  fnh'lity,  whirh  h«  un- 
d(»rstoo(l  hitn  to  retain  ;  and  (hrccKMl  tlin  messenger 
to  assuro  him,  tliat  he  wlionld  instantly  apprize  hinn 
of  any  conspiracy  which  iniglit  at  any  future  time 
take  phire. 

That  tlie  declarations  of  Massasoit,  upon  this  occa- 
sion, w('r«5  far  tvoni  heinj?  mere  words  of  compulsion 
or  of  courtesy,  is  al)undantly  proved  hy  his  conduct 
durin»(  the  iHixt  season,  1(523.  Early  in  the  spring  of 
that  year,  news  came  to  Plymouth,  that  he  was  very 
sick  at  Sowams ;  and  it  was  determined  to  send  Mr. 
Winslow  to  visit  him  once  more,  in  token  of  the 
friendship  of  the  colonists.  That  *;entlcman  immedi- 
ately conmienced  his  journey,  heing  provided  with 
a  tew  cordials,  and  attended  hy  "  one  Master  John 
Hampden,  a  London  gentlcirian,  who  then  wintered 
with  him,  and  desired  nnich  to  see  the  country," — 
no  douht  the  same  character  so  eminently  distinguish- 
ed afterwards  in  the  politics  of  England. 

They  heard,  at  various  places  on  their  route,  that 
the  sachem  was  already  dead ;  and  their  guide, 
Hobamock,  indulged  himself  all  the  way  in  the  most 
unbounded  grief.  They  found  him  still  living,  how- 
ever, on  their  arrival ;  and  the  multitude  of  depends 
ents  and  friends  who  thronged  his  lodge,  made  way 
as  fast  as  possible  for  their  admittance  and  accom- 
modation. He  appeared  to  be  reduced  to  the  last 
extremities.  Six  or  eight  women  were  employed 
in  chafing  his  cold  limbs,  and  the  residue  of  the 
numerous  company  were  exerting  themselves  to  the 
utmost,  meanwhile,  in  making  what  Winslow  rather 
uncharitably  calls  "  such  a  hellish  noise  as  distem-r 
pered  those  that  were  well."*    He  had  the  good  sense 

*  Probiil)ly  an  Indian  Fowah  wa?  loader  of  the  chorus. 
Of  tl»ese  barbarian  quacks,  Roger  Willianis  says,  that  *'  the 
poore  people  commonly  dye  under  their  hands,"  for  the  very 
good  reason  that  they  *'  administer  nothing,  but  howle,  and 
roar,  and  hollow  over  tliem,  and  begin  the  song  to  the  rest  of 
the  people  about  tliem,  who  all  joyne  (like  a  quire)  in  prayer  to 


INDIAN    BFOr.RAPllV. 


129 


to  wait  for  the  ronrlusion  oftho  coroinony  ;  and  the 
pxluuistp'l  pcriorrncrs  hcinj^  then  siitistied  thoy  liad 
done  all  that  in  them  lay  for  th<i  benefit  of  the 
patient,  one  of  them  apprised  hirn  of  the  arrival  of  tho 
Kriulish. 

"  fy/in  have  come  ?"  muttered  the  sarhem,  still 
ronscioiis,  thoiiirii  liis  si«rht  was  wholly  f^one.  They 
told  him  VV'insnow  luul  eotne,  (as  they  ^(uierally  Huh- 
ptitnted  n  for  the  Knglish  /.)  "Let  me  speak  with 
him  tln'n,"  he  replied,  "  Let  me  speak  one  word  to 
liim."  Win:.!ow  went  forward  to  the  matted  plat- 
form when;  he  lay,  and  prrasped  the  feeble  hand 
whirh  the  saehem,  iidormed  of  his  af)proach,  hldd 
out  for  him.  "Art  thou  Winsnow  ?"  he  whispered 
th(Mni(»stion  a<:.'iin,  (in  his  own  lanji^uafje,)  "Art  thou 
Winsnow  ?"  Bein^  readily  answered  in  the  affirma- 
tive, he  appeared  satisfied  of  th(?  fart.  But  "O  Wins- 
now," he  added  mournfully,  "  I  shall  never  see  tliee 
n<rain  !" 

Ifobamoek  was  now  railed,  and  desired  to  assure 
the  saehem  of  the  (Governor's  kind  remembrance  of 
him  in  his  [jrescnt  situation,  and  to  iidbrm  him  of  the 
artielos  they  had  brouffht  with  them  for  his  use.  He 
innnediately  sijifnified  his  wish  to  taste  of  these  ;  and 
tln'y  were  ^nven  him  accordingly,  to  the  great  delight 
of  the  peo|)le  around  him.  Winslow  then  proceeded 
to  use  measures  for  his  relief,  and  they  wrought  a 
great  change  in  him  within  half  an  hour,  lie  re- 
covered his  sight  gradually,  and  began  to  converse, 
requesting  his  good  friend  Winslow,  among  other 
things,  to  kill  him  a  fowl,  and  make  him  some  English 
pottage,  such  as  he  had  seen  at  Plymouth.  This  was 
done  for  him,  and  such  other  care  taken  as  restored 
his  strength  and  appetite  wonderfully  withhi  the  day 
or  two  of  Winslow's  stay. 

His  expressions  of  gratitude,  as  well  as  those  of  his 
delighted  attendants,   were  constant,  as  they  were 


?; 


die  gods  for  them."     Key  to  the  Indian  Language,  chapter 
xxxi. 


m 


130 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPHY. 


t  It 


:  f  J 


evidently  warm  from  tliR  lieait.  Finally,  as  hia 
guests  were  about  to  leave  him,  he  called  Hobamock 
to  his  side,  and  revealed  to  hitn  a  })lot  against  the 
colonists,  recently  formed,  as  he  understood,  among 
certain  of  the  Massachusetts  tribes,  and  in  which  he 
had  himself  been  invited  to  join.  He  also  recom- 
mended certain  summary  measures  for  the  suppres- 
sion of  the  plot,  and  concluded  with  charging  Hoba- 
mock* to  communicate  the  intelligence  to  Winslow 
on  the  way  tc  Plymouth.  It  may  be  added  here, 
tiiat  these  measures  were  subsequently  executed  by 
Standish,  and  were  successful.  The  conspiracy  itself 
was  occasioned  by  the  notorious  and  outrageous 
profligacy  of  the  banditti  of  "  Master  Weston,"  at 
Weymouth. 

The  leading  particulars  in  tlie  residue  of  Massa- 
soit's  life,  may  soon  be  detailed.  In  1632,  he  was 
assaulted  at  Sowams,  by  a  party  of  Narraghansetts, 
and  obliged  to  take  refuge  in  an  English  house.  His 
situation  was  soon  ascertained  at  Plymouth,  and  an 
armed  force  being  promptly  despatched  to  his  suc- 
cor, under  his  old  friend  Standish,  the  Narraghan- 
setts retired.  About  the  year  1639,  he  probably 
associated  his  eldest  son,Moanam  or  Wamsutta,  with 
him  in  the  government;  for  they  came  together  i?  lO 
open  court  at  Plymouth,  it  is  said,  on  the  ;28th  of 
September  of  that  year,  and  desired  that  the  ancient 
treaty  of  1621  might  remain  inviolable.  They  also 
entered  into  some  new  engagements,  chiefly  going  to 
secure  to  the  Colony  a  pre-emptive  claim  to  the 
Pokanoket  lands.  "  And  the  whole  court,"  add  the 
records,  "  in  the  name  of  the  whole  government  for 
each  town  respectively,  did  then  likewise  ratify  and 
confirm  the  aforesaid  ancient  league  and  confede- 
racy." 

*  The  date  of  this  Indian's  death  is  not  known.  He  is  said 
to  have  once  been  a  war-captain  among  the  Massachusetts 
tribes.  Hubbard  describes  him  as  a  *  proper  lusty  young  man, 
and  of  good  account  among  the  Indians  of  those  parts  for  his  vai- 
or.'    He  was  useful,  like  Squanto,  M'ithout  being  troublesoaa^. 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPHY. 


131 


From  this  timie,  the  names  of  tljo  flithrr  and  rod 
arc  sometimes  found  nnited,  and  sometimes  not  so, 
in  instruments  by  whicli  land  was  conveyed  to  the 
EngMsh.  In  1640,  the  former  sold  the  territory  of 
Bridgewater  in  his  own  name.  "  Witnes  these  pres- 
ents"—are  the  words  of  the  deed — "  that  I  Ousame- 
quin  Saehim  of  the  contrie  of  Pocanauktt,  hauo 
given,  granted  enfeofed  and  sould  unto  Myles  Stand- 
ish  of  Duxhorough  Samuel  Nash  and  Constant 
Southworth  of  Duxhorough  aforesaid  in  the  belialfe 
of  all  ynownsmen  of  Duxhorough  aforesaid  a  tract 
of  land  usually  called  Saughtucket  extending  in  length 
and  the  breadth  thereof,  as  foUoweth,  that  is  to  say^^ 
[here  follow  the  boundaries  of  what  is  now  Bridge- 
icater] — the  w^''  tract  the  said  Ousamequin  hath 
given  granted  enfeofed  and  sould  unto  y  said  Myles 
[Standish]  Samuel  Nash  and  Constant  Southworth 
in  the  behalfe  of  all  y^  townsmen  of  Duxhorough  as 
aforesaid  w^''  all  the  emimitie^  priveleges  and  profitts 
whatsoever  belonging  to  the  said  tract  of  land  w''' 
all  and  singular  all  wood3  underwoods  lands  mead- 
owes  Riuers  brooks  Rivulets  &c.  to  have  and  to 
hould  to  the  said  Myles  Standish  Samuel  Nash  and 
Constant  Southworth  in  behalfe  of  all  the  townsmen 
of  the  towne  of  Duxhorough  to  them  and  their  heyers 
forever.  In  witnes  whereof  I  the  said  Ousamequin 
have  here  unto  sett  my  hand  this  23  of  March  1G41>, 

The  m**  of  ^  Ousamequin. 

In  considercftion  of  the  aforesaid  bargain  and  sale 
wee  the  said  Myles'  Standish  Samuel  Nash  and  Con- 
stant Southworth,  doe  bind  ourselves  to  pay  unto  y* 
said  Ousamequin  for  and  in  consideration  of  y^  said 
tract  of  land  as  followeth 

7  Coats  ay'  and  half  in  "^ 

a  coat 
9    Hatchets 

8  Howes 
20    Knives 

4    Moose  skins 
10    Y''*  and  half  of  cotton 


Myles  Standish 
*   Samuel  Nash 
Constant  Southworth.*' 


J! 


■   :■■! 


\\ 


\i\ 


m 


n 


132 


INDIAN    BIOGRArnV. 


it  •■II 


I  ^< 


The  original  documont  of  wliioli  we  have  hero 
given  a  Hteral  and  exact  copy  has  been  preserved  to 
this  day.  It  is  in  the  handwriting  of  Captain 
Standish. 

The  precise  date  of  Massasoit's  death  is  unknown. 
In  1653,  ii<s  name  appears  in  a  deed  by  which  he 
conveyed  part  of  the  ten'itory  of  Swansey  to  Eng- 
lish grantees.  Hubbard  supposes  that  he  died  about 
three  years  subsequent  to  this ;  but  as  late  as  1661, 
he  is  noticed  in  the  Records  of  the  United  Colonies, 
as  will  appear  more  particularly  in  the  life  of  his 
eldest  son.  Two  or  three  years  afterwards,  convey- 
ances were  made  of  the  Pokanoket  lands  in  which 
he  appears  to  have  had  no  voice  ;  and  it  may  be  fairly 
inferred  that  he  died  in  that  interval.  lie  must  have 
been  near  eighty  years  of  age. 

Such  are  the  passages  which  history  has  preserved 
concerning  the  earliest  and  best  friend  of  the  Pilgrims. 
Few  and  simple  as  they  are,  they  give  glimpses  of  a 
character  that,  under  other  circumstances,  might  have 
placed  Massasoit  among  the  illustrious  of  his  age. 
He  was  a  mere  savage  ;  ignorant  of  even  reading  and 
writing,  after  an  intercourse  of  near  fifty  years  with 
the  colonists ;  and  distinguished  from  the  mass  of 
savages  around  him,  as  we  liave  seen,  by  no  otlier 
outward  emblem  than  a  barbarous  ornament  of  bones. 
It  must  be  observed,  too,  as  to  them,  that  the  authority 
which  they  conferred  upon  him,  or  rather  upon  his 
ancestors,  was  their  free  gift,  and  was  liable  at  any 
moment  to  be  retracted,  wholly  or  in  part,  either  by 
the  general  voice  or  by  the  defection  or  violence  of 
individuals.  The  intrinsic  dignity  and  energy  of  his 
character  alone,  therefore,  must  have  sustained  the 
dominion  of  the  sachem,  with  no  essential  distinction 
of  wealth,  retinue,  cultivation,  or  situation  in  any 
respect,  between  him  and  the  meanest  of  the  Wam- 
panoags.  The  naked  qualities  of  his  intellect  and 
his  heart  must  have  gained  their  loyalty,  controlled 
their  extravagant  passions  to  his  own  purposes,  and 
won  upon  tlieir  personal  confidence  and  affection. 


I '/ 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPIIV. 


133 


istinction 


Tiiat  he  did  this  appears  from  the  fact,  so  singidar 
in  Indian  history,  that  amonj^  all  the  Pokanoket 
ti'ihes,  there  was  scarcely  an  instance  of  even  an 
individual  broil  or  quarrel  with  the  English  during 
his  long  life.  Some  of  these  tribes,  living  nearer 
the  Colony  than  any  other  Indians,  and  going  into  it 
daily  in  such  numbers,  that  Massasoit  was  finally 
requested  to  restrain  them  from  "  pestering "  tlieir 
friends  by  their  mere  multitude, — these  shrewd  beings 
must  have  perceived,  as  well  as  Massasoit  himself 
did,  that  the  colonists  were  as  miserably  fearful  as 
they  were  feeble  and  few.  Some  of  them,  too, — the 
sachem  Corbitant,  for  example, — were  notoriously 
hostile,  and  perhaps  had  certain  supposed  reasons 
for  being  so.  Yet  that  cunning  and  ambitious  sav- 
age extricated  himself  from  the  only  overt  act  of 
rebellion  he  is  known  to  have  attempted,  by  "solicit- 
ing the  good  offices  of  Massasoit,"  we  are  told,  "  to 
reconcile  him  to  the  English."  And  such  was  the 
influence  of  the  chief  sachem,  not  only  over  him, 
but  over  the  Massachusetts  sacliems,  that  nine  of  the 
principal  of  theiu  soon  after  came  into  Plymouth 
from  great  dii.«.aiices,  for  the  purpose  of  signifying 
their  humble  rt:spect  for  the  authority  of  the  English. 

That  Massasoit  was  beloved  as  well  as  respected 
by  his  subjects  and  neighbors,  far  and  wide,  appeai-s 
from  the  great  multitude  of  anxious  friends  who 
thronged  about  him  during  his  sickness.  Some  of 
them,  as  Winslow  ascertained,  had  come  more  than 
one  hundred  miles  for  the  purpose  of  seeing  him  ; 
and  they  all  watched  his  o[)erations  in  that  case,  with 
as  intense  anxiety  as  if  the  [irostrate  patient  had 
been  the  father  or  the  brother  of  each.  And  meagre 
as  is  the  justice  which  history  does  the  sachem,  it 
still  furnishes  some  evidence,  not  to  be  mistaken, 
that  he  had  won  this  regard  from  them  by  his  kind- 
ness. There  is  a  passage  of  affecting  simplicity  in 
VVinslow's  Relation,  going  to  show  that  he  did  not 
forget  their  minutest  interests,  even  in  his  own  almost 
WHJonscious  helplessness.      "That  morning,"  it  is 

M 


!l 


n 


M 


j  i ,. 


134 


iXDiAN  Bior.r.AriiY. 


n  I . 


i>(« 


Pi  'f. 


said,  "  lie  caused  me  to  sjjend  in  goirij^;  from  one  to 
another  among  those  that  Were  siek  in  the  town 
[Sowams] ;  retpiesting  me  to  treat  them  as  I  had 
Jiim,  and  to  give  to  eaeh  of  them  some  of  the  same 
I  gave  him,  saying  thei/  were  good  folk" 

But  these  nohle  traits  of  the  character  of  Massas- 
oit  are  still  more  ahundantly  illustrated  by  the  whole 
tenor  of  his  intercourse  with  the  whites.  Of  his 
mere  sense  of  his  positive  obligations  to  them,  in- 
cluding his  fidelity  to  the  famous  treaty  of  1()21, 
nothing  more  need  be  said,  excepting  that  the  annals 
6f  the  continent  furnish  scarcely  one  parallel  even  to 
that  case.  But  he  went  much  farther  than  this. 
He  not  only  visited  the  Colony  in  the  first  instance 
of  his  own  free  will  and  accord,  but  he  entered  into 
the  negotiiitions  cheerfijlly  .ind  deliberately ;  and  in 
the  face  of  their  manifest  fear  and  suspicion.  Hence- 
frrth  the  result!?  of  it  were  regarded,  not  with  the 
mere  honesty  of  an  ally,  but  with  the  warm  interest 
of  a  friend.  It  was  probably  at  his  secret  and  delicate 
suggestion, — and  it  could  scarcely  have  been  without 
his  permission,  at  all  events, — that  his  own  subjects 
took  up  their  residence  among  the  colonists,  with  the 
view  of  guiding,  piloting,  interpreting  for  them,  and 
teaching  them  their  own  useful  knowledge.  Wins- 
lo^v  speaks  of  his  appointing  another  to  fill  the  place 
of  Squanto  at  Plymouth,  while  the  latter  should  be 
sent  about  among  the  Pokanokets,  under  his  orders, 
"  to  procure  truck  [in  furs]  for  the  English. 

The  vast  grant  of  territory  which  he  made  in  the 
first  instance  has  been  spoken  of  It  was  made  with 
the  simple  observation,  that  hi^  claim  to  it  was  the 
sole  claim  in  existence.  It  was  also  without  con- 
sideration; the  generous  sachem,  as  Roger  Williams 
says  of  the  Narragh  an  setts  in  a  similar  case,  "being 
shy  and  jealous  of  selling  the  lands  to  any,  and  choos- 
ing rather  to  make  a  gift  of  them  to  such  as  they 
affected."  Such  is  the  only  jealousy  which  Massa- 
soit  can  be  said  ever  to  have  entertained  of  the 
English.    Nor  do   we  find  any   evidence  that  he 


I 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPHY. 


135 


m  one  to 

the  town 

as  I  had 

the  same 

f  Massas- 
the  whole 
!.  Of  his 
them,  in- 
'  of  1021, 
:he  annals 
lei  even  to 
than  this. 
t  instance 
tered  into 
r,  and  in 
Hence- 
with  the 
ri  interest 
d  delicate 
n  without 
1  subjects 
,  with  the 
hem,  and 
.  Wins- 
the  place 
should  be 
Is  orders, 

ide  in  the 
lade  with 

was  the 
out  con- 
Williams 
3,  "  being 
id  choos- 

as  they 
Massa- 
of  the 

that  he 


ropcnted  of  his  liberality,  or  con.si(l(Te<l  it  the  incau- 
tious extravagance  of  a  UKUuent  of  ilattcred  complai- 
sance. We  do  find,  however,  that  he  invarial>ly 
watched  over  the  int<?rest  of  the  ffrantocs,  with  more 
strictness  than  he  would  prol)ably  have  watched  over 
his  own.  lie  laid  claiu),  in  one  instance,  to  a  tract 
for  which  Mr.  Williams  had  negotiated  with  the 
Narraghansetts,  —  that  gentlenum  being  ignorant, 
perhaps,  of  an  existing  controversy  between  the  two 
tribes.  "It  is  mine,"  said  the  sachem,  "It  is  mine, 
and  therefore  theirs^^^  —  plainly  implying  that  the 
ground  in  question  was  comprised  within  the  original 
transfer.  Whether  this  cjaim  was  just,  or  whether 
it  was  insisted  upon,  does  not  appear ;  but  there  is 
indication  enough,  both  of  the  opinion  and  feeling 
of  Massasoit. 

An  anecdote  of  him,  recorded  *by  Governor  Win- 
throp,  under  the  title  of  a  "  pleasant  passage,"  is  still 
more  striking.  His  old  friend  Winsnow,  it  seems, 
made  a  trading  voyage  to  Connecticut,  during  the 
summer  of  1634.  On  his  return,  he  left  his  vessel 
upon  the  Narraghansett  coast,  for  some  reason  or 
other,  and  commenced  his  journey  for  Plymouth 
across  the  woods.  Finding  himself  at  a  loss,  probably, 
as  to  his  route,  he  made  his  way  to  Sowams,  and 
called  upon  his  ancient  acquaintance,  the  sachem. 
The  latter  gave  him  his  usual  kind  welcome,  and, 
upon  his  leaving  him,  offered  to  conduct  him  home, 
— a  pedestrian  journey  of  two  days.  He  had  just 
despatched  one  of  his  Wampanoags  to  Plymouth, 
with  instructions  to  inform  the  friends  of  Winslow, 
that  he  was  dead,  and  to  persuade  them  of  this  mel- 
ancholy fact,  by  specifying  such  particulars  as  their 
own  ingenuity  might  suggest.  All  this  was  done 
accordingly ;  and  the  tidings  occasioned,  as  might 
be  expected,  a  very  unpleasant  excitement  through- 
out tlie  Colony.  In  the  midst  of  it,  however,  on  the 
next  day,  the  sachem  entered  the  village,  attended 
by  Winslow,  and  with  more  than  his  usual  comi)la- 
cency  in  hig  honest  and  cheerful  countenance.    Ho 


b'' 


r-  ••  ft  -^*  ■#•,*• 


-> 


i  f  I 


I    S'i 


136 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPHY. 


was  asked  why  such  a  report  had  been  circulated 
the  day  previous.  "  That  Winsriow  might  be  the 
more  welcome,"  answered  he,  "  and  that  you  might 
be  tlie  more  liappy, — it  is  my  custom."  He  had 
come  thus  far  to  enjoy  this  surprise  personal!^  ,  and 
he  returned  homeward,  more  gratified  by  it,  without 
doubt,  than  he  would  have  been  by  the  most  fortu- 
nate foray  among  the  Narraghansetts. 

It  is  intimated  by  some  writers,  rather  moi*e  fre- 
quently than  is  either  just  or  generous,  that  the  sa- 
chem's fear  of  the  tribe  just  named  lay  at  the  foun- 
dation of  his  friendship.  It  might  have  been  nearer 
the  apparent  truth,  considering  all  that  is  known  of 
Massasoit,  to  say,  that  his  interest  happened  to  coin- 
cide witli  his  inchnation.  At  all  events,  it  was  in 
the  power  of  any^  other  of  the  sachems  or  kings 
throughout  the  country,  to  place  and  sustain  them- 
selves upon  the  same  footing  with  the  colonists,  had 
they  been  prompted  either  by  as  much  good  feeling 
or  good  sense.  On  the  contrary,  the  Massachusetts 
were  plotting  and  threatening  on  one  hand,  as  v/e 
have  seen, — not  without  provocation,  it  must  be  al- 
lowed,— while  the  Narraghansett  sachem,  upon  the 
other,  had  sent  in  his  compliments  as  early  as  1622, 
in  the  shape  of  a  bundle  of  arrows,  tied  up  with  a 
rattlesnake's  skin. 

Nor  should  we  forget  the  ^vretched  feebleness  of 
the  Colony  at  the  period  of  their  first  acquaintance 
with  Massasoit.  Indeed,  the  instant  measures  which 
he  took  for  their  relief  and  protection,  look  more 
like  the  promptings  of  compassion,  than  of  either 
hope  or  fear.  A  month  previous  to  his  appearance 
among  them,  they  were  reduced  to  such  a  pitiable 
condition  by  sickness,  that  only  six  or  seven  men 
of  their  whole  number  were  able  to  do  business  in 
the  open  air;  and  probably  their  entire  fighting 
force,  could  they  have  been  mustered  together,  would 
scarcely  have  equalled  that  little  detachment  which 
Massasoit  brought  with  him  into  the  village,  delicate- 
ly leaving  twice  as  many,  with  the  arms  of  all,  be^ 


u 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPHY. 


137 


en  men 


hiud  him ;  as  lie  afterwards  exchanjjfcd  six  liostages 
tor  one.  No  wonder  that  the  colonists  "  could  not 
yet  conceive  but  that  he  was  willing  to  have  peace 
with  them." 

But  the  motives  of  the  sachem  are  still  further 
manifested  by  the  sense  of  his  own  dignity,  which, 
peaceable  as  he  generally  was,  he  showed  [)romptly 
upon  all  suitable  occasions.  Both  the  informal  grant 
and  the  formal  deeds  we  have  mentioned,  indicate 
that  he  understood  hiniself  to  be  the  master  of  his 
ancestral  territory  as  nuich  in  right  as  in  fact.  There 
is  nothing  in  his  whole  history,  which  does  more 
honor  to  his  intelligence  or  his  sensibility,  than  his 
conduct  occasioned  by  the  falsehoods  circulated 
among  the  colonists  against  him  by  Squanto.  His 
first  impulse,  as  we  have  seen,  was  to  be  offended 
with  the  guilty  intriguant ;  the  second,  to  thank  llie 
Governor  for  appealing  to  himself  in  this  case,  and 
to  assure  him  that  he  would  at  any  time  "  send  word 
and  give  warning  when  any  such  business  was  tOr 
wards."  On  further  inquiry,  he  ascertained  that 
Squanto  wt\s  taking  even  more  liberties  with  his 
reputation  than  he  had  been  aware  of.  He  went 
forthwith  to  Plymouth,  and  made  his  appeal  person- 
ally to  the  (|Overnor.  The  latter  pacified  him  as 
well  as  he  could,  and  he  returned  home.  But  a  very 
short  time  elapsed  before  a  message  came  from  him, 
entreating  the  Governor  to  consent  to  the  death  of 
the  renegade  who  still  abused  him.  The  Governor 
confessed  in  reply,  that  Squanto  deserved  death,  but 
desired  that  he  might  be  spared  on  account  of  liis 
in(^ispensable  services.  Massasoit  was  not  yet  satis- 
fied. The  former  messenger  was  again  sent,  "  with 
divers  others,"  says  Winslow  in  his  Relation,  "de- 
manding him,  [Squanto]  as  being  one  of  Massasoit's 
subjects,  whom  by  our  first  articles  of  peace  we 
could  not  retain  ;  yet  because  he  would  not  willingly 
do  it  [insist  upon  his  rights]  without  the  Governor's 
approoation,  he  offered  him  many  beaver-skins  for 
hi^  consent  thereto."    The  deputation  had  brought 

M  2 


138 


INDIAN     BIOGRAPHY. 


M'   <'•! 


r/< 


I' 


tliese  skins,  accordingly,  as  also  tljo  sarlicm's  own 
knife,  lor  tfie  exerution  of  the  rriniinal.  Squanto 
now  surrendered  himself  to  the  (jlovernor,  us  an 
Indian  always  resigns  himself  to  his  fate  upon  simi- 
lar occasions;  hut  the  Governor  still  contrived  a 
pretext  for  sparing  him.  The  deputies  were  "  mad 
with  rage  and  impatient  of  delay,"  as  may  be  sup- 
posed, and  departed  in  great  heat. 

The  conduct  of  the  sachem  in  this  case  was  mani- 
festly more  correct  than  that  of  his  ally.  He  under- 
stood as  well  as  the  Governor  did,  the  spirit  of  the 
articles  in  the  treaty,  which  provided,  that  an  offend- 
er upon  either  side  should  be  given  up  to  punish- 
ment upon  demand ;  and  he  was  careful  to  make 
that  demand  personally,  explicitly  and  respectfully. 
The  Governor,  on  the  other  hand,  as  well  as  the 
culprit  himself,  acknowledged  the  justice  of  it,  but 
manoeuvred  to  avoid  compliance.  The  true  reason 
is  no  doubt  given  by  Winslow.  It  is  also  given  in 
the  language  of  John  Smith.  "  With  much  adoe," 
says  the  honest  Captain,  "we  appeased  the  angry 
king  and  the  rest  of  the  saluages,  and  freely  forgaue 
TusquANTUM,  because  he  speakins^  our  language  we 
could  not  be  well  without  him"  The  king  was  angry, 
then,  as  he  well  might  be ;  and  the  Governor  took 
the  trouble,  he  was  both  hound  and  interested  to 
take,  to  appease  him.  It  is  not  to  be  wondered  at, 
perhaps,  that  the  particulars  of  this  transaction  are 
so  little  dwelt  upon  by  the  writers  of  that  period. 
Winslow  barely  states, — speaking,  in  another  con- 
nexion, of  the  Indians  being  evidently  aware  of  the 
weakness  of  the  Colony, — that,  what  was  worse, 
"  now  also  Massasoit  seemed  to  frown  upon  us,  and 
neither  came  nor  sent  to  us  as  formerly."  This  ])as- 
sage  is  no  less  significant  than  brief;  but  not  more 
so  than  a  subsequent  dry  observation  respecting 
Squanto,  **  whose  peace,  before  this  time,  (the  fall 
of  the  same  year)  tvas  wrought  with  Massasoit." 

Such  were  the  life  and  character  of  Massasoit.  It 
is  to  be  regretted,  that  so  few  particulai-s  are  pre- 


1 


. 


.:.  » 


» *sr«rv.s^ 


INDIAN    niOr.IlAPIIY. 


lr]9 


)r,  us  an 


forvnd  of  tlio  fonuor,  and  tliat  so  litrlr  justir'o,  ron- 
Hcqurntly,  can  bo  dono  to  tin;  latter.  IJut  so  far  as 
liis  history  p)os,  it  rcrtaiidy  iiinkcs  liim  one  (»f  tho 
most  romarkabl(!  men  of  liis  rafc.  Tlicn^  is  no  no- 
bler instance  in  ail  history,  of  natinnal  ii(i«;lity,  (tor 
which  ho  maiidy  must  have;  tho  rrrdit,)  or  of  iiidi- 
vidnal  friendshi[>.  This  instinct  of  a  <rciH'rous  natiir(? 
m  tho  first  instance,  l)ein^  confirniLMl  by  a  course;  of 
conduct  generally  alike  crojlitabie  to  tho  fo('lin«rs  and 
shrewdness  of  the  Colonists,  finally  settled  itself  in 
the  mind  of  Massasoit  as  ineradicably  as  his  afll'ction 
for  his  own  snf)jects.  "  I  know  now,"  said  he  to  Wins- 
low,  on  his  first  recovery  from  the  severe  sickfu^ss 
we  have  mentioned,  "  I  know  that  the  I'^nj^lish  love 
me, — I  love  them, — I  shall  never  forjfot  tlujin." 

But  putting  even  the  most  unnatural  construction 
upon  the  professions  and  the  conduct  of  tho  sachem, 
the  relation  he  commenced  and  for  forty-five  years 
sustained  with  the  English,  must  be  allowed  to  show 
at  lejist  a  consummate  sagacity.  lie  certainly  suc- 
ceeded during  all  this  time,  not  only  in  shielding  his 
tribes  from  their  just  or  unjust  hostility,  but  in  gain- 
ing their  respect  to  such  a  singidar  degree,  that  the 
writings  of  no  single  author  within  our  recollection 
furnish  one  word  to  his  disparagement.  Even  Hub- 
bard speaks  of  him  with  something  like  n.'garti ; 
notwithstanding  the  obnoxious  trait  in  his  character 
indicated  in  the  following  passage.  "  It  is  very  re- 
markable," he  says,  "  that  this  Woosamequin,  how 
much  soever  he  affected  the  English,  was  never  in 
the  least  degree  well  affected  to  their  religion."  It 
is  added  furthermore,  that  in  his  last  treaty  with  the 
whites  at  Swanzey, — referring  to  a  sale  of  land  which 
we  have  mentioned, — he  exerted  himself  to  bind 
them  solemnly  "  never  to  draw  away  any  of  his 
people  fi-om  their  old  pagan  superstition  and  devilish 
idolatry  to  the  Christian  religion."*     This  he  insisted 


I 


1 

■J 
i 


♦In  that  rare  tract  (published  =n  London,  1651.)  entitled 
"  The  Light  appearing  more  and  uiorc  lowaids  iJie  perfect 


!■^t*...*v^i.*A^lf 


140 


INDIAN    DIOGRAPIIT. 


fif\ 


on,  until  tlicv  tlircatcnod  to  brcjik  ofl'the  negotiation 
on  account  ol*  his  pertinacity,  and  he  then  gave  up 
the  point. 

M?Lssas()it  did  not  distinguish  himself  as  a  ■warrior  ; 
Kor  is  lie  ktiown  to  liav(^  been  once  engaged  in  any 
open  hostilities,  even  with  the  inimical  and  powerful 
tribes  who  environed  his  territory.  This  is  another 
unique  trait  in  his  character;  and  considering  the 
general  attachment  of  all  Indians  to  a  belligerent 
life,  tlicir  almost  exclusive  deference  for  warlike 
qualities,  the  number  and  scattered  location  of  the 
Pokanoket  tribes,  and  especially  the  character  of 
their  ancient  neighbors,  this  very  fact  is  alone  suf- 
ficient to  distinguish  the  genius  of  Massasoit.  All 
the  native  nations  of  New  England,  but  his,  were 
involved  in  dissensions  and  wars  with  each  other 
and  with  the  whites  ;  and  they  all  shared  sooner  or 
later  the  fate  which  he  avoided.  The  restless  ring- 
leaders who  plotted  mirtchief  among  the  Massachu- 
setts, were  summarily  knocked  upon  the  head  by 
Miles  Stand ish,  while  hundreds  of  the  residue  fled, 
and  miserably  perished  in  their  own  swamps.  The 
Pequots, — a  nation  who  could  muster  three  thousand 
bowmen  but  a  short  time  previous, — were  nearly  ex- 
terminated in  1637;  and  the  savages  of  Maine,  mean- 
while, the  Mohawks  of  New  York,  the  Narraghansetts 
and  the  Mohegans  were  fighting  and  reducing  each 
others'  strength,  as  if  their  only  object  had  been,  by 
ultimately  extirpating  themselves,  to  prepare  a  way 
in  the  wilderness  for  the  new  comers. 

Day"  &c.  and  written  by  the  Rev.  Thomas  Mayhew,  it  is 
stated,  tliat  some  of  the  Christian  Indians  of  Martha's  Vine- 
yard had  a  conversation  with  "  Vzzamequin  a  great  Sachem  or 
Governor  on  the  maine  Land  (coming  amongst  them)  about 
the  wayes  of  God  " — he  enquiring  what  earthly  good  things 
came  along  with  tliem,  and  what  they  had  gamed  by  their 
piety,  &c.     This  was  previous  to  1650. 


•  ■■  I 


:.-^»«, 


INDIAN  niorjuvniv. 


141 


CHAPTER  VII. 

Mas"^asoit  pucrooded  hy  hin  son  Ai.  fxandf,  n — Tlio  occasion 
of  that  iiaiiu;  hcing  given  liy  ihc  Eiiifli.sli — History  of 
Alexander  previous  to  his  fatlier'.s  dratJ* — ('o\riiiint  niado 
with  I'lyiiiotith  in  1(539 — Measures  taken  in  pursuance  of  it, 
in  1661 — Anecdote  ilhistratinc;  tJie  character  of  Alexander 
— IVotice  of  tlie  ciiarf^es  made  a^^ainst  liiin — Kxaniinati(ni 
of  the  transaction  which  led  to  his  death — Accession  of 
Phi  MP — Renewal  of  the  trciaty  hy  iiini — Inti'rrnption  of 
hanuony — Supposed  cauises  of  i,. — Ai<;a.sures  taken  in  Ci»nse- 
quencc — Philip's  .sul)niission — Letter  to  the  IMynioutli  (Jov- 
crnor— Seconn  Huhniission  in  1671 — Remarks  on  the  causes 
of  Philip's  War. 


Massasoit  was  succeeded  in  tlie  Pokanoket  gov- 
eKiiment  by  his  eldest  son  Moanain  r  Wamsntta, 
known  to  the  English  chiefly  by  the  name  of  Alex- 
ander ;  which  appellation  he  received  at  the  same 
time  when  that  of  Philip  was  conferred  on  his 
younger  brother.  The  two  young  men  came  together, 
on  that  occasion,  into  open  court  at  Plymouth,  and, 
professing  great  regard  for  the  English,  requested  that 
names  should  be  given  them.  Their  father  not 
being  mentioned  as  having  attended  them  at  the 
observance  of  the  ceremony,  iuts  probably  occa- 
sioned the  suggestion  of  his  death.  It  woidd  be  a 
sufiicient  explanation  of  his  absence,  however,  that 
he  was  now  an  old  man,  and  that  the  distance  of 
Sowams  from  Plymouth  was  more  than  forty  miles. 
It  is  easy  to  imagine,  that  the  solfcitude  he  had 
always  manifested  to  sustain  a  good  understanding 
with  his  Plymouth  friends,  might  lead  him  to  recom- 
mend this  pacific  and  conciliatory  measure,  as  a 
suitable  preparation  for  his  own  decease,  and  perhaps 
as  the  absolute  termination  of  his  reign. 

There  is  some  reason  to  believe,  indeed,  that 
Alexander  had  a  share  hi  the  Pokanoket  sovereignty, 
many  years  previous  to  the  date  of  the  ceremony 


-.»-.* 


■I 


m 


112 


INDIAN    UKKiUAPHV. 


\  V  I 


'4 


/J' 


* 


'     \\} 


f.U 


.< 


!,  ; 


just  inciitioiH'd.  Tin*  IMyiiMmtli  rcrfinlH  show,  tiiat 
oil  tli(»  S.ltli  of  S('|)t<'MilM'r,  \ih\\\  tin;  liitluT  caiiu; 
into  j'oiirt,  briii^rin^^  iMoaimin  with  liiiii.  Ilo  drsin-d 
tiiat  tin!  i»ld  treaty  of  \i\'l\  Mii;;i)t  rcinaiii  iiiviolaMi*, 
"uiul  tin' said  \V<M)sain('<|uiii  or  MaHsasoit,  and  Moa- 
norii  or  Wamsntta,"  did  also  promise;  that  In;  nor  they 
fihall  or  will  nc'odlrssly  and  unjustly  raibo  any  (juar- 
ruls,  or  do  any  wron^fs  lu  other  natives,  to  provoko 
thetn  to  war  a«^ainst  liiin  ;  and  that  ho  or  they  shall 
not  j(ive,  hcII  or  (•onv(;y,  any  of  his  or  their  lands 
territories  or  possessions  whatsoever,  to  any  person 
or  persons,  without  the  privity  and  eonsent  of  tho 
Gov<;rinnent  of  Plymouth  aforesaid  ;  "and  the  whole 
court  in  the  name  of  th(;  whole  government,  ft>r  each 
town  respectively,  did  then  likewise  ratify  and  con- 
firm the  aforesaid  ancient  leajj^ue  and  confederacy  ; 
und  did  also  further  promise  to  the  said  VVoosame- 
quin  and  Moanam  his  son,  and  his  successors,  that 
they  shall  and  will  from  time  to  time  defend  them, 
when  occasion  shall  re<iuire,  against  all  suc>li  as  shall 
rise  up  against  them  to  wrong  or  oppress  them  un- 
justly." 

Agreeably  to  the  terms  of  this  covenant,  the  Rec- 
ords of  the  Colonies  for  16()1  set  forth,  that  a  message 
was  that  year  sent  by  the  United  Commissioners  to 
Uncas,  chief  Sachem  of  the  Molegans.*  The 
complainants  in  that  case  were  the  General  Court  of 
Massachusetts ;  and  the  charge  alleged  against  Un- 
cas was  a  violent  "  Invading  of  Wesamequin  and  the 
Indians  of  Quahakutt  whoe  are  and  longe  haue  bine 
Subjects  to  the  English,^'*  The  dominion  here  assum- 
ed, is  probably  intended  to  api)ly  only  to  the  Quaha- 
kutt Indians,  and  not  to  Massasoit.  Uncas,  in  his 
answer,  professed  that  he  was  ignorant  they  were 
subjects  of  Massachusetts,  "  and  further  says  they 
were  none  of  Wesamequin's  men  but  belonging  to 
Onopcquin  his  deadly  enemie."  &c. 

He  then  alleges  "that  Wesamequin  his  son  and 

♦See  the  message  and  reply  at  liugc  in  the  Life  of  Uncas. 


>«<»  i«-r ^.> 


INDIAN    IJIOCIRAPHY. 


143 


(liunrs  of  his  men  hnd  fnvfrht  nfrninsl  him  diners 
iimes.^^  T\n''  last  parajnnpli  of  tlir  answor — which 
was  pivf'M  ill  by  Major  Mason  in  hi'half  of  Liu'UH — 
is  ns  follows : 

"  Ah'xaiulcr  allis  [alias]  Wanisntta  SacluMn  of 
Sowanis<!tt  brinp  now  att  IMyinonth  Imm^  (•hallrnij«'<l 
Qnalmukc  Indians  to  lMlon«,'  to  him  ami  furthrr  said 
that  Ihm'  (lid  war  VVarr  a«,'ainst  Vncaa  this  summer  on 
that  a<'<'ount." 

It  is  vrry  cloar  at  loast  that  Aloxnndor  maintained, 
fi-arlessly  and  frankly,  what  ho  hclievod  to  ho  his 
rights ;  nor  doos  it  appear,  that  tho  oxoreiso  of  his 
sovereignty  in  this  manner  was  ohjeeted  to  hy  "the 

forty  whieh  had  the  best,  if  not  only  right  to  object. 
lo  manifeste<l  tho  same  independence  in  regard  to 
the  efforts  of  the  Knglish  missionaries ;  so  that 
Hubbard  eonchules  he  lui'!  "neither  affection  for 
tho  Englishman's  persons,  nor  yet  for  their  religion." 
This  is  licentious  reasoning,  at  the  best ;  for  not  a 
tittle  of  (ividenco  exists  in  th<!  case,  so  far  as  we  are 
aware,  which  goes  to  rebut  the  just  inference  to  be 
drawn  from  tlio  circumstance  that  no  difiiculty  or 
controversy  occurred  Ixilween  Alexander  and  his 
allies  from  his  accession  to  his  death — with  a  single 
exception.  The  ex<'epted  case,  which  comes  in 
order  now  to  be  considered,  is  one  of  the  more  im- 
portance, that  its  inmiediato  effect  was  to  terminate 
at  once  the  reign  and  life  of  the  chieftain. 

In  connexion  with  the  remark  last  cited  from 
Hubbard,  that  historian  barely  observes,  that  the 
Governor  and  Council  were  informed  of  the  fact. 
Mather  states,  with  no  more  jmrticularity,  that  the 
sachem  solicited  the  Narraghansetts  to  rebel  with 
liim  ;  upon  the  f^ood  proof  whereof  the  Plymouth 
Government  adopted  certain  sunnnary  measures. 
From  other  sources  we  find,  that  this  proof  was 
communicated  by  letters  from  Boston,  where  it  was 
probably  founded  upon  rumors  gathered  from  strag- 
gling Indians.  At  all  events,  no  conclusive  testimony 
appears  in  the  case  :  and  it  may  be  plausibly  surmised, 


r 


1 

I 


i 


"fA 


11 


1.  p 


(144 


1.\J>1A.\    BIOGRAPHY 


'.m 


. . 


I '/ 


,i 


tlieroforf,  tliat  none  was  ever  received,  the  writers 
just  cited  not  being  remarkably  prone  to  omit  matters 
oftliiskin-l.  The  rumor  might  originate  from  cir- 
cumstanees  really  suspicious  ;  but  were  tliis  true,  and 
far  more,  if  it  were  both  tiilse  and  malicious,  like  the 
charges  against  Mussasoit,  we  may  well  question 
both  the  justice  and  the  policy  of  tlie  steps  taken  by 
the  Plymouth  Government. 

"  They  presently  sent  for  him,  to  bring  him  to  the 
court,"  says  Hubbard, — a  very  remarkable  proceed- 
ing, related  with  a  corresponding  brevity.  The 
business  was  intrusted,  it  also  appears,  to  a  gentleman 
who  was  neitluT  afraid  of  danger,  nor  yet  willing  to 
delay  in  a  matter  of  tliis  moment.  We  are  then  told 
that  this  gentleman,  Mr.  Winslow,  forthwith  taking 
eight  or  ten  stout  men  with  him,  well  armed,  set  out 
for  Sowams  ;  that  he  fortunately  met  with  Alexander, 
at  a  few  miles'  distance,  in  a  wigwam  with  eighty 
of  his  followers  ;  that  they  seized  upon  the  arms  of 
the  party,  which  had  been  left  without  the  wigwam, 
and  then  went  in  and  summoned  the  sachem  to  at-, 
tend  them  to  Plymouth.  He  obeyed,  reluctantly, 
being  threatened  that  "  if  he  stirred  or  refused  to  go, 
he  was  a  dead  man."  Such  was  his  spirit,  however, 
adds  Hubbard,  that  the  very  surprisal  of  him  threw 
him  into  a  fever.  Upon  this,  he  requested  liberty  to 
return  home,  and  the  favor  was  granted  to  him  on 
certain  conthtions  ;  but  he  died  upon  the  way. 

This  account  agrees  with  Mather's.  "The  Gov- 
ernment sent  that  valiant  and  excellent  commander," 
fcjayti  the  Reverend  Doctor,  "  to  fetch  him  down  be- 
fore them.  The  major-general  used  such  expedition 
and  resolution  in  this  affair,  that,  assisted  with  no 
more  than  U  n  men,  he  seized  upon  Alexander  at  a 
liunting-house,  notwithstanding  his  numerous  attend- 
ants about  him  ;  and  when  the  raging  sachem  saw  a 
Eistol  at  his  breast,  witli  a  threatening  of  death  to 
im  if  he  did  not  quietly  yield  himself  up  to  go  down 
to  Plymouth,  he  yielded,  though  not  very  quietly, 
thereimto."  Mether  attributes  liis  de^th,  furthermore,^ 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPHY. 


145 


to  the  "  inward  fury  of  his  own  guilty  and  liaughtv 
mind."  Now,  even  if  the  sachem  were  not  eompel- 
led  to  travel  faster  or  further  than  was  decent  in  his 
unfortunate  situation,  as  one  of  our  authorities  is 
careful  to  argue  ;  and  granting  to  th(;  other,  that  he 
was  treat<?d  (on  the  march)  with  no  other  tlian  that 
humanity  and  civility,  tvhich  was  essential  to  the  Major- 
General,*  it  is  abundantly  clear,  we  conceive,  that  a 
more  hot-blooded  or  high-handed  measure  could 
hardly  have  been  executed  by  the  adventurous  John 
Smith  himself  The  son  of  Massasoit,  and  the  ruler 
of  a  nation  who  had  been  forty  years  in  alliance  and 
warm  friendship  with  the  Colonists, — throughout -all 
their  feebleness,  and  in  spite  of  all  jealousies  and 
provocations, — was  assaulted  in  his  own  territory 
and  among  his  own  subjects,  insulted,  threatened, 
and  finally  forced  to  obey  a  summons  of  his  ancient 
ally  to  appear  before  his  court  for  his  trial.  It  does 
not  appear  that  he  was  even  apprised  of  the  occasion 
whicli  refjuired  his  attendance.  And  what  is  worse 
than  all  the  rest,  the  whole  proceeding  was  founded,  so 
far  as  we  can  ;iscertain,  upon  no  better  testimony  than 
accusations  gathered  from  stragglers  at  Boston,  and 
then  communicated  "by  letters"  to  Plymouth.  It 
must  be  admitted,  that  a  different  coloring  is  put 
upon  the  affair  by  the  Rev.  Mr.  Cotton,  wliose  re- 
lation may  be  found  among  the  excellent  notes  ap- 
pended to  Mr.  Davis's  recent  edition  of  Morton.  He 
states,  that  the  sachem  readily  consented  to  attend 
Winslow ;  and  that  he  was  barely  examined  before 
certain  justices  at  Eastham,  and  dismissed.  This 
account,  however,  does  not  much  mitigate  the  essen- 
tial circumstances  of  the  case ;  and  it  admits  the  fact, 
that  the  sachem  died  within  two  or  three  days  after 
being  carried  home  on  the  shoulders  of  his  men, 


*  Among  other  civilitias,  he  was  ofTcred  the  use  of  a  horse 
on  the  journey,  and  declined  that  fav(jr  on  the  ground  that  some 
of  his  women,  in  the  company,  were  obliged  to  walk ;  a  fin* 
trait  of  savage  politenen. 

N 


146 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPHV. 


'i  ■  ]• !  S 


'    -hi 


f 


although  tlie  English  party  seem  to  have  found  hiin 
in  perfect  health. 

Such  was  the  iguonihiious  death  of  Alexander, 
and  under  such  circumstances  did  the  government 
devolve  upon  his  hrother  Metacom, — or  Philip,  as 
he  is  generally  called.  That  Prince  seems  to  have 
assumed  the  Pokanoket  government,  favored  hy  a 
more  than  usual  poj)ularity  ;  for  the  event  was  cele- 
brated by  the  rejoicing  and  revelry  of  multitudes  of 
his  subjects,  sachems  and  others,  gathered  together 
from  the  remotest  limits  of  his  territory.  One  of  his 
earliest  measures,  was  to  appear  with  his  uncle  be- 
fore the  Plymouth  Court,  following  the  example  of 
his  father  and  brother.  He  expressed  an  earnest 
wish  for  the  continuance  of  peace  and  amity  ;  and 
pledged  himself, — as  the  Court  did  also  upon  the 
other  hand, — to  use  all  suitable  measures  for  effecting 
that  desirable  purpose.  For  several  years  afler  this, 
the  intercourse  between  the  two  parties  went  on, 
ostensibly,  as  it  had  done  in  former  times,  though 
probably  not  without  some  distrust  upon  both  sides. 

The  first  public  interruption  of  this  harmony  oc- 
curred in  1671,  during  which  season  Philip  was 
heard  to  complain,  openly,  of  certain  encroacliments 
by  the  English  upon  his  hunting-grounds.  About 
the  same  time,  rumors  were  circulated  that  his  sub- 
jects frequently  assembled  at  various  places  in  un- 
wonted numbei-s;  and  were  repairing  their  guns, 
and  sharpening  their  hatchets.  The  Plymouth  Gov- 
ernment were  alarmed.  They  sent  messengers  to 
communicate  with  the  Massachusetts  Government, 
and  at  the  same  time  other  messengers  to  Philip,  not 
"to  fetch  him  before  the  Court,"  as  in  the  case  of  his 
brother,  but  to  ascertain  his  intentions. 

He  seems  to  have  paid  a  dignified  regard  to  tliis 
measure.  On  the  10th  of  April,  a  message  was  re- 
ceived from  him,  inviting  the  officers  of  the  Plymouth 
Government  to  a  conference.  It  was  received  by 
the  latter  at  Taunton,  where  also  were  several  gende- 
men,  despatched  by  the  Massachusetts  Government, 


N'    1 


INDIAN    niOGRAPnY. 


147 


;ed  111  un- 


with  instructions  to  mediate  between  tlie  contending 
parties.  Governor  Princt?,  of  Plymouth,  sent  word 
back  to  Philip, — who  was  tarrying  meanwhile  at 
what  is  now  called  Three-mile-river,  about  four  miles 
from  Taunton  preen, — tha^  he  was  heartily  disposed 
to  treat  with  him,  and  expected  that  tlie  sachem 
would  come  forward  for  that  purpose  ;  and  his  per- 
sonal safety  was  guaranteed  in  case  he  should  do  so. 
Philip  so  far  complied  with  the  request,  as  to  advance 
a  considerable  distance  nearer  tlie  viJlage.  He  then 
stationed  liitnself  at  a  place  called  Grossman's  mill, 
placed  sentinels  on  a  hill  in  his  rear,  and  again  des- 
patched messengers  to  the  Governor,  desiring  an 
interview.  This,  the  town's-people,  who  could 
scarcely  be  restrained  from  falling  forthwith  upon  the 
Indian  party,  would  not  permit.  At  hist,  the  Ma»- 
u'^Husetts  Commissioners,  volunteering  to  take  the 
L  (f  josed  liazard  upon  themselv(»s,  went  to  Philip, 
iitiil  persuaded  him  to  consent  to  a  conference.  This 
was  on  condition  that  his  men  should  accompany 
him  ;  and  that  the  business  should  be  done  at  the 
meeting-house,  one  side  of  which  was  to  be  reserved 
for  the  Wampanoags,  and  the  other  for  the  English. 
The  council  took  place  agreeably  to  these  arrang- 
ments,  in  the  old  meeting-house  of  Taunton.  The 
English  stood  upon  one  side,  solemn  and  stern  in 
countenance,  as  they  were  formal  in  garb  ;  and  op- 
posite to  t)iem,  a  line  of  Indian  warriors,  armed  and 
arrayed  for  battle,  their  long  black  hair  hanging 
about  their  necks,  and  their  eyes  gleaming  covertly 
with  a  flame  of  suspicion  and  defiance,  scarcely  to 
be  suppressed.  Philip  alone  was  their  orator.  He 
denied  that  he  entertained  any  hostile  design ;  and 
promptly  ex[)lained  his  preparations  for  war,  as  in- 
tended for  defence  against  the  Narraghansetts.  The 
Commissioners  rejoined,  however,  with  such  argu- 
ments and  evidence  as  satisfied  themselves  and  com- 
pletely surprised  him.  At  least,  he  aflected  to  admit 
all  that  was  alleged  against  him  ;  and  though  he  re- 
fused to  give  compensation  for  past  aggressions,  lie 


ifi 


m 


148 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPIIV. 


i.i 


¥ 


t ' 


J    *) 


and  some  of  his  counsellors  sul^scribed  an  acknow- 
ledgement drawn  up  by  the  English  in  the  words 
following : 

"Taunton,  April  10th,  1G71. 
Whereas  my  father,  and  my  brother  and  myself 
have  formerly  submitted  ourselves  unto  the  king's 
majesty  of  England,  and  to  this  colony  of  New 
Plymouth,  by  solemn  covenant  under  our  hand  ;  but 
I  having  of  late,  through  my  indiscretion  and  the 
naughtiness,  of  my  heart,  violated  and  broken  this 
my  covenant  with  my  friends,  by  taking  up  arms 
with  an  evil  intent  against  them,  and  that  ground- 
lessly ;  I  being  now  deeply  sensible  of  my  unfaithful- 
ness and  folly,  do  desire  at  this  time  solemnly  to  renew 
my  covenant  with  my  ancient  friends,  and  my  father's 
friends  above  mentioned,  and  do  desire  that  this 
may  testify  to  the  world  against  me  if  ever  I  shall 
again  in  my  faithfulness  towards  them  (whom  I  have 
now  and  at  all  times  found  kind  toward  me)  or  any 
other  of  the  English  colonies.  And  as  a  pledge  of 
my  true  intentions  for  the  future  to  be  faithful  and 
friendly,  I  do  freely  engage  to  resign  up  to  the 
Government  of  New  Plymouth  all  my  English  arms, 
to  be  kept  by  them  for  their  security  so  long  as  they 
shall  see  reason.  For  the  true  performance  of  the 
promises,  1  have  hereunto  set  my  hand,  together 
with  the  rest  of  my  counsel. 


In  presence  of 
William  Datis, 
William  Hudsojt, 
Thomas  Brattli. 


The  ma-k  P  of  Philip, 

The  mark  V  of  Tavosbk, 

The  mark  M  of  Capt.  Wispokx, 

The  mark  T  of  WooNCHAPontcHUNK. 

The  mark  8  of  Nimrod." 


I' 


From  the  tenor  of  this  submission,  it  has  been 
generally  supposed  that  the  Sachem  was  frightened 
into  it.  Hence  Hubbard  relates,  that  "one  of  his 
captains,  of  far  better  courage  and  resolution  than 
himself,  when  he  saw  his  cowardly  temper  and  dis- 

f)osition,  flung  down   his  arms,  caHed  him  white- 
ivered  cur,  or  to  that  purpose,  and  from  that  time 
turned  to  the  English,"  &c.    This  might  be  true. 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPHY. 


140 


thouffh  it  is  well  known,  that  Mr.  Ilubbarcrs  authori- 
ty in  re<rar(l  to  overy  thin*;  tonrhinjr  tho  character  of* 
Philip  is  to  be  refjanlcd  with  many  allowances  for 
his  intem[)crate  prejudice.  He  hesitates  not,  almost 
as  otlen  as  he  finds  occasion  to  mention  his  name,  to 

{)ay  him  the  ])assin^  compliment  of 'caitiff,'  '  hell- 
lOuntL'  '  fiend,'  '  arch-rebel,'  and  various  siniilar  de- 
Bignationa  of  respect  and  aff(!Ction. 

But  there  is  no  dGul)t  that  the  acknowledgement 
was  at  least  a  mere  artifice  to  gain  time.  Apparent- 
ly it  had  no  effect  in  reference  to  the  impending  lios- 
tilities,  otiier  than  to  hasten  them  by  aggravatirjg  the 
ill-will  of  the  Indians.  It  does  not  appear  that  their 
arms  were  given  up,  even  so  far  as  sti|)ulated  in  the 
submission.  The  following  reply  of  Philip  to  some 
communication  respectijig  them  m.iy  be  deemed  ex- 
position of  his  side  of  the  question.  The  precise 
date  is  undetermined. 

"  Sachem  Philip,  his  answer  to  the  letter  brought 
to  him  from  the  Governor  of  New  Plymouth. 

First.  Declaring  his  thankfulness  to  the  Governor 
for  his  great  respects  and  kindness  manifested  in  the 
letter. 

Secondly.  IVL'mifesting  his  readiness  to  lay  down 
their  arms,  and  send  his  people  about  their  usual 
business  and  employments,  as  also  his  great  desire 
of  concluding  of  peace  with  neighboring  English. 

Thirdly.  Inasmuch  as  frreat  fears  and  jealousies 
hath  been  raised  in  iheir  minds  by  several  persons,  which 
now  they  belter  understand  thefcUsity  of  such  reports^  as 
hath  formerly  been  conveyed  unto  them,  Philip  tloth 
humbly  request  the  Governor  will  please  favorably 
to  excuse  and  aquit  them  from  any  payment  of  dam- 
age, or  surrendering  their  arms,  they  not  apprehending 
themselves  blameworthy  in  those  late  rumors. 

Fourthly.  They  are  not  at  present  free  to  promise 
to  appear  at  court,  hoping  there  will  be  no  necessity 
of  it,  in  case  their  freedom  for  peace  and  readiness  to 
lay  down  arms  may  be  accepted ;  as  also  suggestion^ 
of  great  danger  that  will  befall  them,  in  case  they  ap.. 

M3 


fl'tiS 


hi 


r 


150 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPHY. 


V'P 


'■•« 


pear,  with  harsh  threats  to  the  Sachem,  that  may  l)e 
considered. 

Per  me,  Samuel  Gorten  Junior,''^ 

Whether  Phihp  was  at  this  time  preparing  for  war, 
cannot  be  decided :  but  he  was  evidently  as  yet  un- 
prepared. He  went  to  Boston,  therefore,  during  the 
month  of  August  (1671).  He  knew  the  Massachu- 
eetts  government  to  l)e  more  friendly  to  him  than 
the  Plymouth  ;  and  although  letters  had  arrived  that 
very  day  from  the  latter  place,  announcing  an  inten- 
tion of  declaring  war  upon  him  forthwith,  the  Sachem 
succeeded  in  persuading  the  Massachusetts  authori- 
ties of  his  entire  innocence.  They  sent  a  proposal 
to  Plymouth  for  a  new  council,  to  settle  all  difficul- 
ties. This  being  declined,  they  gave  their  opinion 
decidedly  against  war.  Staggered  by  this  declara- 
tion, the  government  of  the  old  colony  consented  to 
try  the  effect  of  another  mediation.  A  conference 
of  all  parties  soon  after  took  place  at  Plymouth  :  and 
the  following  articles  of  accommodation  were  agreed 
upon. 

"1.  We,'PHiLip  and  my  Council  and  my  subjects, 
do  acknowledge  ourselves  subject  to  his  Majesty  the 
King  of  England,  and  the  government  of  New 
Plymouth,  and  to  their  laws. 

2.  I  am  willing  and  do  promise  to  pay  unto  the 
government  of  Plymouth  one  hundred  pounds  in 
such  things  as  I  have  ;  but  I  would  intreat  the  favor 
that  I  might  have  three  years  to  pay  it  in,  forasmuch 
as  I  cannot  do  it  at  present. 

3.  I  do  promise  to  send  unto  the  governor,  or 
whom  he  shall  appoint,  five  wolves'  heads,  if  I  can 
get  them ;  or  as  many  as  I  can  procure,  until  they 
come  to  five  wolves  yearly. 

4.  If  any  differe'^ce  fall  between  the  English  and 
myself  and  people,  i-  n  I  do  promise  to  repair  to 
the  governor  of  Ply  .  iuth,  to  rectify  the  difference 
amongst  us. 


i 


:: 


! 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPHY. 


151 


5.  I  *lo  promise  not  to  make  vvnr  with  any,  but 
with  the  Governor's  aj)prol)ation  of  Plymoiitli. 

6.  I  promise  not  to  dispose  of  any  of  the  lands 
tliat  I  have  at  present,  but  by  the  approbation  of 
the  governor  of  Plymouth. 

For  tlie  true  perfonnanee  of  the  premises,  I  the 
said  Sachem;  ^  .L  jf  Paukamakett,*  do  hereby 
bind  myself,  and  suci  f  my  council  as  are  present, 
ourselves,  our  heirs,  our  successor  itiifully,  and 
do  promise ;  in  witness  thereof,  we  have  hereunto 
subscribed  our  hands,  the  day  and  year  above  written. 


[In  the  presence  of  the  Court, 
clivers  magistrates,  &.C.] 


The  mark  P  of  Philip. 
The  mark  [  of  Uncompaew. 
The  mark  f  of  VVocokon. 
The  mark  7  ofS&MKAMA." 


This  negotiation  was  a  new  stratagem  :  f  and  the 
success  of  it  answered  the  purpose  of  Philip  com- 
pletely ;  for  although  he  does  not  appear  to  have 
killed  one  wolf,  or  paid  one  cent,  even  "  in  such 
things  as  he  had,"  nothing  occurred  for  three  years, 
to  rouse  the  suspicions  of  the  Colonies.  There  can 
scarcely  be  a  i'L»ubt,  that  during  all  this  time, — if  not 
for  a  longer  time  previous, — the  sachem  was  matur- 

*  Alias  Pokanokit.     Other  variations  of  this  ill-fated  word,  are 
Packanukik  and  Puceanukicr,  by       Purchas. 

P0CA!fAKET.  MoRTON. 

POCKANOCKETT.  MoRTON's  CONTinUATOR. 

Pacanokik.  Prince. 

PoKANOCKETT.  HuTCHlNSON. 

Pawkunnawkutt.  .  GOOKIN. 

PUCKANOKIK.  WiftSLOw's  RELATION. 

POKANACKET.  HuBRARD. 

t  Mather  remarks  upon  the  passage  thus:  "  When  the  Duke 
of  Archette,  at  his  being  made  governor  of  Antwerp  castle, 
look  an  oath  to  keep  it  faithfully  for  King  Philip  of  Spain, 
the  officer  that  gave  liim  his  oath  used  these  odd  words.  If 
you  perform  what  you  promise,  God  help  you;  if  you  do 
it  not,  the  Devil  take  your  body  and  soul !  and  all  the 
*  standers-hy  cried  AmenV  But  when  the  Indian  King  Philip 
took  his  oath,  nobody  used  these  words  unto  him:  nevertlie- 
les8  you  shall  see  anon  vviiether  these  words  were  not  •xpre«- 
aive  enough  of  what  became  of  him  !'* 


'f 


¥i 


Vi 


152 


INDIAN     JIOGRAPHY. 


(    th 


ing  one  of  the  grandest  plans  ever  conceived  by  any 
savage  ; — that  of  utterly  extenninating  the  Engli.sh 
of  the  northern  provinces.  This,  he  was  well  aware, 
could  only  he  done  by  i.jans  conniiensurate  with 
the  danger  and  dilHculty  of  the  enterj)ri8e.  The 
Colonies  were  no  longer  the  feeble  and  timid  allies, 
known  fifty  years  before  to  his  father.  They  had 
grown  in  niunbers  and  in  strength ;  and  still  more 
in  experience  and  spirit.  Nothing  less,  than  a  gen- 
eral union  of  the  New  England  tribes,  who  lived 
among  and  around  them  all,  would  furnish  a  safe 
guarantee  for  the  complete  success  of  such  a  war 
as  was  now  meditated. 

To  that  great  j)reparation,  then,  the  whole  *"  irgies 
of  Philip  must  be  devoted.  It  was  as  diln.  At,  he 
well  knew,  as  it  was  desirable.  The  ruler  of  one 
small  confederacy, — already  suspected,  and  constantly 
under  the  close  scrutiny  of  his  powerful  neighbors, 
— he  must  unite  and  interest  in  one  common  object, 
a  multitude  of  scattered  nations  who  had  met  and 
known  each  other,  until  this  time,  only  in  jealousy, 
envy,  revenge,  and  in  many  cases  hereditary  and 
inveterate  war ;  and  among  whose  councils  no  similar 
plan,  for  any  pur[)ose  whatever,  had  ever  been  con- 
ceived of.  How  far  Philip  surmounted  these  obsta- 
cles, will  be  seen.  The  great  train  of  events  we  are 
approaching,  are  so  interesting  both  as  a  passage  of 
general  history,  and  still  more,  as  they  implicate  and 
illustrate  the  character  of  Philip,  that  it  may  be 
proper  to  take  some  notice  of  the  causes  which  gave 
rise  to  them.  It  is  well  known,  that  his  English 
contemporaries  looked  upon  him,  very  generally, 
with  feelings  far  from  benevolent.  It  was  natural 
under  the  circumstances  that  they  should  do  so  ;  but 
it  is  no  more  necessary,  than  it  is  philosophical  or 
just,  on  the  other  hand,  to  confide  implicitly  either 
in  their  opinions  or  their  statements.  Philip  and  his 
Wampanoags  are  unlucky  enough,  like  the  lion  in 
the  fable,  to  have  no  painter. 

It  should  be  observed  luere,  that  Philip  like  his 


m  ' 


INDIAN  nioGRArnv. 


153 


elder  hrotlior,  nnquoslionuhly  coiisidenMl  himself  an 
ally  and  not  a  siihjoot  of  the  English  ; — at  Icasi,  nntil 
his  nominal  suhmission  in  J(>71.  Even  the  same 
anthorities  who  record  this  suhmission,  speak  of  his 
rentivin^  his  ancient  covenant,  (as  indeed  the  instru- 
ment itself  shows.)  A  distinct  article  recognises 
Massasoit  as  an  independent  sovereiffn.  Philip,  then, 
held  the  same  relation  to  the  Englisl),  that  his  father 
and  hrother  had  done  lor  the  fifty  years,  during  which 
the  two  parties  had  treated  and  associated  upon 
equal  and  intimate  terms.  He  was  hound  by  the 
same  engage?nents,  and  j)ossessed  of  the  same  rights; 
and  it  only  remains  to  he  seen,  if  due  regard  was 
paid  to  these  circumstances  upon  either  side. 

Now,  we  look  upon  the  assault  of  Alexander,  in 
1G62,  in  the  first  place,  as  not  only  a  sufficient  cause 
of  suspicion  and  resentment,  hut  of  war ;  and  that, 
upon  the  best  construction  which  can  he  put  upon 
the  most  favorable  of  the  ex-parle  relations  that 
appear  upon  record.  By  the  old  treaty  itself,  which 
Alexander  also  took  the  gratuitous  trouble  to  reneWy 
— and  without  any  reference  to  courtesy  or  humanity, 
or  to  national  fidelity,  or  to  personal  friendship, 
existing  up  to  this  date, — the  English  were  bound 
generally  to  treat  him  as  an  allied  sovereign,  and 
especially  to  make  a  preliminary  demand  of  satis- 
faction, in  all  cases  of  complaint.  We  have  seen  that 
the  charge  brought  against  him  in  1662, — vague  and 
unsupportedasitwas, — was  not  so  much  as  explained 
to  the  sachem,  previously  to  his  being  taken  from  his 
own  territory  by  an  armed  force,  and  carried  before 
an  English  Justice  of  the  Peace.  In  no  other  instance 
does  the  Plymouth  Colony  seem  to  have  exercised  an 
authority  of  this  nature,  even  over  the  meanest  sub- 
jects of  the  sachem.  "  Inasmuch  as  complaint  is 
made,  that  many  Indians  pass  into  divers  places  of 
this  jurisdiction,"  say  the  records  of  the  Colony  for 
1660,  "  it  is  enacted  that  no  strange  or  foreign  Indians 
*""   permitted  to  become  residents,  and  'that  notice 


be 


■I 


be  given  to  the  several  sagamores  to  prevent  the  same.^  *' 


154 


INDIAN    DIOGRAPnV. 


I(  i  i' 


A  remark  might  bo  made  upon  the  policy  of  lawn 
like  these,  so  lur  us  the  PoitarioketH  were  ('ouecriied ; 
as  also  of  the  aets  of  ]G/>2,  and  1()5.'3,  vvhieh  prohibi- 
ted the  sale  of  casks,  barques,  boats  and  horses,  to 
the  Indians,  besides  providing  a  punishment  for  sueh 
of  them,  resident  in  the  Colony,  as  should  violate  the 
Christian  sai)bath,  or  discharge  their  guns  in  the 
night-time.  But  these  regulations  the  Government 
had  an  undoubted  right  to  make,  as  Massasoit  and 
Philip  had  possessed  a  right, — which,  however,  they 
were  complaisant  enough  to  relinquish, — of  selling 
their  own  lands  to  purchasers  of  their  own  choosing. 

Such  was  the  sta*e  of  things  previous  to  the  sub- 
mission of  1G71.  With  regard  to  this,  it  is  quite 
clear  that,  even  if  Philip  was  made  to  understand  the 
instrument  which  it  is  well  known  he  could  not  rcad^ 
he  could  look  upon  it  only  as  an  insult,  imposed  upon 
him  under  circumstances  amounting  to  duress.  In- 
dependently of  any  force,  too,  he  must  have  thought 
himself  justified,  by  the  manifest  disposition  and  the 
summary  measures  of  the  English,  in  availing  him- 
self of  any  stratagem  to  lull  suspicion  and  to  gain 
time.  He  might  or  might  not,  at  this  period  or  be- 
fore, have  meditated  acting  offensively  against  them, 
in  revenge  of  the  indignity  suffered  by  his  brother 
and  his  nation  ;  but  it  was  certainly  both  prudent 
and  patriotic  in  him,  to  put  himself  on  the  defensive. 
He  had  a  right,  it  appears  to  us,  both  to  drill  his  own 
people  in  martial  exercises,  and  to  make  alliances 
with  his  Indian  neighbors. 

It  might  have  been  a  safe  policy  in  the  Plymouth 
Government,  to  have  considered  these  things,  in  re- 
card  at  least  to  what  they  might  call  the  jealous  and 
barbarous  prejudices  of  the  Indians,  before  proceeding 
to  extremities  with  either  Alexander  or  Philip.  On 
the  contrary,  while  they  enacted  laws,  and  encourag- 
ed accusations,  and  took  the  execution  of  the  penalty 
of  them  into  their  own  hands,  they  used  no  means  to 
conciliate  Philip,  but  sending  for  him  to  appear  be- 
fore "  the  Plymouth  Court."    Whether  they  wero 


:l 


INDIAN  niorJFivpnY. 


15.5 


CHiitious  in  nil  other  n'sprcts  nftor  thifltitiio  to  avoid 
oflrnro,  it  is  not  to  l)«  cxpcrt^ul  that  liistory  .shf)uhl 
enable  uh  to  ch'ttn'minc.  We  find,  however,  that  cer- 
tain of  the  Colonists,  in  I()73,  took  upon  them  to  ne- 
gotiate; treaties  for  land  with  |)rivate  snhjeets  of  IMii- 
h|) ;  and  tlK'r<;  is  no  reason  to  doubt,  that  they  entend 
und  kept  [mssession  arcordin^rly.  As  the  snehenw 
are  known  to  havt;  been  as  UMiacious  of  their  territory 
in  riaini,  as  they  were  liberal  of  it  in  disposal,  it  may 
well  be  conceived  that  this  first  instance  of  a  similar 
nature  upon  rc^cord,  should  occasion  Philip  no  littJo 
dissatisfiiction.  In  imitation  of  the  Knjflish  courtesy, 
he  nii^ht  hav(!  despatched  Nimrod,  Tobias,  Woonk- 
oponcpunt,  or  some  other  of  his  "valiant  and  excel- 
lent "  majors-generals  to  "  fetch  down  "  the  ofli'endin^ 
grantees  to  Sowams.  He  seems  to  have  taken  no 
express  notice  of  the  afl^air.  Hut  that  he  understood 
his  territorial  riffhts,  is  apparc^nt  from  the  singular 
cotnmunication  which  fi)llows.  It  is  preserved  in  the 
Collections  of  the  Massachusetts  Historical  feociety, 
(volume  second  of  th«;  first  series,)  as  precisely  copied 
from  the  original,  which  is  still  preserved  at  Ply- 
mouth. 

"  King  Philip  desire  to  let  you  understand  that  he 
could  not  come  to  the  Court,  for  Tom,  his  interpreter, 
has  a  pain  in  his  back,  that  he  could  not  travel  so  far, 
and  Philip  sister  is  very  sik. 

"  Philip  would  intreat  that  favor  of  you,  and  aney 
of  the  magistrats  if  anei/  En^lifth  or  Engians  speak 
about  ancAf  land^  he  pray  you  to  give  them  no  answer  at 
all.  This  last  sunmier  he  made  that  promis  with 
you,  that  he  would  not  sell  no  land  in  seven  years 
time,  for  that  he  would  have  no  English  trouble  him 
before  that  time^  he  has  not  forgot  that  you  promis 
him. 

"  He  will  come  as  soon  as  possible  as  he  can  to 
speak  with  you,  and  so  I  rest,  you  very  loving  friend, 
Philip,  dwelling  at  mount  hope  nek."* 

*  Since  the  text  was  written,  our  opinion  has  been  confirmed 
by  meeting  with  the  following  significant  query  in  a  petitioa 


II 


^ 

4 

i 

1 

;| 

H 


/ » r 
i  ''I 


■A' 

If  ! 


156 


INDIAN   BiocKvrnv. 


1^ 


s 


This  uiiiciiie  letter  is  addrrysed '•  To  the  much 
honered  Governor,  IMr.  TIioimuk  Friiiee,  dwelling  nt 
Plynioutli."  Ah  l*liili|)  liiinsclf  eoiild  neither  roud 
nor  write,  the  honor  of  th<!  orthography  and  construc- 
tion miiHt  he  attrihuted  to  th<;  intirin  int<'r|)reter.  But 
the  aentinientsare  worthy  of  thesaehern  himself,  and 
they  certainly  manifest  a  mingled  civility  and  inde- 
pendence which  do  him  ^'reat  cnidit.  No  date  ia 
affixed  to  the  letter.  If  it  do  not  refer  to  the  transac- 
tion just  mentioned,  it  was  prohahly  prompted  hy 
some  other  of  the  same  description.  The  interest 
which  the  sachem  lelt  in  cases  of  this  kind,  is  appa- 
rent from  one  ol'his  own  conveyances,  nmde  in  l(J(i8. 
It  was  of  a  tract  included  within  the  present  limits 
of  Rochester,  upon  the  sea-shore.  lie  drafted  an 
accurate  plan  of  it  with  his  own  hand,  (still  preserved 
upon  the  records  of  the  Old  Colony)  and  torwarded 
it  to  the  Court,  with  the  following  explanation. 

"This  may  inform  the  honorable  Court,"  we  read, 
"  that  I,  Philip,  am  willin«r  to  sell  the  land  within  this 
draught,  but  the  Indians  that  are  upon  it  may  live 
upon  it  still ;  but  the  land  that  is  mine  that  is  sold, 
and  Watashpoo  is  of  the  same  mind.  I  have  put 
down  all  the  principal  names  of  the  land  we  are  now 
willing  should  be  sold."  Watashpoo  was  probably 
one  of  the  occupants,  chiefly  interested  in  the  case. 
The  letter  ends  thus  ;  "  Know  all  Men  by  these  Pres- 
ents, That  Philip  has  given  power  unto  Watashpoo, 
and  Sampson,  and  their  brethren,  to  hold  and  make 
sale  of  said  land  to  whom  thev  will,"  &c.  This  letter 
must  have  been  sent  in  compliance  with  some  re- 
quest from  his  Plymouth  friends.  It  is  dated  at 
Pocanauket ;  subscribed  by  the  capital  P,  which  was 


of  Mr.  Gookin  and  Mr.  Elliot  to  tlie  Massachusetts  Government 
in  1684,  for  the  rescinding  of  certain  purchases  made  of  the 
Indians  which  they  considered  fraudulent: — "  IVas  not  a 
principal  cause  of  the  late  war  about  encroachments  on 
Philip^ a  lands  at  Mount  Hope  ?"  IVo  remarks  of  ours  can 
add  to  the  force  of  u  suggestion  from  such  a  source. 


INDIAN     ISKX.IIAIMIV. 


1,57 


the  sacluMii's  injuk  ;   luid  nttf'sr<^il,  and  no  doubt  writ- 
ten, by  Ills  sccn'tarv,  John  Sassanion. 

Sa.«;Harn()n  is  (hstin^Mii.shcd  in  liistorv  ns  having?  been 
the  initnf'diate  occasion  of  the  tirst  op«*n  hoMtilitins*. 
He  was  born  in  Honic  taniily  of  prayini,'  India?is,  and 
after  re(!eivin^  a  tolerable  education  at  ('arnbridLn? 
and  otiu.'r  places,  was  employed  asaHchool-inaMterat 
Natick.  The  composition  above  cited  rather  sup- 
])orts  llubbarrrs  remark,  that  he  was  a  "cunninjj 
and  plausible  Indian,  well  skilled  ii  the  Kn<rlisli 
language."  This  writer  says,  that  be  left  the  Knulish 
on  account  of  some  misdemeanor.  Mati-er  !  rates, 
that  " apostatizing fi'om  the  profession  f)r('iui:'  'anity, 
he  lived  lik<^  a  heathen,  in  the  quality  of  sec  ret  a  ly  to 
King  Philip."  fie  adds,  that  he  afterwards  des(»rtrd 
the  sa<*hem,  and  gave  such  notable  evi(U!nc(  "  ef  re- 
pentance, as  to  be  enii)l()yed  in  preachiii|;  ai  long 
tiie  Indians  at  Natick,  under  the  eve  of  his  old  in- 
structer,  the  venerable  Eliot. 

This  was  another  of  the  provocations  which  must 
have  aiuioyed  Philip.  llid)bard  states  expressly, 
that  Sassamon  was  im|)ortunately  urged  to  forsake 
him  ;  and  it  ap[)ears  trom  other  sources,  that  there 
had  previously  been  such  an  entire  confidence 
between  the  two,  that  the  Secretary  was  intrusted 
with  all  the  secrets  of  his  master.  The  provocation 
went  still  farther.  Sassamon,  either  having  or  pre- 
tending to  have  some  occasion  to  go  among  the 
Pokanokets  thMjuently,  availed  himself  of  this  oppor- 
tunity to  scrutinize  their  movements,  and  to  rei)ort 
them  as  he  thought  ])roper  lo  the  English.  In 
consequence  of  this,  Philip  add  some  of  his  subjects 
were  '  examined,*  we  are  told,  but  nothing  definite 
was  learned  from  them.  Soon  after,  Sassamon 
disappeared ;  and  as  he  had  ex[)ressed  some  well- 
founded  fears  of  meeting  with  a  violent  death  in  the 
course  of  these  manoeuvres,  his  friends  were  alarm- 
ed. They  commenced  a  search,  and  finally  found 
his  dead  body  in  Assawomset  pond,  (in  Middle- 
borough)  where  a  hole  in  the  ice,  through  which  he 

O 


' 


I. 


'ii 
W 


ft  J:>  ■'  I 

'it 
t 


», 


ri 


..Jtw.  .^t. 


158 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPHY. 


H 


h  >■ 


;.  J 


h  *    ■  ill 


had  been  thrust,  was  still  open,  and  his  hat  and  gun 
left  near  by  :.-^  if  he  had  drowned  himself.  "  Fur- 
thermore," Says  Mather,  "  upon  the  jealousies  of  the 
spirits  of  men  that  he  might  have  met  with  some 
foul  play,  a  jury  was  empanelled,  unto  whom  it  ap- 
peared that  his  neck  was  broken,  which  is  one  Indian 
way  of  murdering.'''* 

The  next  step  of  the  Plymouth  Government  was 
to  seize  upon  three  Pokanoket  Indians,  on*  the  testi- 
mony of  a  fourth,  ^''found^'*  says  Hubbard,  "  hy  a 
strange  providence.''''  This  man  swore  that  he  nad 
seen  the  murder  committed  from  a  hill  near  the 
pond.  It  must  be  inferred  that  he  swore  to  the  identity 
of  the  prisoners,  for  it  appears  they  were  convicted 
from  "his  undeniable  testimony  and  other  circum- 
stances,"* and  forthwith  hangecl.  Whatever  may  be 
said  of  the  legale  the  moral  probability  certainly  is, 
that  they  were  guilty.  They  were  probably  appointed 
to  execute  the  judgment  of  Philip  upon  Sassamon, 
one  of  them  being  Tobias,  a  man  of  some  distinction. 
At  all  events,  Philip  must  have  thought  himself  jus- 
tified in  taking  this  summary  measure  with  a  vaga- 
bond who  was  mean  enough  to  avail  himself,  as 
Sassamon  did,  of  being  tolerated  in  his  territory  after 
having  betrayed  his  confidence,  and  apparently  for 
the  very  purpose  of  following  up  his  own  treason. 

*  The  Colonists  were  but  too  n  .idy,  throughout  tliese  transac- 
tions, to  believe  any  thing  and  every  thing  which  supported  a 
charge  against  Philip.  One  of  the  undeniable  circumstances 
is,  probably,  stated  by  Mather.  The  dead  body  bled  afresh, 
says  the  Doctor,  on  the  approach  of  Tobias,  "  yea,  upon  the 
repetition  of  the  experiment,  it  still  happened  so,"  albeit  he 
had  been  deceased  and  interred  for  a  considerable  while  before. 


K  ', 


'.I    <  - 


L' 


n 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPHY. 


159 


sassainon. 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

Preparations  for  war  between  Philip  and  the  Colonies— Great 
excitement  of  the  times — Deposition  of  Hugh  Cole — Imme- 
diate occasioii  ofl'.ostilitics — Commencement  of  ihem,  June 
24th,  1675 — Summary  sketch  of  the  war — Consequences  to 
the  parties  engaged — Exertions,  adventures  and  escapes  of 
King  Philip — His  death — Anecdotes  respecting  him — Ob- 
servations on  his  character — His  courage,  dignity,  kindness, 
independence,  shrewdness,  and  self-command — Fate  of  his 
family — Defence  of  his  conduct. 

Whatever  had  previously  been  the  disposition  or 
determination  of  Philip,  it  is  iiniversully  agreed,  that 
subsequent  to  tlie  transaction  mentioned  at  tlie  close 
of  the  last  chapter,  he  took  but  little  pains  either  to 
conceal  his  own  hostility  or  to  check  that  of  liis  sub- 
jects. It  vvouhl  be  incredible  that  he  should.  He 
well  remembered  what  had  happened  to  his  brother 
in  much  more  peaceable  times  ;  and,  as  several  his- 
torians intimate,  he  must  actually  have  apprehended 
'  the  danger  his  own  head  was  in  next.'  A  passage  in 
one  of  his  letters  heretofore  cited,  is  to  the  same  pur- 
pose— "  as  also  suggestions  of  great  danger  in  case 
they  [his  subjects]  there  [at  Plymouth]  appear ;  urith 
harsh  threats  to  the  sachem,  that  may  be  considered." 

Every  preparation  was  now  made  for  the  impend- 
ing crisis  on  either  side.  The  following  ancient 
document,  taken  from  the  records  of  Plymouth, 
shows  that  the  agitation  of  all  the  parties  concerned 
had  already  arrived  to  a  high  pitch.  It  is  the  deposi- 
tion of  one  Hugh  Cole,  taken  in  court  previous  to 
Sassamon's  death,  and  attested  by  Nathaniel  Morton 
as  secretary  :* 

"  Hugh  Cole,  aged  forty-three,  or  thereabouts,  be- 
ing deposed,  saith  ; — That  in  February  last  past  be- 
fore the  date   hereof,  he  went  to   Shewarnett,  and 

•Vide  6Ui.  Vol.  Man.  His.  Coll.  1st  Series, 


U 


d\ 


M 


M«» 


160 


INDIAN    niOGRAPIIV. 


^n  ■' ! 


)  '*>?(, 


I^M 


|i:-( 


two  Englishmen  more  witli  him:  and  that  their 
business  was  to  persuade  the  Indians  to  ^o  to  Ph/mouthj 
to  answer  a  complaint  made  by  Hezekiali  Luther. 
The  Indians  (saith  he)  sceinir  us,  came  out  of  the 
house  towards  us,  being  many  of  them,  at  the  least 
twenty  or  thirty,  with  staves  in  their  hand ;  and 
when  the  Indians  saw  tliere  were  but  three  of  us, 
they  laid  down  their  staves  again.  Then  we  asked 
the  Indians  what  they  did  with  those  staves  in  their 
hands  ?  They  answered,  that  they  looked  for  Eng- 
lislimen  to  come  from  Plymouth,  to  seek  Indians,  to 
carry  them  to  Plymouth.  But  they  said  they  were 
not  willing  to  go.  And  some  time  after,  in  the  same 
morning,  Philip,  the  chief  sachem,  sent  for  me  to 
come  to  him  ;  and  I  went  to  Mount  Hope  to  him ; 
and  when  I  came  to  Mount  Hope,  I  saw  most  of 
the  Indians  that  I  knewof  Shevvamett  Indians,  there 
at  Mount  Hope,  and  they  were  generally  employed 
in  making  of  bows  and  arrows,  and  half  pikes,  and 
fixing  up  of  guns.  And  I  saw  many  Indians  of 
several  places  repair  towards  Mount  Hope.  And 
some  days  after  I  came  from  Mount  Hope,  I,  with 
several  others,  saw  one  of  Captain  Willett's  rangers, 
coming  on  post  on  horseback,  who  told  us,  that  king 
Philip  was  marched  up  the  neck  with  about  three 
score  men ;  and  Zacary  Eddy,  on  his  report,  went  to 
see  if  he  could  find  them ;  and  he  found  them  towards 
the  upper  part  of  the  neck,  in  several  companies. 
One  Caleb  Eddy  fiirther  saith,  that  he  saw  many 
there  in  arms ;  and  I  was  informed  by  John  Padduck, 
that  he  saw  two  several  guns,  loaded  with  bullets  or 
slugs.  And  I  further  testify,  that  those  Indians  that 
I  saw  come  towards  Mount  Hope,  as  aforesaid,  came 
better  armed  than  I  usually  have  seen  them.  Further 
saith  not." 

The  Pokanokets  mustered  at  Mount  Hope,  early 
in  the  spring  of  1675,  from  all  quarters,  and  the 
whole  country  was  in  agitation.  The  ungovernable 
fury  of  some  of  these  fierce  warriors  was  the  imme- 
diate occasion  of  the  war  which  ensued.    They  had 


it '. 


}-.. 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPHY. 


161 


hat   their 
Ph/moiithj 
I  Luther. 
Lit  of  the 
the  least 
111(1 ;   and 
ee  of  us, 
we  asked 
i  in  their 
for  Eng- 
idians,  to 
hey  were 
the  same 
or  me  to 
!  to  him ; 
most  of 
ms,  there 
employed 
ikes,  and 
dians  of 
)e.    And 
,  I,  with 
I  rangers, 
hat  king 
>ut  three 
went  to 
towards 
mpanies. 
kv  many 
'adduck, 
ullets  or 
ians  that 
id,  came 
Further 

le,  early 
and  the 
k'ernable 
e  imme- 
hey  had 


I 


not  the  power  which  Philip  himself  had,  of  enduring 
provocation  with  the  reservation  of  reven*fe ;  and 
they  were  by  no  means  so  well  aware,  on  the  other 
hand,  of  the  advantages  to  be  gained  by  such  a 
course.  At  length,  a  party  of  them  expressed  their 
feelings  so  intolerably — soon  after  the  execution  of 
their  three  countrymen — that  an  Englishman  at 
Swanzey  discharged  his  musket  at  one  of  them,  and 
wounded  him.  This  affair  took  place  June  24,  1675, 
a  day  memorable  in  American  history  as  the  com- 
mencement of  Philip's  War.  "Now,"  says  a 
reverend  historian  of  those  times,  "  war  was  begim 
by  a  fierce  nation  of  Indians  upon  an  honest,  ha'rm- 
less  Christian  generation  of  English,  who  ftiight 
very  truly  have  said  unto  the  aggressors,  as  it  was 
said  of  old  unto  the  Ammonites, '/  have  not  sinned 
against  thee,  but  thou  doest  me  wrong  to  war  against 
me.* "  Such  no  doubt  was  the  persuasion  of  a  large 
majority  of  the  cotemporary  countrymen  of  the 
learned  divine. 

Hostilities  were  now  promptly  undertaken.  A 
letter  was  sent  to  Philip,  in  the  month  of  June,  which, 
of  course,  did  no  good  ;  applications  were  also  made 
to  the  Massachusetts  Government  for  immediate 
assistance  ;  forces  were  raised  and  stationed  through- 
out the  Colony ;  and  matters  very  soon  after  pro- 
ceeded to  a  length  which  made  compromise  or 
conciliation  impossible.  We  do  not  intend  to  give 
for  the  present  the  well-known  particulars  of  this 
celebrated  war.  It  is  sufficient  to  observe,  that  it 
was  earned  on  for  more  than  a  year  with  a  violence, 
and  amid  an  excitement  unparalleled,  perhaps,  in 
the  history  of  the  country ;  and  that  it  terminated 
with  the  death  of  Philip,  late  in  the  season  of  1676. 

The  result  of  it  was  decisive,  as  the  sachem  was 
well  aware  that  it  would  be,  of  the  fate  of  the  New 
England  Indians.  The  Pokanokets  were  nearly 
exterminated.  The  Narraghansetts  lost  about  one 
thousand  of  their  number  in  the  celebrated  swamp- 
fight  at  Sunke-Squaw.      All  the  Indians  on    the 

02 


4  m 


*:1 


)1 


511 


h 


I 


162 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPHY. 


n  H' 


t»i  M 


I 


Connecticut  river,  and  most  of  the  Nipmucks  who 
survived,  fled  to  Canada,  (where  they  were  subse- 
quently of  great  service  to  the  French)  and  a  few 
hundreds  took  refuge  it)  New  York.  The  EngHsh 
detachment  of  Captain  Church  alone,  are  estimated 
to  have  killed  about  seven  hundred  between  June 
and  October  of  1676.  Large  numbers  of  those  who 
were  captured  were  sent  out  of  the  country,  and  sold 
as  slaves. 

But  the  triumph  of  the  conqueror  was  dearly 
bought.  The  whole  fighting  force  of  the  four  Colo- 
nies seems  to  have  been  almost  constantly  in  requi- 
sition. Between  one  and  two  thousand  men  were 
engaged  at  the  swamp-fight  alone, — an  immense 
force  for  a  population  of  scarcely  forty  thousand 
English  throughout  New  England.  Thirteen  towns 
were  entirely  destroyed  by  the  enemy  ;  six  hundred 
dwelling-houses  burned  ;  an  J  about  the  same  number 
of  Englishmen  killed,  so  that  almost  every  family 
lost  a  relative.  The  mere  expense  of  the  war  must 
have  been  very  great ;  for  the  Commissioners  of  the 
United  Colonies  afterwards  estimated  the  disburae- 
ments  of  the  Old  Colony  alone,  at  more  than  one 
hundred  thousand  pounds. 

Such  was  the  war  of  King  Philip — sustained  and 
managed,  upon  his  side,  by  his  own  single-handed 
energy  and  talent  alone.  Not  that  the  sixty  Wam- 
panoags  of  the  sachem's  own  house-hold,  as  it  were, 
or  even  the  various  tribes  of  tlie  Pokanoket  country, 
were  his  sole  supporters;  but  that  all  the  other  tribes, 
which  supported  him,  did  it  in  consequence  of  his 
influence,  and  were  induced  to  unite  and  operate 
together,  as  they  never  had  done  before,  under  his 
control.  Some  writers  have  asserted,  that  he  en- 
gaged the  various  Atlantic  tribes  as  far  south  as 
Virginia  to  assist  him  ;  but  of  this  there  is  no  proofj 
and  it  is  rendered  improbable  by  the  great  want  of 
inter-communication  among  these  tribes. 

Nor  is  it  true,  as  other  writers  have  stated,  tliat 
all  the  natives  of  New  England  itself  were  involved 


\      ! 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPHY. 


163 


with  Philip.  On  tlie  other  luuid,  it  was  the  most 
trying  circuinstanoe  of  the  j^-oat  strii<(gle  of  the 
sachein,  that  he  had  not  only  to  rely  npon  bringing 
and  keeping  together  scores  of  petty  cantons,  as 
jealous  of  each  other  from  time  immemorial  as  so 
many  Highland  clans ;  but  he  had  to  watch  and 
resist,  openly  and  secretly,  aJl  who  would  not  join 
him,  besides  the  mu'titudes  who  deserted,  betrayed 
and  opposed  him.  The  New  Hampshire  tribes 
mostly  withdrew  from  the  contest.  The  praying 
Indians,  of  whom  there  were  then  thousands,  either 
remained  neutral,  or  like  Sassamon  turned  against 
their  own  race.  One  of  Philip's  own  tribes  fortiook 
him  in  his  misfortunes ;  and  the  Pequots  and  Mohe- 
gans  of  Connecticut  kept  the  field  against  him  from 
the  very  first  day  of  the  war  to  the  last.  It  may  be 
supposed,  that  some  of  these  tribes  were  surprised, 
{IS  Philip  liimself  was,  by  the  sudden  breaking  out 
t)f  the  war,  a  year  before  the  time  whicli  had  been 
fixed  for  it.  This  was  occasioned  by  the  proceedings 
in  which  Sassamon  was  concernofl,  and  by  the  un- 
governable fury  of  a  few  of  the  young  warriors. 

Piiilip  is  said  to  have  wept  at  these  tidings  of  the 
first  outrage  of  the  war.  He  relented,  perhaps, 
savage  as  he  was,  at  the  idea  of  disturbing  the  long 
amity  which  his  father  had  preserved ;  but  he  may 
well  have  regretted,  certainly,  that  being  once  forced 
upon  the  measure,  he  should  enter  the  battle-field 
unprepai'ed  for  what  he  well  knew  must  be  the  last,  as 
it  was  the  first,  great  contest  between  the  red  men  and 
the  whites.  But  the  die  was  cast,  and  though  Philip 
never  smiled  after  that  memorable  hour  just  alluded 
to,  his  whole  soul  was  bent  upon  the  business  before 
liim.  Day  nor  night,  scarcely  was  there  rest  for  his 
Ihnbs  or  sleep  for  his  eyes.  His  resources  must 
have  been  feeble  enough,  had  his  plans,  now  em- 
barraaried,  succeeded  to  his  utmost  wish;  but  he 
girded  himself,  'ls  it  was,  with  a  proud  heart  for  the 
mortal  struggle.  The  strength  of  his  own  domin- 
ions was  about  six  hundred  warriors,  ready,  and 


164 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPHY. 


r  !i 


I'H   A 


U  ' 


hi 


u 


more  than  ready,  lonor  since,  for  the  war-cry.  The 
whole  force  of  his  old  enemies,  the  Narragliansetts, 
was  already  engaged  to  him.  He  had  negotiated, 
also,  with  the  Nipniucks  and  the  tribes  on  the  Con- 
necticut and  farther  west,  and  one  after  another,  these 
were  soon  induced  to  join  him.  Nor  was  it  six 
weeks  from  the  first  hostilities,  before  all  the  Indians 
along  the  coast  of  Maine,  for  a  distance  of  two  hun- 
dred miles,  were  eagerly  engaged,  in  what  Philip 
told  them  wtts  the  common  cause  of  the  race. 

That  no  arts  might  be  left  untried,  even  while  the 
court  were  condemning  his  three  subjects,  he  was 
holding  a  grand  war-dance  at  Sowams,  and  muster- 
ing his  tawny  warriors  around  him  from  all  quarters. 
Several  tribes  afterwai'ds  confessed  to  the  English, 
that  Philip  had  thus  inveigled  them  into  the  war. 
And  again,  no  sooner  were  his  forces  driven  back  upon 
the  Connecticut  river  tribes,  about  the  first  of  Septem- 
ber, 1675,  than  he  enlisted  new  allies  among  them. 
The  Hadley  Indians,  who  had  joined  the  English, 
— very  likely  at  his  instigation, — were  suspected, 
and  fled  to  him.  Their  Springfield  neighbors,  soon 
after,  joined  three  hundred  of  Philip's  men,  in  an 
attack  upon  that  town ;  and  thus  the  whole  Nipmuck 
country  was  involved.  In  the  course  of  the  ensuing 
winter,  the  sachem  is  said  to  have  visited  the  Mo- 
hawks in  New  York.  Not  succeeding  in  gaining 
their  alliance  by  fair  argument,  he  was  desperate 
enough  to  kill  some  of  their  stragghng  young  men  in 
the  woods,  in  such  a  manner  that  the  blame  would 
obviously  be  charged  upon  the  English.  But  this 
stratagem  was  defeated,  by  the  escape  of  one  who 
had  only  been  stunned  by  the  sachem.  The  latter 
was  obliged  to  take  abrupt  leave  of  his  hosts;  and 
from  that  time,  they  were  among  his  worst  enemies. 

His  situation  during  the  last  few  months  of  the  war, 
was  so  deplorable,  and  yet  his  exertions  so  well  sus- 
tained, that  we  can  only  look  upon  him  with  pity  and 
admiration.  His  successes  for  some  time  past  had 
been  tremendous ;  but  the  tide  began  to  ebb.    The 


INDIAN    BIOfillArirY. 


1G5 


whole  povvor  of  tlin  Coloiiirs  was  in  the  field, 
aided  by  I;uid('^l  ands('outinf;-i)artios  of  his  own  race. 
The  Sacont'ts,  tiie  suhjeets  of  a  near  relation  of  his 
own,  enlisted  under  Church.  Otiier  tribes  coniplain- 
e<l  and  threatened.  Their  territory,  as  well  as  his, 
had  been  over-run,  their  settlements  destroyed,  and 
their  plantin«(  and  fishinj^-j^rounds  all  occupied  by  the 
En«iiish.  Those  of  them  who  were  not  yet  hunted 
down,  were  day  and  nipiit  followed  into  swamps  a!id 
forests,  and  reduced  to  live, — if  they  did  not  actually 
starve  or  freeze, — upon  the  least  and  worst  food  to 
be  conceived  of.  Ilundreds  died  of  disrases  inx'ur- 
red  in  this  manner.  "  I  have  eaten  horse,"  said  one 
of  these  miserable  wretches,  "but  now  horse  is 
eating  me."  Another  informed  Church,  on  one 
occasion,  that  about  three  hundred  Indians  had  gone 
a  long  way  to  Swanzey,  in  the  heat  of  the  war,  for 
the  purpose  of  eating  clams,  and  that  Philij)  was 
soon  to  follow  them.  At  another  time,  the  valiant 
captain  himself  captured  a  large  party.  Finding 
it  convenient  to  attack  a  second  directly  after,  he 
bade  the  first  wait  for  him,  and  join  him  at  a  certain 
rendezvous.  The  day  after  the  skirmish,  "  they  came 
to  him  as  they  were  ordered,"  and  he  drove  them 
all  together,  that  very  night,  into  Bridgewater  pound, 
and  set  his  Saconet  soldiers  to  guard  them.  "Be- 
ing well  treated  with  victuals  and  drink,"  he  adds, 
with  great  simplicity,  "they  had  a  merry  night, 
and  the  {)risoners  laughed  as  loud  as  the  soldiers; 
not  bein^  so  treated  for  a  long  time  before." 

The  mere  physical  suflTerings  of  Philip,  meanwhile, 
are  almost  incredible.  It  is  by  his  hair-breadth 
escapes,  indeed,  that  he  is  chiefly  visible  during  the 
war.  Occasionally,  the  English  come  close  upon 
him  ;  he  starts  up,  like  the  roused  lion,  plunges  into 
the  river  or  leaps  the  precipice  ;  and  nothing  more 
is  seen  of  hin»  for  months.  Only  a  few  weeks  after 
the  war  commenced,  he  was  surrounded  in  the  great 
Pocasset  swamp,  and  obliged  to  escape  from  Ids 
vigilant  enemies  by  ratting  himself,  with  his  best 


i' 


it 

It  'H 


n 


I 


166 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPHY. 


if.  N 


!■*  i 


men,  over  the  pront  Taunton  river,  while  their 
women  and  chiUlren  were  left  to  be  captured.  On 
his  return  to  the  same  neijfhborhood,  the  next  sea- 
eon,  a  captive  j^uided  the  English  to  his  encampment. 
Philip  fled  in  such  haste  as  to  leave  his  kettle  upon 
the  fire;  twenty  of  his  comrades  wore  overtaken  and 
killed ;  and  he  hifnself  escaped  to  the  swamp,  pre- 
cisely as  he  had  formerly  escaped  from  it.  Here  his 
uncle  was  shot  soon  afterwards  at  his  side.  Upon 
the  next  day,  Church,  discovering  an  Indian  seated 
on  a  fallen  tree,  made  to  answer  the  purpose  of  a 
bridge  over  the  river,  raised  his  musket  and  delibe- 
rately aimed  at  him.  "  It  is  one  of  our  own  party," 
whispered  a  savage,  who  crept  behind  him.  Church 
lowered  his  gun,  and  the  stranger  turned  his  head. 
It  was  Philip  himself,  musing,  perhaps,  upon  the 
fate  which  awaited  him.  Church  fired,  but  his  royal 
enemy  had  already  fled  down  the  bank.  He  escaped 
from  a  close  and  bloody  skirmish  a  few  hours  after- 
wards. 

He  was  now  a  desolate  and  desperate  man,  the 
last  prince  of  an  ancient  race,  without  subjects, 
without  teriiiory,  accused  by  his  allies,  betrayed  by 
his  comrades,  hunted  like  a  spent  deer  by  blood- 
hounds, in  daily  hazard  of  famishing,  and  with  no 
shelter  day  or  night  for  his  head.  All  his  chief 
counsellors  and  best  friends  had  been  killed.  His 
brother  was  slain  in  the  Pocasset  swamp ;  his  uncle 
was  shot  down  at  his  own  side ;  and  his  wife  and 
only  son  were  captured  when  he  himself  so  narrowly 
escaped  from  the  fire  of  Church.  And  could  he  have 
fled  for  the  last  time  fi-om  the  soil  of  his  own  country, 
he  would  still  have  found  no  rest  or  refuge.  He  had 
betaken  himself  once  to  a  place  between  York  and 
Albany ;  but  even  here,  as  Church  says,  the  Moohags 
made  a  descent  upon  him  and  killed  many  of  his 
men.    His  next  kennelling-place*  was  at  the  fall  of 

*■""'■  ■    '  ■  '  ■■■■■'     I —■        ■        -—  —  .^  -.1-1.-  ■  I ■■  .I.M     ,         ..ll—   |..i—  ■  ^ 

*  The  language  of  Church.      The  same  name  might  be  as 
properly  applied,  we  suppose,  to  a  curious  cave  in  the  vicinity 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPHY. 


167 


lile  their 
red.  On 
next  sea- 
impment. 
tile  u})on 
taken  and 
imp,  pre- 

Here  his 
e.  Upon 
an  seated 
pose  of  a 
d  delibe- 
rn  party," 
Cliurch 
his  head, 
upon  the 
:  his  royal 
e  escaped 
urs  after- 
man,  the 

subjects, 
rayed  by 
)y  blood- 

with  no 
nis  chief 

ed.  His 
nis  uncle 

wife  and 
narrowly 
I  he  have 

country, 
He  had 

ork  and 

Moohaf^s 

y  of  his 

le  fall  of 

■    ■  •  m 

ight  be  ag 
le  vicinity 


Connecticut  river,  above  Decrficid,  wliere,  some 
time  after,  "Captain  Turner  tbund  him,  came  upon 
him  by  nijjht,  kiUod  a  g^reat  many  men, and  frighten- 
ed many  more  into  th<;  river,  that  were  hunted  down 
the  falls  and  drowned."  He  lost  three  hundred 
men  at  this  time.  They  wore  in  their  encampments, 
asleep  and  unguarded.  Tiie  English  rushed  upon 
tliem,  and  they  fled  in  every  direction,  half-awaken- 
ed, and  crying  out,  "Mohawks !  Mohawks  !  " 

We  cannot  better  illustrate  Philip's  character,  than 
by  observing,  that  within  a  few  days  of  this  affjiir, 
he  was  collectiyg  the  remnants  of  the  Narraghan- 
setts  and  Nii)mucks  among  the  Wachuset  hills,'  on 
the  east  side  of  the  river;  that  they  then  made  a 
descent  upon  Sudbury  ;  "mot  with  and  sival  lowed  up 
the  valiant  Captain  IVadsworth  and  his  company  ;*  and 
many  other  doleful  desolations  in  those  parts."  We 
ilso  find,  that  Philip  was  setting  parties  to  waylay 
Church,  under  his  own  worst  circumstances ;  and 
that  he  came  very  n^ar  succeeding.  He  is  thought 
to  have  been  at  the  great  swamp-fight  in  December, 
1675 ;  and  to  have  led  one  thousand  Indians  against 
Lancaster  on  the  ensuing  8th  of  February.  In 
August  of  the  former  season,  he  made  his  appear- 
ance among  the  Nipmucks,  in  a  swamp  ten  or  twelve 
miles  from  Brookfield.  "  They  told  him  at  his  first 
coming,"  said  one  of  them  who  was  taken  captive, 

of  VVinnecunnett  pond,  in  Norton  (Mass.)  In  the  midst  of  a 
cluster  of  large  rocks,  it  is  formed  by  the  projection  of  one 
over  another  which  meets  it  with  an  acute  angle.  It  is  five 
feet  high,  and  the  area  at  the  base  is  seventeen  feet  by  nine. 
Tradition  represents  it  as  one  of  the  Sachem's  secret  retreats, 
and  it  bears  the  name  of  *  Philip's-Cave'  to  this  day. 

♦This  strong  expression  of  the  Captain's  may  refer  to  the 
really  savage  treatment  which  tlie  unfortunate  prisoners  met 
with  in  this  case.  We  have  it  on  the  authority  of  Mather,  at 
least,  that  those  *'  devils  incarnate  "  inflicted  a  variety  of  tor- 
tures not  necessary  to  be  enlarged  upon  here;  **  and  so  with 
exquisite,  leisurely,  horrible  torments,  roasted  them  out  of  the 
world."  History  of  New  England,  Book  VII.  p.  56. 
Loudon  £d.  1702. 


'  r 


1': 


^  1 


ft* 


I 


M 


r !!!»' 


'11 ' 


J! 


168 


INDIAN    BIOGIIAPHV. 


W 


!d 


?. 


"what  they  had  done  to  the  Eni^linh  nt  Brookfield 
[burning  the  town.]  "  Then  he  prt.ttnied  and  ij^ave 
to  three  sagamores,  iiainely,  John  alias  Apequinast, 
Quanansit,  and  Ma\vtanip»,  to  ea(>h  of  tlietn  about  a 
peck  of  unstrung  wampum^*  Even  so  late  as  the 
month  before  the  sachem's  death,  a  nejrro,  who  had 
fought  under  him,  informed  the  English  of  his 
design  of  attacking  certain  towns,  beiniif  still  able  to 
muster  something  like  a  thousand  men.  In  his  last 
and  worst  days,  he  would  not  think  of  peace ;  and 
he  killed  with  his  own  hand,  upion  the  spot,  the  only 
Indian  who  ever  dared  to  propose  it.  It  was  the 
brother  of  this  man  by  whom  he  was  himself  soon 
after  slain. 

These  are  clear  proofs,  then,  that  Philip  possessed 
a  courage  as  noble  as  his  intellect.  Nor  is  there  any 
doubt  that  history  would  have  furnished  a  long  list 
of  his  personal  exploits,  but  that  his  situation  com- 
pelled him  to  disguise  as  well  as  conceal  himself. 
If  any  thing  but  his  face  had  been  known,  there  was 
nothing  to  prevent  Church  from  shooting  him,  as  we 
have  seen.  And  universally  influ(;ntial  as  he  was, 
— the  master-spirit  every  where  guiding,  encourag- 
ing, soothing  and  rewarding,—  it  is  a  ftict  worthy  of 
mention,  that  from  the  time  of  his  first  flighi  from 
Pocasset  until  a  few  weeks  before  his  derth,  no 
Englishman  could  say,  that  he  had  either  seen  his 
countenance  or  heard  his  voice.  Hence  Church 
describes  him  as  being  always  foremost  in  the  flight. 
The  price  j)ut  upon  his  head,  the  fearful  power 
which  pursued  him,  the  circumstance  that  some  of 
his  own  acquaintance  were  against  him,  and  espe- 
cially the  vital  importance  of  liis  life  to  his  cause, 
all  made  it  indispensable  for  him  to  adopt  every 
stratagem  of  the  wary  and  cunning  warfare  of  his 
race. 


*  Note  to  Hutchinson's  Histoi-y  of  Massachusetts.  Mather 
says,  that  these  very  Indians  had  covenanted  by  a  formal  treaty, 
a  montli  before,  that  tliey  would  not  assist  Philip. 


INDIAN    BIOCJRAPHY. 


169 


IS  cause. 


We  liave  snid  sornothiiiff  of  IMiilip's  icloas  of  his 
own  Hovort'ijrii  di^niity.  H<'iu'e  the  fate  of  Sassainon, 
and  of  the  sava«re  wlio  |)ro|)ose(l  prace.  There  \»  a 
wril  sctth'd  tradition,  tliat  in  I^J^Io  lie  went  over  to  the 
island  of  Nantucket,  with  the  view  of  killing  an  In- 
dian called  John  Gihbs.*  lU'  landed  on  the  west 
end,  intending  to  tnivel  alon^the  '^hore,  undiscover- 
ed, under  the  hank,  to  that  ])art  oi  the  island  where 
(iihhs  resided.  By  some  lucky  accident,  the  latter 
received  a  liint  of  his  approach,  made  his  escape  to 
the  Kn^lish  settlement,  and  induced  one  Mr.  Maey 
to  conceal  him.  His  crime  consisted  in  speaking  the 
name  of  some  deceased  ndative  of  I*hili|)  (his  brother, 
perhaps,^  contrary  to  Indian  etiquette  in  such  cases 
provide(l.  The  English  held  a  j)arley  with  the 
sacher!!,  and  all  the  money  they  were  able  to  collect 
was  barely  sufficient  to  satisfy  him  for  the  life  of  the 
culprit.  It  was  not  a  mere  personal  insult,  but  a 
violation  of  the  reverence  due  from  a  subject  to  bis 
king. 

It  appears,  that  when  he  visited  Boston,  before 
the  war,  lie  succeeded  in  persuading  the  govern- 
ment,— as,  no  doubt,  was  the  truth  of  the  case, — that 
notwithstanding  tbe  old  league  of  his  father,  renewed 
by  himself  J  or  rather  by  force  of  it,  he  was  still  inde- 
pendent of  Plymouth.  "These  successive  engage- 
ments were  agreements  of  amity,  and  not  of  subject- 
tion  any  further,  as  lie  appreliended."  He  then 
desired  to  see  a  copy  of  the  treaty,  and  requested 
that  one  might  be  procured  for  him.  He  knew,  he 
added,  that  tbe  praying  Indians  had  submitted  to  the 
English  ;  but  the  Pokanokets  had  done  no  such 
thing,  and  they  were  not  subject.  The  letter  of  the 
Massachusetts  to  the  Plymouth  Government,  written 
just  afler  this  interview  with  the  sachem,  is  well 
worthy  of  notice.  "  We  do  not  understand,"  say  the 
former,  "  how  far  he  hath  subjected  himself  to  you ; 


♦  The  fact,  as  to  the  visit  itself,  is  authenticated  by  the  extant 
records  of  Wantucket. 


. 

M 


•r 


I! 

I 


Ui^ 


no 


INDIAN    HIOfillAPIIV. 


r  » 


but  the  treatment  you  Imve  ^ivrii  him,  do^H  not  rori- 
der  liint  such  asuhjrct,  as  that,  if  thrn;  hn  not  prosf^nt 
aiiHWoring  to  suriirnons,  tlicn;  sh<Mil(l  prrscutly  l)o  n 
])roc<M!(liiig  to  hostilities." 

Phihp  had  liimscM'  tho  sanic  notion  of  a  Plyinoutli 
summons;  and  yet  oitiicr  |)oli('y  or  good  focling  in- 
duced }iiin  to  visit  the  JMvnioulh  (iovernor,  in 
Mareh,  l(j75,  tor  the  purposes  of  (piieting  the  Huspi- 
cions  of  the  Colony  :  notliing  was  discovered  against 
hirn,  and  lie  returned  home.  1I«;  maintained  [)rivately 
the  same  frank  hut  proud  independence,  lie  was 
opposed  to  Ciu'istianity  as  much  as  his  father  was, 
and  would  make  no  c()ncessi((ns  upon  that  point. 
Possihly  the  rememhrance  of  Sassamon  might  have 
rankled  in  his  hosom,  when,  ufion  the  venerable  Eliot 
once  undertaking  to  convert  him,  he  took  one  of  hi« 
buttons  between  his  fing(?rs,  and  told  him  he  cared 
no  more  for  the  Gospel  than  for  tliat  button.  That 
lie  was  generally  more  civil,  however,  may  l>e  infer- 
red from  Uookin's  statement;  "I  have  heard  him 
speak  very  good  words,  aiguing  that  his  conscience 
is  convicteii,  &c."  The  sachem  evidently  made  lum- 
self  agreeable  in  this  case. 

In  regard  to  his  ])ersonal  appearance,  always  a 
matter  of  curiosity  in  the  case  of  great  men,  sketches 
pm-porting  to  be  portraits  of  him  are  extant,  but  none 
of  them  are  believed  to  have  more  verisimilitude 
than  the  grotesque  charicature  prefixed  to  the  old 
narrative  of  Captain  Church  (the  model  of  the 
series) ;  and  we  must  therefore  content  ourselves  to 
remain  ignorant  in  this  matter.  As  to  his  costume, 
Josselyn,  who  saw  him  at  Boston,  says  that  he  had  a 
coat  on,  and  buskins  set  thick  with  beads,  "  in  pleas- 
ant wild  works,  and  a  broatl  belt  of  the  same  ;"  his 
accoutrements  being  valued  at  £20.  A  fiimily  in 
Swanzey,  (Mass.),  is  understood  to  be  still  in  posses- 
session  of  some  of  the  royalties  which  were  given 
up  by  Ana  WON,  at  the  time  of  his  capture  by  Church.* 

*  Anawon  is  said  to  have  been  Philip's  chief  counsellor  and 
captain  during  tlie  war ;  and  also  to  have  fought  under  Massa- 


INDIAN    in(")(iIlAriIV. 


171 


Thorc  wore  two  horns  of  frlnz^'d  powdor,  n  red-rloth 
blanket,  ntul  tliroe  richly  J«n<l  hfaiitifiilly  wrought 
wainpuMi  Ix'ltH.  One  wa.s  nine  inches  wi(l<',  and  so 
lon^'  as  to  extend  Irorn  the  slionlder  to  tin?  ancles. 
To  the  Hecon<l,  which  was  worn  on  liie  head,  wero 
attached  two  ornainefited  sinail  Mn^rs.  Tin;  third  and 
Hinallest  had  a  star  fi^nired  in  heads  upon  one  end, 
which  came  over  the  bosom. 

Philip  was  tar  from  bein»(  a  mere  barbarian  in  his 
mamiers  and  teelinjrs.  Then;  is  not  an  instance  lo 
Ix;  met  with,  of  his  havin«r  maltn\*it('d  a  captive;  in 
any  way,  even  while  tlm  Kiiiijlish  W(tc  selling  his 
own  peo|)le  as  slaves  abroad,  or  tortnrinjj  and  hang- 
in«j:  them  at  home.  The  famous  Mrs.  Kowlandson 
speaks  of  meeting?  with  him  durinj?  her  doleful  cap- 
tivity. He  invited  her  to  call  at  his  lodge  ;  and  when 
she  did  so,  bade  her  sit  down,  and  ask«;d  her  if  she 
would  smoke.  On  meeting  lier  again,  he  recpiested 
Jier  to  make  some  garment  for  his  child,  and  for  this 
he  paid  her  a  shilling,  lb; afterwards  look  the  trou- 
ble of  visiting  her  for  the  purpose  of  assuring  her, 
that  "  in  a  fortnight  she  should  be  her  own  mistress." 
Her  last  interview,  it  must  !)e  allowed,  shows  his 
shrewdness  to  rather  more  advantage  than  his  fair 
dealing.     It  was  Indian  stratJigem  in  war-time,  how- 


soit.  But  Uie  latter  was  not  a  very IwUigerent  character;  nor 
do  wc  find  mention  of  Anawon's  services  under  Philip, 
previoii  to  the  time  of  his  fall  at  the  swamp-skirmiiiji,  when 
the  CO'  <pellor  made  his  escape.  Hul)bard  states  that  he  boasted 
of  having  killed  ten  whites  in  one  day;  but  nearly  all  that  is 
known  of  him  we  derive  from  the  picturesque  account  of  his 
captiu-e  by  Church,  who  headed  an  expedition  for  the  express 
purpose.  Anawon  met  his  misfortune,  and  even  entertained  his 
conqueror,  most  manfully  on  that  occasion ;  and  Church  recip- 
rocated his  courtesies;  but  all  in  vain — tlie  old  warrior,  with 
many  others  of  his  tribe,  was  soon  alter  beheaded  at  Plymouth. 
To  the  traveller  from  Taunton  to  Providence,  through  the 
south-east  corner  of  Relioboth,  Anawon' s  rock  is  pointed  out 
to  this  day — an  enormous  pile,  from  twenty-five  to  tliirty  feet 
iiigh,  on  a  sort  of  island  in  u  syvamp  of  some  thousand  acres. 


1- 


«  j 


''<l 


♦;* 


m 


►  (• 


172 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPHY. 


ever ;  and  the  half-clad  sachem  was  at  this  very 
time  living  upon  ground-nuts,  acorns  and  lily-roots. 
"  Philip,  smelling  the  business,  [her  ransom,]  call- 
ed me  to  him,  and  asked  me  what  1  would  give  him 
to  tell  me  some  good  news,  and  to  speak  a  good 
word  for  me,  that  I  might  go  home  to-morrow.  I 
told  him  I  could  not  tell, — but  any  thing  I  had, — and 
asked  him  what  he  would  have.  He  said  two  coats, 
and  twenty  shillings  in  money,  half  a  bushel  of  seed- 
corn,  and  some  tobacco.  /  thanked  him  for  his  love, 
hut  I  knew  that  good  news  as  well  as  that  crafty  fox.^'* 
It  is  probable  he  was  aiimsing  himself  with  this  good 
woman,  much  as  he  did  with  the  worthy  Mr.  Gook- 
in ;  but  at  all  events,  there  are  no  traces  of  malevo- 
lent feeling  in  these  simple  anecdotes. 

What  is  more  striking,  we  find  that  when  one 
James  Brown,  of  Swanzey,  brought  him  a  letter  from 
Plymouth,  just  before  hostilities  commenced,  and  the 
young  warriors  were  upon  the  point  of  killing  him, 
Philip  interfered  and  prevented  it,  saying,  that  "  his 
father  had  charged  him  to  show  kindness  to  Mr. 
Brown."  Accordingly,  it  is  recorded  in  Hubbard, 
that  a  little  before  his  death,  the  old  sachem  had 
visited  Mr.  Brown,  who  lived  not  far  from  Montaup, 
and  earnestly  desired  that  the  love  and  amity  he  had 
received,  might  be  continued  to  the  children.  It 
was  probably -this  circumstance,  which  induced 
Brown  himself,  to  engage  in  such  a  hazardous  enter- 
prize,  after  an  interval,  probably,  of  some  twenty 
years. 

Nor  should  we  pass  over  the  kindness  of  Philip 
to  the  Leonard  family,  who  resided  near  Fowling 
Pond,  in  what  is  now  Raynham.  Philip,  who  win- 
tered at  Montaup, — for  the  convenience  of  fishing, 
perhaps, — was  accustomed  to  spend  the  summer  at 
a  hunting-house,  by  this  pond.  There  he  because 
intimate  with  the  Leonards,  traded  with  them,  and 
had  his  arms  repaired  by  them  frequently.  On  the 
breaking  out  of  the  wai*,  )ie  gave  strict  ordera  that 


'■  !»■ 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPHY. 


173 


this  very 
lily-roots, 
•m,]  call- 
give  him 
k  a  good 
)rrow.  I 
I  ad, — and 
wo  coats, 
1  of  seed- 
his  love, 

^J^y  fox:' 

this  good 
[r.  Gook- 
'  malevo- 

^hen  one 
Iter  from 
,  and  the 
ling  him, 
that  "his 
I  to  Mr. 
lubbard, 
lem  had 
lontaup, 
y  hd  had 
Iren.  It 
induced 
IS  enter- 
twenty 

f  Philip 
owling 
lo  win- 
fishing, 
limer  at 
becanle 
pm,  and 
On  the 
;ra  that 


I  '^ 


tliese  men  should  never  be  hurt,  as  they  never  were  ;* 
and,  ind(!ed,  the  whole  town  of  Taunton, — as  it  then 
was, — remained  almost  entirely  umnolested  through- 
out the  war,  and  amid  all  the  ravages  and  massacres 
which  daily  took  place  upon  its  very  borders.  How 
much  of  provocation  and  humiliation  he  was  himself 
enduring  meanwhile,  we  have  already  seen.  All  his 
relations  were  killed  or  captured,  and  a  price  set 
upon  his  own  life. 

It  is  a  matter  of  melancholy  interest  to  know,  that 
the  sachem,  wretched  and  hopeless  as  he  Jiad  become 
in  his  last  days,  was  still  surrounded  by  a  band  of 
his  faithful  and  affectionate  followers.  At  the  very 
moment  of  his  fatal  surprise  by  the  English,  he  is 
said  to  have  been  telling  them  of  his  gloomy  dreams,f 


*  A  forge  is  still  in  operation  upon  the  site  of  the  one  here 
mentioned.  The  original  Leonard  House, where  tradition 
says  that  Philip's  head  was  deposited  for  some  time,  is  repre- 
sented in  the  Vignette  prefixed  to  this  volume.  It  is  still 
occupied  by  one  of  the  family,  of  the  sixth  generation  from  the 
builder,  and,  so  far  as  we  are  informed,  is  the  oldest  mansion 
now  standing  in  this  country.  The  vane,  at  one  of  the  gable- 
ends  is  inscribed  with  the  date  1700;  but  there  is  little  doubt  of 
the  hou«e  havin;^  been  erected  at  least  thirty  years  previous. 
The  workmansaip,  especially  within,  is  remarkably  massive  and 
sound.  It  is  apparently  modelled  after  an  English  fashion  of  the 
eighteenth  century,  with  some  modifications  proper  for  defence 
against  the  Indians.  It  was  garrisoned  during  the  war. — The 
Fowling  Pond,  still  so  called,  has  liecomc  a  thick  swamp. 
An  aged  gentleman  was  living  not  many  years  since,  who  in 
boyhood  had  frequently  gone  off  in  a  canoe,  to  catch  fish  in  its 
waters.  Indian  weapons  and  utensils  are  still  found  on  its 
borders. 

t  The  violent  prejudice  existing  against  Philip,  nnmitigated 
even  by  his  sufferings  and  death,  appears  singularly  in  a  pa- 
renthetical surmise  of  Hubbard,  "whether  the  devil  appeared 
to  him  that  night  in  a  dream,  foreboding  his  tragical  end,  it 
matters  not."  So  Mather  says,  he  was  hung  up  like  Ahag, 
after  being  shot  through  nis  '*  venomous  and  nturderous  heart." 
Church,  generally  an  honorable  and  humar.e  man,  speaks  of 
bie  fallen  foe,  in  terms  which  we  regard  his  reputation  too 
much  to  repeat. 

P2 


■  ft  I 

m 


m 


i.' 


*  . 


174 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPHV. 


W';S 


h     '1 


and  advising  them  to  desert  him  and  provide  for  their 
own  safety.  A  few  minutes  atler  this,  lie  was  shot 
in  attempting  to  escape  from  the  swamp.  An  Eng- 
ghshman, — one  Cook, — aimed  at  him,  but  liis  gun 
missed  fire  ;  the  Indian  who  was  stationed  to  watch 
at  the  same  place,  discharged  his  musket,  and  shot 
him  through  the  heart.  The  news  of  this  success 
was  of  course  received  with  great  satisfaction ; 
Church  says,  that  "the  whole  army  gave  three  loud 
huzzas."  It  is  to  be  regretted  that  the  honest  captain 
suffered  his  prejudices  to  carry  him  so  far,  that  he 
denied  the  rites  of  burial  to  his  great  enemy.  He  had 
him  quartered,  on  the  contrary,  and  his  head  carried 
to  Plymouth,  where,  as  Mather  is  carefidtotell  us,  it 
arrived  on  the  very  day  when  the  church  there  were 
keeping  a  solemn  thanksgiving.  The  conqueror's 
temper  was  soured  by  the  illiberality  of  the  Govern- 
ment toward  himself.  For  this  march  he  received 
but  four  and  sixpence  a  man,  together  with  thirty 
shillings  a  head  for  the  killed.  He  observes  that 
Philip's  head  went  at  the  same  price,  and  he  thought 
it  a  "  scanty  reward  and  poor  encouragement."  The 
sachem's  head  was  carried  about  the  Colony  in 
triumph  ;  *  and  the  Indian  who  killed  him  was  re- 
warded with  one  of  his  hands.  To  finish  the  wretch- 
ed detail,  several  of  his  principal  royalties  were 
soon  aft;er  given  up  by  one  of  his  chief  captains ; 
and  the  lock  of  the  gun  which  was  fatal  to  him,  with 
a  5am/7-dish  found  in  his  wigwam,  are  still  to  be  seen 
among  the  antiquities  of  the  Historical  Society  of 
Massachusetts,  Montaup,  which  became  the  subject 
of  a  dispute  between  the  Massachusetts  and  Plymouth 
Colonies,  was  finally  awarded  to  the  latter  by  a  special 
decision  of  King  Charles. 

Last  and  worst  of  all,  his  only  son,  a  boy  of  nine 


1700 


*  It  was  kept  many  years  at  Plymouth,  Dr.  Mather  says  in 
00. — "  It  is  not  long  since  the  hand  which  now  writes  upon 


upon 


.  V 


a  certain  occasion  took  off  the  jaw  from  the  exposed  skull  of 
that  blasphemous  leviathan.^'' 


k 


^■ifkir  .-.^ftf**"*^^* 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPHY. 


175 


.} 


U 


years  of  ape,  whom  we  have  alrrady  noticed  as 
aiTioni(  the  Erifrlish  crptivos,  was  sold  as  a  slave  and 
shipped  to  Bunnuda.  It  should  he  stated,  however, 
that  this  unfortunate  uicasurt!  was  not  taken  without 
some  seru[)les.  The  Plymouth  Court  were  so  niueh 
perp]<\\ed  upon  the  occasion,  as  to  conclude  upon 
a}){)lyin«;-  to  the  clergymen  of  tlie  Colony  for  advice. 
Mr.  Cotton  was  of  o|)inion  that  "the  children  of  no- 
torious traitors,  rehels,  and  murderers,  especially  such 
as  have  heen  principal  leadei^s  and  actors  in  such 
liorrid  villanies,  niijxht  he  involved  in  the  puilt  of 
their  parents,  and  mipht,  salva  republican  be  adjud«red 
to  death"  Dr.  Increase  JMather  compared  the  child 
to  Iladad,  whos3  f  ither  was  killed  by  Joab ;  and 
he  int^mptes,  that  if  lladad  himself  had  not  escaped, 
David  would  liave  taken  measures  to  prevent  ids 
molesting  the  next  generation.  It  is  gratifying  to 
know,  that  the  course  he  recommended  was  post- 
poned, even  to  the  ignominious  and  mortifying  one 
we  have  mentioned. 

Siich  was  the  im]iression  which  had  been  univer- 
sally forced  upon  the  Colonists  by  the  terrible  spirit 
of  Philip.     And  never  was  a  civilized  or  an  uncivil- 
ized  enemy  more  ffcneraiiv  or  r../>re  justly  fean^d. 
How  much  greater  his  success  nn«; ' tl  have  been,  had 
circumstances  favored,  instead  of  rpposing  him,  it  is 
fortunately  impossible  for  us  to  <>&limatc.     It  is  con- 
fessed,  however,  that  had  even  the  Nar»'aghansett^ 
joined   him  during  the  first  siinimer  of  ihe  war, — 
as  nothing  but   the   abrupt    commencement  of   it 
prevented   them   from   doing, — tlie    whole  country, 
from  the  Piscataqua  to  the  Sound,  must  have  been 
over-swept  and  desolated.     But  as  it  was,  Philip  did 
and  endured  enough  to  immortalize  him  as  a  warrior, 
a  statesman,  and  we  may  add,  as  a  high-minded  and 
noble   patriot.     Whatever   might   be   the    prejudice 
against  him  in  the  days  of  terror  produced  by  his 
prowess,  there  are  both  the  magnanimity   and  the 
calmness  in  these  times,  to  do  him  the  justice  he 


I 


;,Ii  't. 


1 1 :.: 


♦' 


ImI 


i  >i 


I 


^1 


I 


1^1' 

■  .^TiT  Jin  '  , 


it  '1' 

m 


\ 


II 


III  'Ml. » 

I'lM 


'  f 


176 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPHY. 


deserves.  He  fought  and  fell, — miserably,  indeed, 
but  gloriously, — the  avenger  of  his  own  household, 
the  worshipper  of  his  own  gods,  the  guardjan  of  his 
own  honor,  a  martyr  for  the  soil  which  was  his 
birth-place,  and  for  the  proud  liberty  whicl\  was  his 
birth-right. 


(  m 


y  m  \  \ 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPHY.  177 


CHAPTER  IX. 

) 

Tlic  N.'irrag1ian?ett  tribe;  tewitory  and  power — Cliief  Sa- 
chems at  tl)e  date  of  the  English  settlements  in  New  England 
— Canonicus  associates  with  himself  Miantonomo,  his 
nephew — Tlieir  treatment  of  Roger  Williams  in  1634 — 
Hostility  to  the  Plymouth  Colony — Invited  by  the  Pequots 
to  fight  the  English — Treaty  negotiated  at  BostAi,  in  1636, 
by  Miantonomo — War  with  th.c  Petjnots  and  residt  of  it — 
Siibsecjuent  hostility  between  Miantonomo  and  Uncas — 
Sk^uassen — iKitJle  of  the  Sachem's-Plain — Capture  of 
Miantonomo — Sentence  of  the  English  conunis^iionei's  upon 
him — Execution  of  it. 

Next  to  the  Pokanoket  confederacv,  none  has  a 
stronger  eiaim  on  the  early  notice  of  the  historian, 
than  the  Narraghansett ;  a  nation,  composed  of 
various  small  trihes,  inhabiting  a  large  part  of  the 
territory  wlii.'h  afterwards  formed  the  colony  of 
Rhode-Tsland.  Their  dominion  extended  also  over 
the  islands  in  the  hay  of  their  own  name;  and  the 
Sagamores  of  a  part  of  Long-Island,  Block-Island, 
Cawesit,  and  Niantick  were  either  their  tributaries 
or  subject  'iO  tliem  in  some  other  way.  They  had 
once  been  able  to  raise  more  than  four  thousand 
warriors;  and  so  late  as  PJiilip's  time,  we  have  seen 
th<^^'  could  muster  two  tliousand,  one  half  of  whom 
were  provided  with  English  arms,  and  were  skilful 
in  the  use  of  them.  From  time  immemorial,  they  had 
waged  war  with  both  the  Pokanokets  on  the  North 
and  the  Pequots  on  the  West. 

It  might  be  expected,  that  the  rulers  of  such  a 
confederacy,  thus  situated,  should  be  men  of  talent 
and  energy  ;  and  this  expectation  Avill  not  be  disap- 
pointed. Throughout  the  history  of  the  New  Eng- 
land Indians,  as  we  find  no  people  more  resolute  in 
declaring  what  they  believed  to  be  their  rights,  or 
more  formidable  in  detf!n(|ing  them,  so  we  find  no 
sachems  more  readv  uud  able  than  tliieirs,on  all  occa- 
sions, to  sustain  the  jiigh  spirit  of  their  subjects. 


r  ♦ 


.1: 


I! 


V 


H 


% 


i'  i 


178 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPHY. 


f\ 


i^\ 


'J-'  -^ 


r  i 


There  is  an  unnecessary  confusion  in  the  informa- 
tion conveyed  by  some  of  our  best  annalists,  respect- 
ing the  particular  personage  who  governed  the  Nar- 
raghansetts  at  tlie  date  of  tlie  first  intercourse  between 
them  and  the  English.  Governor  Hutchinson,  for 
example,  speaks  in  one  case  of  Canonicus  as  being 
their  chief  sachem.  In  another,  alluding  to  the 
death  of  Miantonomo,  while  the  former  was  yet 
living,  he  observes,  that  although  they  had  lost  their 
chief  sachem,  yet  they  had  divers  other  stout  ones,  as 
CanonicuSy  Pessacus  and  others. 

The  ambiguity  has  arisen  frotn  the  circumstance, 
that  although  Canonicus  exerclfted  the  chief  authority 
of  the  country  when  the  English  first  arrived,  he 
soon  aft;er  became  associated  in  the  Covernment 
with  Miantonomo,  his  nepliew.  What  were  the  par- 
ticular conditions  «4'  the  royal  co-partnership,  or 
what  was  the  occai-ion  of  it,  cannot  now  be  determin- 
ed. So^oe  wvilery  suppose,  that  the  sole  authority 
belonged  to  the  younger  of  the  two,  and  that  the  elder 
acted  in  the  capacity  of  regent ;  but  considering  that 
the  association  continued  tluring  the  whole  term  of 
the  joint  lives  of  the  two,  it  appears  more  probable, 
that  Canonicus,  finding  hir  iself  far  advanced  in 
years,*  as  well  as  encumbered  with  the  ^charge  of  an 
extensive  dominion,  at  the  period  of  the  first  Eng- 
lish settlements,  thought  proper  to  make  such  an 
alteration  in  his  regal  state  as  seemed  to  be  required 
by  the  exigencies  of  the  times.  He  therefore  select- 
ed as  an  associate,  the  most  popular  and  active  prince 
of  his  own  family. 

Mr.  Hu  I  uinson  himself  appears  finally  to  adopt 


♦Roger  Williams  tells  us  in  his  Key  to  the  Indian  Lan- 
guages, first  printed  in  1643,  that  he  was  about  fourscore  years 
of  age.  Elsew  here,  it  is  stated,  that  "  Cononicus,  being  tlie 
sole  governor  or  chief  sachem,  employed  his  nephew  Mianti- 
nomy,  to  manage  his  warlike  affairs,  as  general  of  his  army, 
and  in  hif  declining  years  took  him  as  a  partner  in  his 
government  for  assistance.  His.  Narr.  Country.  Mass. 
Hi^.  CoU. 


I  ' 


a  ■ 


n 


:  ,jt:A  ^  '.ftA  . 


INDIAN'    inOGRAl'MY. 


179 


nforma- 
respect- 
he  Nar- 
jctween 
son,  for 
iS  being 
to 
vas 

'o«/  their 
ones,  as 


the 
yet 


nstan(;e, 
Lithority 
vcd,  he 
?rnrnent 
the  {)ar- 
ship,  or 
termin- 
ithority 
lie  elder 
ing  that 
;errn  of 
•obable, 
ced  in 
e  of  an 
St  Eng- 
uch  an 
jquired 
select- 
prince 

adopt 

>N  Lan- 

tre  years 

ing  the 

Mianti- 

is  army, 

in  his 


the  conclusion  we  have  just  stated.  In  a  part  of  his 
liistory*  subsequent  to  t!ie  passajjo  above;  cited,  he 
refei's  to  inibrniation  derived  from  authoiitic  manu- 
scripts, vvhicli  furnished  the  opinion  of  the  Narra- 
ghansetts  themselves  upon  the  subject.  The  oldeist 
of  that  peo|)le  reported,  when  the  English  first  ar- 
rived, that  they  had  in  former  times  a  sachem  called 
Tashtassack,  incomparably  superior  to  any  other 
in  the  whole  country  in  dominion  and  state.  This 
chieftain,  said  they,  had  only  two  children,  a  son  and 
a  daughter ;  and  not  being  able  to"  match  them  ac- 
cordiug  to  their  dignity,  he  joined  them  together  in 
wedlock.  They  had  four  sons;  and  of  these, 'Cano- 
nic us,  "u'Ao  was  sachem  when  the  English  came^''^  was 
tlie  eldest. 

Mr.  Hutchinson  observes,  that  this  is  the  only 
])iece  of  Indian  history,  or  tradition  of  any  sort,  from 
the  ancestors  of  our  first  Indians,  he  had  ever  met 
with.  The  brotiiers  of  Canonicus  here  refl'rred  to, 
arc  o(u*asionally  spoken  of  by  th(;  old  writers,  but 
not  as  having  signalized  themselves  by  any  thing 
worthy  of  notice. 

The  fact  that  Canonicus  and  his  nephew  adminis- 
tenul  the  government  in  harmony,  as  well  as  in  union, 
is  shown  most  clearly  by  the  letters  of  Roger  Wil- 
liams.f  It  is  well  known  that,  in  1034,  when  that 
reverend  gentleman  was  compelh^l  to  leave  the  Mas- 
sachusetts colony,  (on  account  of  his  religious  opin- 
ions,) he  fled  to  Seekonk.  But  that  place  lying 
withm  the  limits  of  the  Plymouth  jurisdiction,  and 
the  people  of  that  colony  being  unwilling  to  embroil 
themselves  with  Massachusetts,  Governor  Winslow 
informed  him  of  the  difiiculty  which,  was  a])prehend- 
ed,  and  advised  him  to  ocupy  a  spot  on  the  other 

*  History  of  Mass.  Vol.  I.  pp.  72.  and  458. 

tSee  Vol.  I.  Mass.  His.  Coll.  3d  Series.  The  same  writer 
Bays  in  his  Key  to  the  Ii;dian  Langnajjes — "  Tlieir  agreement 
in  the  government  is  remarkaoje.  The  old  Sachem  will  not 
be  offended  at  wliat  the  young  Sacliem  doth ;  and  ♦he  young 
Sachem  will  not  do  what  he  conceives  will  displease  his  uncle.'* 


■.  '  t 


■  f  I 


m 


Hi 


i\ 


^}i 


180 


INDIAN     BIOUUAPHV. 


side  of  tho  rivor,  witlioiit  tfie  boundaries  of  either 
jurisdiction.  Upon  thin,  Mr.  Williams,  utterly  tbrlo.*n, 
crossed  the  river,  and  throw  liiinseif  on  the  niercy 
of  Canonirns. 

The  savajj^e  chieftain — to  his  eternal  praise,  be  it 
recorded — received  him  with  a  hospitality  worthy  of 
an  emperor.  At  first,  indeed,  lie  was  suspicious  of 
his  visiter's  tnotives  ;  aiid  he  was  none  the  more  pre- 

})ossessed  in  his  favor,  trom  his  subjects  having  recent- 
y  Huff(U'ed  excessively  from  a  formidable  epidemic, 
which  he  supposed  to  have  been  introduced  by  the 
English.  "  A;  my  first  coming  among  them,"  Mr. 
Williams  writes,  "Caunounicui^*  (morosus  aeque  ao 
barbarus  senex)  was  very  sour,  and  accused  the 
English  and  myself  of  sending  the  plague  among 
them,  and  threatening  to  kill  him  especially."  Soon 
afterwards,  however,  he  not  only  permitted  the 
refugee,  and  tlie  poor  wanderers  who  had  followed 
him  from  Salem,  to  have  a  resting  place  in  his 
domain,  but  he  gave  them  all  "  the  neck  of  land 
lying  between  the  mouths  of  Pawtucket  and  Mosha- 
suck  rivers,  that  they  might  sit  down  in  peace  upon 
it,  and  enjoy  it  forever."  Mr.  Williams  divided  this 
land  equally  among  his  followers,  and  founded  the 
town  of  Providence.  The  settlement  of  Rhode 
Island  commenced  at  Patuxet  a  short  time  afterwards, 
Canonicus  conveying  to  Williams  nearly  Jie  whole 
of  what  is  now  Providence  county  at  one  time. 

The  kindness  of  the;  Narraghansett  rulers  is  the 
more  creditable  to  their  feelings,  inasmuch  as  the 
former  relations  between  them  and  the  English  col- 
onies had  been  far  enough  from  friendly.  Early  in 
1622,  their  threats  of  hostility  were  so  open,  that  the 


*  The  following  are  but  a  few  of  the  other  modiiications  of  this 
name  in  use. 

CoNONicus.      Trumbull's  mss.  Vol.  19th. 

Caunonicus      Baylies'  History  of  Plymouth. 

CoNAUcts.        Winslow's  Good  News  from  New  EifGLAKD. 

Cannonicus.    Gookin. 

Cananacm's.      Documents  in  Hazard's  Collection. 

CooNooNACus,  Canoonacub  aud  CoNowNAcu*.    iJaiDe. 


INDIAN    DIOGRArilY. 


181 


I^J 


of  either 
i  tbrlo.Ti, 
ineicy 

se,  be  it 
orthy  of 
icious  of 
lore  pre- 
%  recent- 
pidemic, 
1  by  the 


m 


») 


Mr, 

leque  ao 
ised  the 

amon^ 
Soon 
ted  the 
[bllovved 

in  his 
of  land 
Mosha- 
ce  upon 
ded  this 
ded  the 

Rhode 
;rwards, 
B  whole 
le. 
s  is  the 

as  the 
ish  col- 
]arly  in 
that  the 

ns  of  this 


LAni>. 


Engli:<h  were  receiving  constant  iiitelli'TPncc  of  their 
desi^is  from  the  Indians  in  their  own  aili.'UK!*? ;  and 
not  long  afterwards,  Canonicus  sent  a  Inrald  to  Ply- 
nio!ith,  wlio  left  a  bundle  of  arrows  enclosed  in  a 
rattle -snake's  skin — th«i  customary  challenge  to  war. 
The  Governor  despatched  a  messenger  in  return, 
bearing  the  same  skin  stuffed  with  gunpowder  and 
bullets;  assuring  tht;  chieftain  also,  that  if  he  had 
8liipj)ing,  instead  of  troubling  him  to  come  so  far  as 
J'lynjoutb  to  gratify  his  wish  for  fighting,  he  would 
have  sought  him  in  his  own  country  ; — and  further- 
more, that  whenever  he  did  come,  he  should  find 
the  English  ready  for  him.  This  resolute  message 
had  the  desired  eif'^ict,  and  the  sachem's  superstition 
confirmed  it.  Feart'ul  of  some  mysterious  injury, 
he  refused  to  touch  the  skin,  and  would  not  suffer  it 
even  to  remain  in  his  house.  It  passed  through 
several  hands,  and  at  length  was  returned  to  the  col- 
ony, unoptsned. 

in  l()iJ2,  the  sachem  made  an  attack  on  IMassasoit, 
who  fled  lor  refuge  to  an  English  house  at  Sowams; 
and  sent  despatches  for  the  assistance  of  his  English 
allies.  As  Captain  Standish  took  a  special  interest  in 
this  casc,.there  nnist  soon  have  been  a  warm  contest 
between  the  parties,  had  not  the  Narraghansetts 
hastily  retreated,  on  account  of  a  rumor  that  the 
Pequots  were  invading  their  own  territoiy.  Four 
years  afterwards,  when  the  last  named  nation  for- 
med the  dt^sign  of  completely  extirpating  the  Eng- 
lish from  New  England,  they  applied  to  their  old 
enemies,  Canonicus  and  Miantonomo,  to  conclude  a 
peace,  and  to  engage  them  with  as  many  other  tribes 
as  possible  in  a  common  cause  against  the  colonists. 

The  sachems  are  said  to  hfive  wavered  on  that 
occasion,  between  the  gratification  of  present  revenge 
upon  the  Pequots,  and  the  prospect  of  an  ultimate 
triumph  over  the  English  power  by  uniting  with 
them.  Their  friendsliip  for  Roger  Williams,  and 
the  influence  he  was  consequently  enabled  to  exer- 
cise, probably  turned  the  scale.    Miantonomo  inform- 


V 


■\.i 


% 


i.>i 


■■■-■  *•  • 


\] 


i 


I 


182 


INDIAN    DIOr.RAPHV. 


I     ( 


i  ■ 


ed  him  of  tho  Poqiiot  appllrntion  ;  Mr.  Williams  for- 
warded the  n(!ws  ininiodiMtrly  to  (i<?vrrnor  VVinthrop 
at  Boston ;  and  Canoniciis,  hy  tiiu  p-me  messenger, 
sent  word  ofreront  d  •pr('(hitionfl  which  he  had  jiiist 
understood  to  have  heen  coininitted  hy  the  IN'cpiots 
at  Sayhrook.  The  Governor,  jirohahly  followin^^the 
suggestion  of  Mr.  Wilhains,  sent  for  Miantonotno  to 
do  him  the  honor  of  a  visit. 

He  eanie  to  lioston  aeeordingly  in  S»'ptemher 
1(136,  attended  hy  two  of  the  sons  of  Canoniens,  an- 
other sachem,  and  ahout  twenty  sanops  (or  male 
aduhs.)  As  he  liad  giv<'n  notic(^  of  liis  approacli  ttie 
day  previous,  the  governor  sent  a  corps  of  nnisketeers 
to  meet  him  at  Koxhurv  ;  and  they  escorted  him 
into  town  ahout  noon,  liy  this  time,  Mr.  Winthrop 
had  called  together  most  of  the  magistrates  and 
ministers  of  Boston,  hut  it  heing  now  dinner  tiine, 
cereiTiony  and  husiness  were  hotli  postponeil.  The 
sachems  dined  hy  themselves  in  the  same  room 
with  the  governor,  while  the  sanops  were  amply 
provided  for  at  an  inn.  In  the  afternoon,  Miantonomo 
m??;ic  his  proposals  of  peace;  and  said  that,  in  case 
of  their  acceptance,  he  should  in  two  months  send  a 
present  to  confirm  them.  The  governor,  according 
to  their  own  custom,  asked  time  to  consider  this  pro- 
posal. At  the  second  coiderenco,  which  took  place 
the  next  morning,  the  following  terms  were  agreed 
upon,  and  suhscrihed  hy  the  governor  on  the  one 
band,  and  the  marks  of  the  sachems  on  the  other. 

1.  A  firm  peace  hetweeu  the  Massachusetts  col- 
ony, and  the  other  English  plantations,  (with  their 
consent,)  and  their  confederates  (with  the^r  consent.) 

2.  Neither  party  to  make  peace  with  the  Pequots, 
without  consultation  with  the  other. 

3.  Not  to  harbor  the  Pequots. 

4.  To  put  to  death  or  deliver  over  murderers,  and 
to  return  fugitive  servants. 

5.  The  English  to  notify  them,  when  they  march- 
ed against  the  Pequots,  and  they  to  send  guides, 

6.  Free  trade  between  the  two  nations. 


!  ^  I 


i\ni.v.\   niorjuvniY. 


133 


7.  Xoiio  of  tlirni  to  visit  tlic  I'lijili,*!!!  sPttlrnn'Mts 
ilnriii;;  \\io  war  with  tlu^  IN'miots,  without  somt;  llrii,'- 
lishtiian  or  kiioNMi  liMliaii  in  rornpaiiy. 

'Vhr  treaty  was  to  contimic  to  the  posiority  of  both 
nations.  On  itsconchision.  the  parties  dined  to^t^ther 
ns  heforr.  They  tlu^n  tor)k  t(»rnial  h'ave  ot*  each 
other;  and  the  sachejMS  wero  escorted  out  ni'  towtj, 
and  dismissed  with  a  volley  ofnnjsketry.  The  |)res- 
vut  promised  by  iMiantotionio  apprirs  to  have  been 
Bent  in  early  in  l().'{7,  wiien  n  'e|)ntafion  ot*  tW(Mity- 
six  NarrafrimnsettH  ranin  to  H<  M,\vith  f()rty  liithotn 
of  wam|)nni  and  a  I*e(jU()t's  ..i\\t\.  The  «ifov(U"nor 
gav(3  e^aeh  of  tlie  four  sachems  in  the  comj)any,  "u 
roat  of  fourteen  shiliini^s  price,  and  deferred  to  njturn 
liis  |)res(>nt  till  after,  accordiufj  to  their  manner."* 
It  is  well  known,  how  fully  th(^  Narrairhans(!tts  diS' 
charj^ed  their  oni^acrements  in  the  expedition  which 
took  plac(»  about  this  time  a«;ainst  the  l*«!(juots.  They 
also  tiu'uished,  throuirh  iMr.  Williafns,  not  a  little  use- 
fid  information  n'spectini,'  tlu'  common  enemy,  by 
which  the  expedition  was  jruided  at  the  outset  ;  and 
offered  the  use  of  tho  harbors  of  thn  Narraghansutt 
coast,  for  tho  Enirlish  vessels. 

The  jt)int  invasion  of  the  allies  took  place  in  May. 
The  Eiifjlish  forces,  takinir  the  Narra<ihansett  country 
in  their  way,  ac(|uainted  ('anonit'us  and  iMiantonomo 
with  their  arrival  and  plan  of  ca!n})ai«rn.  The  latter 
met  them,  the  next  day,  with  about  two  hundred  of 
his  chli'f  counsellors  aufl  warriors.  Mason  made 
a  formal  request  for  permission  to  pass  throu«;h  his 
territories,  on  his  way  to  the  Pecpiot  forts.  Mian- 
tonomo,  after  a  solemn  consultation,  replied,  that  he 
highly  aj)proved  of  the  expedition,  and  would  s('nd 
men,  especially  as  the  English  force  appeared  to  him 
quite  too  insignificant  to  meet  the  Perpiots,  who  were 
great  warriors.  About  five  hundred  warriors  accord- 
ingly marched  against  the  enemy,  under  the  com- 
mand of  Mason  ;  and  some  of  them  did  active  service. 

*  Wiiithrop's  .Toiirnal,  p.  217. 


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184 


I\DIAN'    niOGRAPHY. 


ir 


The  chief  sachems  took  no  part,  personally,  in  the 
campaijrn.* 

In  September  ir>38,  the  Pequots  \u'\nq;  complete- 
ly conqnered,  IJncas,  the  chief  sachem  of  the  Mohe- 
gans,  (who  had  assisted  in  the  war,)  and  Miantonomo, 
were  invit(!(l  to  meet  the  Connecticut  maffistrates  at 
Hartford,  to  ajTree  upon  a  division  ot  cajitives. 
These  were  two  hundred  in  number,  besides  women 
and  children.  Ei«rhty  of  them  were  allotted  to  the 
Narraj^hansett  sachem  ;  twenty  to  a  neighboring  chief) 
Ninigret ;  and  the  other  one  hundred  to  Uncas. 
The  Pequots  were  to  pay  an  annual  tribute  of  wam- 
pum at  Hartford.  It  was  also  covenanted,  that  there 
should  be  a  perpetual  peace;  between  Miantonouio 
and  Uncas  ;  that  all  past  injuries  should  be  buried  ; 
that  if  any  should  be  committed  in  future,  complaints 
should  be  submitted  amicably  to  the  arbitration  of  the 
English,  both  parties  being  bound  to  abide  by  their 
decision  on  pain  of  incurring  their  hostility.  No 
open  enemies  of  the  English  were  to  be  harbored, 
and  all  individual  crin»inals  were  to  be  given  over  to 
justice. 

♦According  to  some  writers  they  did  not  even  meet  Major 
Mason,  in  conference,  as  above  related.  Mr.  Wolcott,  (Gov. 
of  Conn,  from  1751  to  1754,)  in  Wis  poetical  **  Account  of  Mr. 
Winthrop's  agency  in  ol)taining  a  charter  for  Connecticut," 
gives  tile  following  notice  of  that  interview: 

The  news  of  this  our  inarch,  fame  doth  transport 

With  speed  to  great  Miaantinomoh's  court. 

Nor  had  that  pensive  king  forgot  the  losses, 

He  had  sustained  through  Sassacus'e  forces. 

Checr'd  with  the  news,  his  captains,  all  as  one. 

In  humble  manner  do  address  the  throne, 

And  pre<s  tiie  king  to  give  them  his  commission. 

To  join  the  English  in  this  expedition. 

To  tlieir  request  the  cheerful  king  assents, 

And  now  they  fill  and  forn>  their  regiments 

To  war:  a  cohort  which  came  marching  down 

To  us,  who  lay  encamp'd  before  the  town. 

Their  ciiiefs  go  to  our  general,  and  declare 

What's  tlieir  inleulion  and  whose  men  tliey  are,  &c. 


J 


INDIAX    r-ifGUAPIIV 


185 


ly,  in  tiie 

complete- 
he  Mohe- 
lutonomo, 
:istrate8  at 
captives. 
3S  women 
ed  to  the 
ringchiefj 
:o  Uncas. 
3  of  warn- 
that  there 
fintonomo 
f3  l)nrie(i  ; 
oniplaints 
lion  ofthe 
!  hy  their 
ity.  No 
harhored, 
m  over  to 


leet  Major 
ott,  (Gov. 
jurit  of  Mr. 
inecticut," 


port 
on. 


c,  &c. 


The  terms  of  tliis  troaty  <li<l  not  lon^  roinaiii  in- 
violate. \Vhat('V«M'  wrrt'  thr  m()ti\<'s  of  Mianto- 
notiio,  and  wliatcvrr  his  justirication,  he  soon  hccamo 
bitterly  hoslih;  to  the  Moheiraiis  at  least.  It  ini'dit 
have  been  reason  enon<rh  wirji  him  lor  opjiosinfj;  l>oth 
them  and  the  I'wi'riish,  that  either  was  his  eneniy  ; 
beeanso  he  knew  them  to  be  bonnd  togeth(M"  by 
alliane(i  of  offence  and  defence.  ]Jnt  it  seems  prob- 
able, that  he  intenfled  only  to  fifrht  tlie  IMolie^ans. 
His  old  ^n'tidtre  airtiinst  the  Peqnols  revived  aj(ainst 
them,  as  a  branch  of  the  Pecpiot  stock.  Tncas,  too, 
was  liis  irreatest  |)ersonal  rival:  and  INIiantonomo 
was  ambitions  to  st.nid  at  the  head  of  all  the  New 
KiiLdand  Indians.  It",  however,  as  has  been  asserted 
by  sojne,  his  main  (h'siirn  was  to  resist  the  <rrowin^ 
power  of  ti»e  Enirlish,  from  merely  patriotic  motives, 
it  was  clear,  that  an  essential  st"p  towju'ds  the  attain- 
ment of  this  object,  and  especially  towards  a  hostile 
union  of  all  the  tribes,  must  be  the  <leath  of  Uncas, 
and  the  suppression  of  his  tribe.  Other  causes  of 
hostility  will  be  considered  hereafter. 

lint  l)e  the  reasoning'  of  the'  sachem  what  it  mij^ht, 
his  measure's  were  of  a  character  not  to  be  nfistaken. 
Great  eti'orts  were  made;  for  a  cfeneral  co-operation 
of  the  tribes,  esjiecially  in  Connecticut.  They  were 
obsened  to  be  collectin<(  arms  and  amrmnfition,  and 
to  be  niakin^  a  general  preparation  for  war.  The 
colonists  thou<;ht  themselves  obli<;ed  to  keep  guard 
and  watch  every  night,  from  sunset  to  sunrise,  and 
to  protect  their  inhabitants  fi-om  town  to  town,  and 
even  from  one  place  to  another  in  the  same  neighbor- 
hood. 

Meanwhile  Miantonomo  is  said  to  liave  hired  a 
Pc(|uot,  subject  to  Tncas,  to  kill  him.  The  assassin 
made  an  attempt,  in  the  spring  of  1()4*J.  He'  shot 
I'ncas  through  the  arm,  and  then  fled  to  the  Narra- 
ghansetts,  re|)orting  through  tiie  Indian  towns  that 
he  had  killejl  him.  When  it  was  understood,  how- 
ever, tiiat  the  wound  was  not  fiital,  the  P(.'quot  cir- 
culated a  rumor  that  Uncas  had  purpos'.dy  cut  his 

U2 


I 

i 

i 


* 


'i 


i 


%m 


H 

1  ill 


« 


186 


INDIAN    RIOGRAPIIY. 


o^vn  ann  witli  a  flint  ari<l  tlirn  nlirrf^ed  the  Poquot 
with  shootinj?  hini.  JJnt,  Miaiitononfio  soon  after 
going  to  Boston  in  company  with  the  refugee,  the 
governor  and  ningisiratew,  on  examination,  found 
clear  evidence  that  ilie  hitter  was  guihy  of  the  crime 
with  which  he  \v«s  cliargcd.  Tlicy  proposed  sencHng 
him  to  Uncas  to  he  punished ;  hut  Miantonomo 
pleaded  that  he  might  he  suftercd  to  return  with  hirn- 
Belf ;  and  gave  them  to  understand,  it  is  said,  that  he 
would  send  him  to  Uncas.  He  took  occasion  to  ex- 
culpate himself  of  all  hiame  in  the  affair,  and  con- 
vinced them  so  coni|)letely,  that  his  requests  were 
granted.  Two  days  afterwards,  he  killed  the  Pequot 
with  his  own  hand. 

Ahont  the  same  time,  an  event  took  place  in  an- 
other direction,  under  'ircumstanccs  which  strongly 
indicated  the  same  authorship.  Sequassen,  a  sa- 
chem on  the  Connecticut  river,  killed  a  principal 
Indian  of  the  Mohegan  trihe;  and  waylaid  Uncas 
himselfj  as  he  was  going  down  the  river,  and  shot 
several  arrows  at  him.  Uncas  complained  to  the 
governor  and  court  of  the  colony,  who  took  great 
pains  to  settle  the  affair,  hut  witliout  success.  He 
was  finally  induced  to  accept  of  one  of  Sequassen*s 
Indians,  to  he  given  up  as  an  equivalent  for  the  mur- 
dered man  ;  hut  Sequassen  would  not  consent  to 
submission  or  concession  of  any  kind.  He  insisted 
upon  fighting.  Uncas  accepted  his  challenge,  and 
invaded  his  territory ;  and  Sequassen  was  defeated, 
with  the  loss  of  many  of  his  wigwams  buiijed,  and 
his  men  killed.* 

As  the  conquered  sachem  was  nearly  allied  to 
Miantonomo,  and  upon  intimate  terms  with  him,  it 
was  generally  believed  that  he  acted  from  his  instiga- 
tion, and  with  the  promise  of  his  assistance  in  case 
of  necessity.  He  even  expressed,  openly,  his  reliance 
on  the  aid  of  Miantonomo. 

The  Narraghausett  chief  was  not  a  man  to  desert 

*  Trumbull's  Connecticut. 


( 


s^. 


1 V 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPHY. 


187 


lie  Pequot 
loon  after 
fugen,  the 
m,  found 
liie  crime 
id  sending 
antonomo 
with  liirn- 
id,  that  he 
ion  to  ex- 
and  con- 
ests  were 
le  Pequot 

ce  in  an- 
I  strongly 
EN,  a  sa- 
principal 
lid  Uncas 
and  shot 
id  to  the 
3ok  great 
;ess.  He 
quassen^s 
the  niur- 
)nsent  to 
insisted 
ge,  and 
defeated, 
tied,  and 

alhed  to 

1  hini,  it 

i  instiga- 

e  in  case 

reliance 

o  desert 


i 


liis  ally  or  to  retreat  from  his  for.  Having  hastily 
niatiii  vid  a  i)lan  of  (•am|);iign,  it  wns  the  next  ohjoet 
to  strike  tiie  intendeil  Mow  with  the  most  pos.sihie 
effect,  and  that  implied  tii<;  least  possihie  notice.  He 
raised  an  army  of  hetween  five  himdred  and  one 
thousand  men,  and  marched  towards  the  IMohegan 
territory.  The  spies  of  Tncas  discovered  their  ap- 
]>roach,  and  gave  him  intelligence.  The  enemy  was 
already  near,  an<l  Uncas  was  imprejiared  ;  hut  ho 
hastily  ralliecl  four  or  five  hundred  of  his  men,  and 
telling  them  that  tin;  euemv  must  hv  no  means  ho 
suffered  to  surprise  them  in  their  villages,  marched 
out  to  meet  him  forthwith.  At  the  distance  of  three 
or  four  miles,  the  two  armies  encountered  each  other 
upon  a  large  plain.  Meanwhile,  Uncas,  who  found 
himself  ohiiged  to  rely  more  ujmn  stratagem  than 
strength,  had  acquaiiUed  his  warriors  on  the  march 
with  a  plan  which  he  now  proceeded  to  put  in 
execution. 

He  desired  a  parley,  and  the  two  armies  halted  in 
the  fjice  of  each  other.  Then  advancinir  in  the  front 
of  his  men,  he  addressed  Miantonojno  :  "You  have 
anumhei*  of  stout  men  with  you,  and  so  have  I  with 
me.  It  is  a  great  pity  that  such  hrave  warriors 
should  he  killed  in  a  private  (juarrei  hetween  us  only. 
Come  on,  then,  like  a  man,  as  you  profess  to  he,  and 
let  us  fight  it  out.  If  you  kill  n«e,  my  men  shall  he 
youi*s. — If  I  kill  you,  your  men  sliall  he  mine." 
Miantonomo  saw  his  advantage  too  clearly  to  accept 
such  a  pro[)osal.  "  My  warriors,"  said  he,  "  have 
come  a  long  way  to  fight,  and  they  shall  fight." 
The  reply  was  anticipated,  and  it  was  scarcely  utter- 
ed, wlien  Uncas  fell  to  the  ground.  His  men  dis- 
charged over  him  a  shower  of  arrows  upon  the 
Narraghansetts ;  and  then  following  up  the  surprise 
without  a  moment's  interval,  rushed  upon  them  furi- 
ously with  a  hideous  yell,  and  soon  put  them  to  flight. 

The  pursuit  was  sustained  with  a  ferocious  eager- 
ness. The  enemy  were  chased  down  rocks  and 
IH-eoipices,  lilve  the  doe  flying  from  the  huntsman. 


.  1 


,  J 


y.^' 


»i' 


m 


188 


liNDIAN    BIOGRAPIIY. 


•  •     » 


<it^ 


I 


«H 


t 


About  thirty  wore  slain,  and  n  niurli  proator  ninnbor 
>voiin<I('(l.  JMi,Mnt«>noMi()  wns  (wcccdinply  prcssful. 
Sonu3  of  the  hravest  men  olTneas  at  hn^^th  came  up 
witli  liiui ;  l)ut  not  daring  actually  to  hkirmish  with 
liiin,  or  iM-cfcrrinir  to  leave  that  honor  to  their  leader, 
they  contrived  to  impede  his  fli*;ht  hy  twitciiinf^  him 
hack,  and  then  passed  him.  I'ncas  now  came  up, 
and  rusiiinL?  l()rward  like  a  lion  j(n<'dy  of  his  |>rey,  he 
8ei/e<l  him  hy  the  siionlder.  The  Narragliansett 
saw  that  his  fate  was  decided — Uncas  was  a  man 
of  immense  stnnirth,  and  his  warriors  were  thick 
around  him.  II(;  stopped,  sat  down  sulleidy,  and 
spake  not  a  word.  Uncas  pave  the  Indian  whoop, 
and  called  ii|)  a  ])arty  of  his  men,  who  gathered 
ahout  the  royal  captive  and  gazed  at  him.  lie  still 
continued  moody  and  speechless.  Some  of  his 
sachems  were  slain  hvforn  his  eves,  hut  he  moved 
not  a  nuiscle.  "  Why  do  you  not  speak,"  inrpiired 
Uncas,  at  length  ;  "  had  you  taken  me,  I  shoultl  liave 
besought  you  for  my  life."  But  the  Narraghansett 
Wi\s  too  proud  to  ask  such  a  boon  of  his  enemy,  and 
especially  of  his  rival.  Uncas  however  spared  his 
life  for  the  present,  and  returned  in  great  triumph  to 
Mohegan,  leading  along  with  him  the  splendid  livhig 
evidence  of  his  victory. 

The  notorious  Samuel  Gorton  having  purchased 
lands  of  Miantonomo,  under  the  jurisdiction  of 
Plymouth  and  Massac! nisetts,  and  expecting  to  be 
viiulicated  by  him  in  his  claims  against  those  colonies, 
and  against  otlnu*  Indian  tribes,  he  innnediately  sent 
word  to  Uncas  to  give  up  his  prisoner,  and  threatened 
him  with  the  vengeance  of  the  colonies  if  he  refused 
a  comi)liance.  Kut  Uncas  shrewdly  bethought  him- 
self af  a  safer  course.  He  carried  his  j)risoner  to 
Hartford,  and  asked  advice  of  the  governor  and  mag- 
istrates. There  being  no  o|)en  war  between  the 
Narraghansetts  and  English,  these  authorities  were 
unwilling  to  interfere  in  the  case,  and  they  recom- 
mended a  reference  of  the  whole  affair  to  the  com- 
missioners of  the  Unitefl  Colonics,  at    their  next 


INDIAN    nionRAPIIY. 


189 


or  mniibor 
y  prcssiul. 
Ii  came  up 
inisli  with 
leir  leader, 
cliin^'  iiiin 
cnnie  up, 
is  prey,  he 
ra^hansett 
''as  a  man 
k^ere  thick 
leuly,  and 
m  wlioop, 
I  gatlierecl 
He  still 
le  of  his 
he  moved 
"  inrpiired 
ould  have 
raghansett 
lemy,  and 
pared  his 
rinmph  to 
did  living 

lurchased 
iction  of 
ng  to  be 
colonies, 
itely  sent 
n*eatened 
e  refused 
gilt  hini- 
isoner  to 
uid  mag- 
/een  the 
ies  were 
recom- 
he  com- 
eir  next 


he  committed  to 
to  leave  him  at 
him   kept   as   his 


meeting   in   September.      Afeanwhile,   Miaritonomo 

had   re<*overed   his  speech,     lb*  j>n)bal»ly  «'\pf*cted 

better  tn-ntment  with  the  Kn<:lish  fiuin  with  I'ncas, 

and   he  now  eannstly   pleaded   to 

their   custody.     I'ncas    coiiseoted 

Hartford,  but  insisted  on    having 

prisoner. 

At  the  meeting  of  the  conunissioners  the  whole 
affair  was  laid  before  them.  Jn  their  oj)inion  it  was 
fully  proved  that  Miantonomo  had  made  attempts 
against  the  life  of  Tncas,  by  all  the  means  and 
measures  heretofore  alhnh'd  to,  and  by  poison  and 
sorcery  besides  ;  that  he  had  murdered  the  l*e(pu>t 
assassin  with  his  own  hand,  instead  of  giving  hiu)  u|) 
to  justice ;  that  he  was  the  author  of  a  general  plot 
among  the  Indian  tribes  against  the  colonies  ;  and 
that  he  had  moreover  gone  so  fiir  as  to  engage  the 
aid  of  the  Mohawks,  who  were  now  within  a  dav*s 
journey  of  the  English  settlements,  waiting  oidy  fi»r 
Miantonomo's  release  to  serve  him  according  to  his 
pleasure. 

"These  things  being  duly  weighed  and  consider- 
ed," say  the  conunissioners  in  their  report,*  "  we 
apparently  see  that  Vncas  cannot  be  safe  while 
Myantenomof  lives,  but  that  either  by  secret  treachery 
or  open  force  his  lite  will  still  be  in  danger.  Where- 
fore we  thinke  he  may  justly  putt  such  a  false  and 
blood-thirsty  enemie  to  death,  but  in  bisowne  Juris- 

*  Hazard's  Collertions,  Vol.  II.  p.  7. 

f  Ha/,.  Coll.  Vol.  II.  p.  7. — The  reader  will  observe  the 
variation  of  the  Sachem's  name  here  used.  There  are  several 
others  in  Hazard.  Hutcliiii-ion  writes  Myantino.mo  and 
MiANTONOMO  in  the  same  volume;  Baylies,  both  terms  in  dte 
course  of  the  same  page;  Trumhull  adds  an  h.  Wintlirop 
admits  this  spelling  with  the  qualiiication  that  the  rhicf  was 
otherwise  called  Mecl'mf.h  (as  he  was) ;  biu  he  afterward:* 
regularly  uses  Mli^NTUNNOMOH.  Mason,  (account  of  the 
Peqtiot  war,)  writes  My antonimo  and  Miantomo;  WoI- 
cott,  Miaantinomoh  ;  Roger  Williams,  Miantunnomu, 
and  several  other  variations.  Wu  are  thus  particular  only  iu 
ilie  hope  of  uumsing  the  curious. 


\  m 


190 


INDIAN    BIOfiRAPHY. 


I     li. 


H 


flircon,  not  in  tlio  En^Hisli  plautarons;  and  ndvising 
tiiat  in  tiio  nianncr  of  iiis  (i«-atii  ail  merry  and  ni(>(l(^- 
ru(.'on  Ik'  Klirwrd,  contrary  to  tin'  practice  of  the  Indi- 
ans who  exercise  tortures  and  cruehy,  and  Vncas 
haveinf(  hitiierlo  shewed  liiniself  a  friend  to  the  Eng- 
lish, 'nd  in  this  cravein*^  their  advice,  it'  the  Nano- 
]ii<r^^'iris!>tts  Indians  or  others  siiall  unjustly  assault 
VnctLs  fortius  execucon,  vpon  notice  and  request  the 
Kn^dish  promise  to  assist  and  protect  him,  an  farr  as 
tJiey  may,  against  such  vyolence." 

Tlie  commissioners  furthi^r  directed,  that  Uncas 
should  immediately  he  sent  for  to  Hartford,  with  some 
of  his  trustiest  men  ;  and  informed  of  the  sentence 
passed  u|)on  his  captive.  He  was  then  to  take  him 
into  the  nearest  part  of  ins  own  territory,  and  there 
put  him  to  death  in  the  presence  of  certain  discreet 
English  persons,  who  were  to  accompany  them, 
"  and  see  the  execucon  for  our  more  full  satisfaccon, 
and  that  the  English  meddle  not  with  the  head  or 
body  at  all."  The  Hartford  Government  was  subse- 
quently to  furnish  Uncas  with  forces  enough  to 
defend  him  against  all  his  enemies. 

These  directions  were  promptly  obeyed.  Uncas 
made  his  appearance  at  Hartford,  received  his  pris- 
oner, and  marched  off  with  iiim  to  the  very  spot 
where  the  capture  had  happened.  At  the  instant 
they  arrived  on  the  ground,  a  jMohegan  who  marched 
behind  Miantonomo  split  his  hea.l  with  a  hatchet, 
killing  him  at  a  single  stroke ;  so  that  he  was  j)roba- 
bly  unacquainted  with  the  mode  of  his  execution. 
Tradition  says  that  Uncas  cut  out  a  piece  of  his 
shoulder,  and  ate  it  in  savage  triumph.  "  He  said  it 
"was  the  sweetest  meat  he  ever  eat — it  made  his  heart 
strong."  The  royal  victim  was  buried,  by  the  con- 
queror's order,  at  the  place  of  his  death ;  and  a  great 
heap  or  pillar  was  erected  over  his  grave.  The  field 
of  battle,  situated  in  the  eastern  part  of  the  town  of 
Norwich,  is  called  the  Sachem^s  Plain  to  this  day 


INDIAN     niOlJKArilY 


191 


1  mlvising 
ind  iihmIo- 
rtlio  Iiidi- 
nd  Viicaa 
•  the  Kng- 
he  Nano- 
:Iy  assault 
efjiirst  tlio 
an  i'urr  as 

mt  Uiicas 
with  8o:ne 
spiitenco 
take  him 
find  tht're 
1  discreet 
iiy  them, 
itisfaccon, 
;  liead  or 
vEks  subse- 
uough   to 

!.     Uncas 

his  pris- 

/^ery  spot 

e  instant 

marched 

hatchet, 

as  proba- 

xecution. 

[•e  of  his 

le  said  it 

his  heart 

the  con- 

d  a  great 

Whe  field 

town  of 

s  da^ 


(*( 


) 


CHAPTER  X. 

Consideration  of  the  justiro  of  the  f'onituissionprs'  srntoncc 
upon  Miantonoino — Tlipir  rrasoii"*,  as  alU'i^cd — 'I'lif  r'li;i|(fe 
against  him  of  anihitioii.'^  dcsiifiis — Of cniplo)  insf  tla*  Moliau  ks 
— Of  break  ill!,' tin*  Um'^ih' of  Ki.'JS — "  ('uiicciiiiiiy  tin;  I't'tniot 
K(|iiavv.s" — Of  liostility  t(»  llu-  Knijlisli — Ofpcciilalion — l'|•()of^^ 
of  liis  fulclify  and  frini(L-.|ii|) — (,'ausrs  (if  coniplaint  \>\  liini 
and  Canoiiicurt  a^^iiinst  the  Kii<fli>li — Charactfr  of  holh 
Sachoin.s— TlM'ir  tiratiiH-nt  of  Roller  Williaiiis — lA^'ttcrs  of 
that  gcntleuiaii— Aiicf«li)tfs — Death  of  Caiionii'im. 

It  is  not  easy  to  deformino,  at  tliis  prriod,  tlie  jiis- 
tice  of  the  sentence  by  >vhi('h  IMianlononio  \\i\h  IcmJ 
to  the  slau^ditcr.  As  bt'Twccn  hiinsclf  and  his 
enemy,  considering  Indian  custom  and  character, 
it  might  be  considered  just ;  and  the  siitrcrer  woidd 
certainly  have  been  the  last  to  complain  of  it.  Jhit 
though  Uncas  may  not  be  blamed  for  usinjr  the 
privilege  of  the  victor,  a  ditrcrent  opinion  has  been 
entertained  of  the  interference  of  the  Knglish. 
Their  justification,  as  laid  before  the  Narraghansett 
nation,  afier  Miantonomo's  death,  wtis  as  follows: 

"They  may  well  vndersinnd  that  this  is  without 
violacon  of  any  couenant  letweene  them  and  vs ; 
for  Vncns  being  in  confedei  h  on  with  vs,  and  one  that 
hath  dilijfentlv  observed  his  i  ouenants  before  men- 
tioned  for  aught  we  know,  and  recjuiring  advice  from 
vs,  vpon  serious  consideracon  of  the  premises,  viz. 
his  [Miantinomo]  treacherous  and  murtherous  dis- 
position against  Vncus  &c.  and  how  great  a  disturber 
he  hath  beene  of  the  common  peace  of  the  whole 
countrey,  we  could  not  in  respect  of  the  justice  of 
the  case,  safety  of  the  countrey  and  faythfulness  of 
our  frend,  do  otherwise  than  approve  of  the  lawful- 
ness of  his  death.  This  agreeing  so  well  with  the 
Indians  owne  manners,  and  concurring  with  the 
practice  of  other  nations  with  whom  we  are  aquaint- 
ed,  we  pereuade  ourselves  how  euer  his  death  may  be 


'»  ;; 


V  t 


J 


f 


i 


! 


>  ^ 


'  1 1  ■ 


r 


If 


■ 


) 


i 


pi 
il 


( "S  I  ■  I 


II 


It 


1 
\ 


192 


INDIAN    niOr.RAPHY. 


r 


f 


prirnotis  at  |)rrs(<nt,  yrt  t]\o  ytvncvnhlc  fruits  of  it  will 
yield  not  only  in.ittrr  of  siifrty  to  the  Iiulians,  hut 
|)rotit(>  to  (ill  that  iiilialiitr  this  coiitiMriit." 

Sii|)posin«f  rvny  thiiii;  to  he  tnio  which  is  hero 
and  i'IscwImtc  allc^rrd,  it  may  still  he  douhted 
wlictluT  tin-  coitMiics  ronid  Ik;  jnstitlrd  in  the  part 
takr'ii  hy  tiicir  commissioners; — hut  such  is  not  thu 
rase. 

J  lis  killiufr  the  Perpiot  was  one  point  ajjainst  him  ; 
hut  what  coidd  he  more  natiu'al  than  for  them  to 
misunderstand  his  |)romis(*  in  tiiat  case,  or  for  liiin 
to  supjjose  that  administerii»<;  justice  with  liis  own 
hand  would  ho  the  most  satisfactory  course  he  could 
take.  Stress  is  laid  upon  Miantonomo's  "amhitious 
designesto  make  himself  vniversal  Sapamore  or  (Jov- 
ernor  of  all  these  parts;"  hut  this,  whether  laudahlc 
or  reprehensihie  in  itself,  was  clearly  no  usurpation 
as  a<;ainst  them.  As  to  his  hostility  towanis  tho 
Enj^lish,  sullice  it  to  say  lu're,  that  the  evidence  of  it 
seems  to  have  heen  furnished  chiefly  hy  his  enemies, 
whose  direct  inten-st  it  was  to  oppress  him  hy  en- 
gaginj^  the  Kn«;lish  interest  in  their  own  favor.  As 
to  the  employment  of  the  Mohawks,  in  particular, 
the  most  that  was  made  to  appear,  even  throuj^h  this 
medium,  was,  that  they  were  awaitini^  Miantonomo's 
release — "and  then  they  will  carry  on  their  designes, 
wliether  against  the  English  or  Vncus  or  hoth,  is 
doubtful:'^ 

Let  us  ohserve  the  testimony  of  Mr.  Williams  in 
regard  to  this  aflair,  horrowing  from  a  letter  written 
immediately  after  it  took  place.  "  A  fortnight  since, 
I  heard  of  the  IMauquawogs  coming  to  Paucom- 
tuckqut,  their  rendezvous  ;  that  they  were  provoked 
by  Onkas  wronging  and  robbing  some  Paucomtuck 
Indians  the  last  year,  and  that  he  [Uncas]  had  dared 
the  Mauquawogs,  threatening  if  th.ey!  came,  to  set  his 
ground  with  gobbets  of  their  flesh  &c."  ■ 

He  admits,  that  a  few  of  the  Narraghansetts  had 

*  Haza/rd's  Col.    Vol,  II.  p.  9.  Commissioners^  Report. 


INDIAN    niOCJRAPHY. 


10.1 


*, 


ts  of  it  will 
(linns,  but 

eh  is  IjfTo 
u  (louhtcd 
n  iIk;  part 
I  is  not  tliu 

ainst  him ; 
•r  thoin  to 
or  for  liim 
li  liis  own 
e  lio  could 
^ambitious 
re  or  (»ov- 
>r  laudable 
usurpation 
vvanis  the 
ilencc  of  it 
s  cru'inies, 
iin  by  en- 
uvor.  As 
particular, 
roujfli  this 
ntoiionio's 
r  designes, 
r  both,  is 

riWmms  in 
er  written 
gilt  since, 
Paucom- 
provoked 
ucomtuck 
liad  dared 
,  to  set  his 

isetts  had 
»'  Report. 


' 


joined  the  Mohawks:  but  these,  whether  they  were 
well  or  ill  disposed  towards  the  Mu;rlisli,  were  at 
nil  events  eonsi(lere<l  traitoi*s  to  IMiaiitouoiuo.  Illse- 
where  he  states,  "  yt  ye  Nariiransftts  and  Mau- 
qnawops  are  the  two  great  boiiii's  of  Indians  in  ye 
country,  and  they  nn*  eonfeih-rates,  and  long  have 
bene  as  they  both  yet  are  Jntmlhj  and  ptaceahle  to  ye 
Enslish:'* 

Miantonorno  is  said  \o  have  violated  the  league  of 
1().*J8,  by  invading  the  country  of  Tneas,  without 
having  previously  submitted  his  grievances  to  the 
decision  of  the  lOnglish.  Kut  did  he  not  think  him- 
self al)solved  from  the  obligati<»n  created  by  that 
league,  in  conse(|uen('e  of  violations  of  it  on  tiie  pjlrt 
of  the  Knglish.  He  probably  regarded  them  at  this 
very  tim<',  precisely  as  tlu'v  regarded  him.  Koger 
Williams  writes  on  r)ne  occasion,  when  hitters  of 
complaint  had  been  sent  to  him  from  Massachusetts, 
that  ^^ they  [Miantonorno  and  Canonicusl  thoutdit 
they  should  prove*  themseivs  honest  and  faithful, 
when  Mr.  (Governor  understood  their  answers  ;  and 
that  (although  they  would  not  contend  with  their 
friends)  yet  they  could  relate  many  particulars, 
wherein  the  English  had  broken  (since  these  wars) 
their  promises." 

Respecting  the  alleged  violation  of  the  Hartford 
league  in  particular,  we  might  perha|)s  properly 
waive  all  attempts  at  justifi(;ation,  inasmuch  as  the 
charge  hardly  purports  to  be  true.  Governor  VVin- 
throp  gives  an  account  of  the  atVair  Jis  received  of- 
ficially from  Connecticut,  by  which  it  appears  that 
Miantonomo,  before  taking  f)art  with  Serpinssen,  ap- 
plied to  the  authorities  of  that  province  for  redress 
of  gi'ievances  conunitted  upon  him  by  Uncas.  He 
was  answered,  that  the  English  had  nothing  to  do  with 
the  business.  He  then  applied  also  to  Governor 
Winthrop  himself,  and  was  very  desirous  to  know  if 
he  would  not  be  offended,  by  his  making  war  upon 

*  Ma,    Letters,  on  the  Mass.  Col.  Rec.  (File  10.  No.  45.) 

R 


') 


i» 


•'.  ( 


104 


INDIAN  nior.RAniY. 


I-- 

li. 


I     >^ 


Unrns.  "Onr  (i(>v('nK)r  nnswrnMJ,  if  Onkus  had 
done  him  or  hi.t  frinuh  wronir^  ^tnd  woidd  not  /afire 
scdis/'arliou^  we  ahoultllmve  him  to  t(tkf  hi.t  own  coursed* 
TIm'  accMMiiit  wliirli  lollows  rirxt  of  tlHM-xplaiiation 
j(iv<*ii  upon  oil*'  point  hy  flu'  amiKj-d  parties,  is  t«nt- 
ficirntly  rliaractf  risiir  of  tlicir  intrlli^rncc,  at  least, 
to  Ik' (|iM»t«Ml  at  Inii^tli.  "First  thru,  t'oiH'frnin^  the 
IN'fpiot  scpiaws.  ( *aiiaiininis  aiiswcnMl  tiiat  In*  never 
saw  anv,  Imt  heard  (»t'  some  that  earne  into  theso 
parts,  and  he  hadr  earry  iImmm  haek  to  iNIr.  (iovernonr  ; 
out  sinee  he  never  luard  of  them  till  I  earn*',  and  now 
he  Nvould  have  ilic  country  srarehcd  lor  ihrm.  Mi- 
antunnomn  ans\vrn'<l,  tiiat  he  n<'ver  heard  of  hut  six  ; 
and  four  he  ^'aw  which  were  Immjiht  to  him,  at 
which  he  was  an«:ry,  and  asked  why  thc-y  did  not  carry 
them  to  me,  that  1  miirlit  «'«>nvcv  them  home  airain. 
Then  he  hid  the  natives  that  hrou^i^ht  them  to  carry 
them  to  me,  who  de|)Mriinjr  hron^rht  him  word  that 
the  s(piaws  were  lame,  and  they  could  not  travel, 
whereupon  he  sent  me  word,  that  I  should  send  for 
them.  This  1  must  acknowled<:c,  that  this  messaf^e 
I  received  from  him,  and  sent  him  word,  that  wo 
were  hut  few  here,  and  could  not  fetch  them  nor  con- 
vey them,  and  therefore  desired  him  to  Hen<l  men 
with  them,  and  to  seek  out  the  rest.  Then,  saith  he, 
we  were  huzy  ten  or  twelve  days  lojjether,  as  indeecl 
they  were  in  a  stranjre  kind  of  solemnity,  wherein 
the  sachems  eat  nothing  hut  at  niirht,  and  all  the  na- 
tives round  ahout  the  countrv  were  feasted.  In 
which  tijiie,  saith  he,  I  wished  some  to  look  to  them, 
which  notwithstanding,  in  this  time,  they  scaped, 
and  now  he  would  emnlov  men  instantiv  to  search 
all  places  for  them,  and  within  two  or  three  days  to 
convey  them  home.  Besides  he  profest  he  desired 
them  not,  and  was  sorry  the  governour  should  think 
lie  did.  I  ohjected  that  he  sent  to  heg  one.  He  an- 
swered, that  Sassamun,  heing  sent  by  the  governour 
with  letters  to  Pocjuot,  fell  lame,  and  lying  at  his 

♦  Journal  Vol.  11.  luid  Records  of  the  Coloniei. 


i 


INDIAN    niOtiUAPIIV 


\0o 


Onkus  had 
Id  not  frii^e 
vn  foj/r.?*'."* 
>'.\|»lariation 
rti»'R,  is  j*uf- 
r-c,  at  least, 
i"f'riiiri«f  tlie 
lat  Im' iH'vtT 
into  tiicNO 
iovrriionr; 
i«\  and  now 
Im'iii.     Mi- 
of  Imt  six ; 
to   liini,  at 
<l  not  carry 
)ni('  airain. 
in  to  carry 
won  I  that 
not  travel, 
'I  send  for 
is  message 
il,  that  we 
n  nor  con- 
Hcnd   men 
1,  saitli  he, 
as  indeed 
,  wherein 
ill  the  na- 
isted.      In 
k  to  them, 
y  scaped, 
to  search 
ee  days  to 
le  desired 
>u]d  think 
.    He  an- 
fovernour 
ng  at  his 

ynie9. 


ho!He,  told  him  of  a  sipiMW,  wlijch  was  a  snclicm*!* 
daiiirlitcr,  who  uhilr  he  iivrij  \\;ix  lii«<,  Miantun- 
nonnif's,  ^rrat  Iriiinl.  //«  [MiJiiit<»ii<»iiio]  thmfhre 
(iisirrd  in  kint/iuss  lo  hi.<i  <ha<i  frit  ml,  to  h>g  htr  or  re- 
da  in  hrr   [ot'  Mr.  Williams.] 

In  reply  to  a  cli.irL'*'  toiicliiiii:  his  fidt'lify  to  the 
English  alliance,  ('aii»)ni<Mis  drclan'd  that  the  Nar- 
raLMiansfUs  ^'  had  stnrk  to  the  llnirlish  in  lit*-  ordralii, 
without  which  tln'V  wcrr  |M'rsiiad«'d  that  Okaco 
[I'nca.-.]  and  the  MohijrMm-nks  hati  proved  false,  as  he 
tears  tln-v  will  \ct."  Il«'  tln-n  wi-nt  on  to  sprcifV  his 
reasons  lor  this  pcrsnasion  and  this  fl-ar.  M«'  also 
stated,  that  althfMi^rh  the  .MoIiclmuis  had  y«'t  hronirht 
in  no  capiivrs,  his  own  hrotlnr,  \'ootasli,  had  on 
one  occasion  '*  seized  np<»n  INittatjUppuunk,  Huame 
and  twrnty  IN'«pjts  and  thrci'-scorc  .-.(piaws  ;  they 
killed  Hirer  and  hound  the  rtst^  inttrhinic  thin  all  niirhty 
and  sendini^  for  the  Enirlish  delirereil  them  into  their 
hnnd.s  in  the  /aorai'»ir."  It  seems  that  soon  athTwards* 
Miantonomo  pa^^scd  the  honsi'  where  the  INqnots 
w«'re  kept  c()nlincd  hy  the  Knirlisli,  and  liavins  a  cnri- 
osity  to  see  one  ot'  the  captive  sachems — a  man  of  con- 
siderahle  note — he  njade  application  for  that  pnrposo 
— I>nt  was  thrust  at  with  a  pike  several  times  hy  the 
Etijriish  sentinels,  and  finally  driven  ofV.  IMr.  Wil- 
liams snijirested,  that  |)rol»al)ly  he  was  not  recoirnised  ; 
hut  he  thoiiLdit  that  he  was,  and  several  of  the  Nar- 
rajj^hansetts  were  of  the  same  opinion,  and  ask^d  if 
thci/  should  have  dealt  so  with  "Mr.  (lovtrnoury 
Mr.  Williams  still  denied,  that  he  could  have  heen 
known;  to  which  Miantonomo  answ«'red  that,  at 
least,  his  whole  company*  were  disheartened,  "  and 
they  all  and  ('utshanif|uene  desired  to  he  ;rone  :  and 
yet,  saith  he,  two  of  my  men  (Waqouckwhut  and 
Maunamoh)  were  their  guides  to  Stsquanket  from 
the  river's  mouth." 

*Hc  was  at  tlu;  head  of  two  bundiod  of  his  warriors,  jiif^t 
n-turufd  iVoin  an  fxp<>dition  against  tlu'  P«(|Uots,  in  which 
they  hail  taken  ten  prisoner.--,  and  iiad  faitlifully  hron^ht  them 
In  at  this  time.  See  the  Lit'i:  of  Cltshameh'JI*'  •»»  a  ^^^' 
ceeding  Chapter. 


'\ 


\% 


{ 


li 


V 


■m 


1  IILl 


1  % 


196 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPHY. 


?/ 


..  H^-( 


ii 


To  a  third  accusation,  that  he  had  received  prison- 
ers and  wanipinn  of  the  enomy,  which  belonged  to 
the  conifnon  stock,  and  were  nevertheless  monopo- 
lized by  i.irnself.  Canon icus  replied,  that  although 
he  and  IMiantonoino  had  paid  tlieir  own  warriors 
many  hundred  fathom  of  wampum,  he  never  had 
received  one  Pequot  or  one  yard  of  beads.  Mianto- 
iiomo  added,  that  he  had  received  nothing  but  one 
email  present  from  four  women  of  Long-Island,  who 
were  no  Pequots,  but  of  that  Island,  and  who,  for 
safety's  sake,  had  thereby  put  themselves  under  his 
protection. 

Other  facts,  if  not  opinions,  appear  in  some  of  the 
early  annals,  which  would  lead  to  similar  conclusions 
respecting  the  fidelity  of  the  Narraghansetl  chiefs. 
Governor  Winthrop  says,  in  his  journal  of  February 
1()37 — "  Miantunnomoh  &c.  sent  twenty  six,  with 
forty  fathom  of  wampum,  and  a  Pequot's  hand."  lu 
March,  he  records  intelligence  received  from  the 
same  source,  concerning  the  Pequot  movements,  with 
proposals  of  fresh  assistance.  On  the  22d  of  the 
month,  "  Miantunnomoh  sent  us  word,  that  Mason 
had  surprised  and  slain  eight  Pequods"&c.  Again, 
during  the  same  suminer,  "  Miantunnomoh  sent  here 
some  Pequod  squaws,  which  liad  run  from  us  ;"  and 
live  days  afterwards,  "  the  Narraghansetts  sent  us  the 
hands  of  three  Pequods  "  &c.  The  two  last  statements 
agree  with  the  declaration  of  the  sachems  to  Mr. 
Williams,  a[)parently  upon  the  same  points. 

We  Iiave  seen  that  Canon  icus  accused  the  English 
of  having  broken  their  promises.  Omitting  the  proof 
of  that  statement,  it  is  imi)ossible  to  doubt  at  least, 
that  it  was  made  in  the  most  earnest  sincerity.  The 
writer  just  cited  informs  us  incidentally  in  his  Key 
TO  THE  Indian  Languages,  that  Canonicus,  in  a 
solemn  address  to  himself,  before  a  large  assembly, 
had  once  used  the  following  expression — "I  have 
never  suffered  any  wrong,  to  be  offered  to  the  Eng- 
lish since  they  landed,  nor  never  will.  If  the  Eng- 
lishmen speak  true,"  he  added, "  tlieu  I  shall  go  to  my 


!ii  , 


if     . 


"TTf;  ^ 


!(1  prison- 
longed  to 
monopo- 
altiiough 

warriors 
ever  had 

Mianto- 

;  but  one 

and,  who 

who,  for 

under  his 

me  of  the 
nclusions 
!ti  chiefs. 
February 
six,  with 
ind."  lu 
from  the 
3nts,  with 
d  of  the 
jt  Mason 
Again, 
sent  here 


IS 


.» 


and 
ent  us  the 
atements 
s  to  Mr. 

English 
the  proof 
I:  at  least, 
ty.  The 
his  Key 
us,  in  a 
ssembly, 
"I  have 
he  Eng- 
;he  Eng- 
go  to  my 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPHY. 


197 


grave  in  peace,  and  liopc  thnt  the  Eiifrlisli  and  my 
postority  will  live  in  pf-aco  and  love  tom'tlicr."  Mr. 
Williams  observed,  that  he  hoped  he  had  no  ocrasion 
to  question  the  friendliness  of  the  Kni:lish.  Tpon 
this  the  sachem  took  a  stick,  broke  it  into  ten  pieces, 
and  related  ten  instanct^,  hiyinfr  down  a  stick  to 
every  instance,  which  jravc  hirti  cause  for  apprehen- 
sion or  sus|)icion.  With  retrard  to  some  ot'  tliem,  he 
was  afterwards  convinced  of  his  being  mistaken,  and 
readily  acknowledged  himself  to  be  so  ;  but  not  as  to 
all. 

The  truth  [>robL'bly  is,  that  provocations  of  some 
sort  had  been  receivnl  upon  both  sides;  but  that  the 
English  bad  any  peculiar  reason  to  complain,  and 
especially  to  assume  the  violent  administration  of 
punishtnentor  prevention,  certainly  cannot  be  admit- 
ed.  There  is  no  evidence  extant  to  support  such  a 
position.  Mr.  Williams  indeed  acknowledges,  with 
his  usual  frankness,  that  individual  Narraghansetts 
had  perhaps  now  and  then  committed  offences  in 
"  matters  of  irioney  or  |)ettie  revenging  of  themselvea 
in  some  Indians  upon  extrenm  provocation  :"  but  be 
also  slates,  in  the  same  paragra[)h,  that  he  "could 
not  yet  learn  y'  ever  it  pleased  y''  Lord  to  permit  y* 
Narighanseits  to  staine  their  hands  with  any  Eng- 
lish blood,  neither  in  open  hostilities  nor  secret 
murthers,  as  both  Pequts  and  Long  Islanders  did, 
and  Monhiggans  also  in  y*"  Pequt  wars."* 

This  statement  we  suppose  to  be  uncontradicted, 
and  the  authority  is  certaiidy  deserving  of  credit. 
Now,  for  a  moment,  let  usexanjine  the  other  side  of  the 
question,  bearing  in  mind  how  little  likely  we  are, 
under  the  circumstances,  to  be  furnished  by  history 
with  the  truth,  and  least  of  all  with  the  whole  truth. 

Some  instances  in  point  l:.ave  already  been  given. 
The  excessive  jealousy  and  the  frequent  complaints 
of  the  English  were  in  themselves  calculated  to  pro- 
duce, if  not  to  justify,  what  they  referred  to.     "  The 

*  Ms.    Letters. 
R2 


ll» 


ill 


198 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPHY. 


'■    i: 


governor  of  the  Massachusotts" — says  Mr.  Winthrop, 
in  his  journal  of  ](J3H — "wrote  also  to  Mr.  Williams 
to  treat  with  Miantunnotnoh  about  satisfaction^  or 
otherwise  to  hid  them  look  for  war."  This  was  a  harsh 
messajre,  at  thu  best,  to  send  to  a  sovereign  ally,  who 
had  faithfully  served  the  English  cause.  The  only 
reason  for  it  whieh  appears  in  the  context  is,  that 
Jai^emoh,  a  Niantick  chief,  was  understood  to  have 
committed  certain  depredations  on  a  settlemt'iit  of 
Long  Island  Indians  wlio  were  tributary  to  the 
English.  Now  some  of  th.it  tribe,  we  have  seen, 
put  themselves  under  Miantonomo's  protection  :  and 
thej-e  are  no  means  of  determining  whether  that 
chieftain  did  not  in  this  case,  like  the  English,  feel 
Aime//"  aggrieved  by  Janemoh.  We  do  find  it  re- 
corded, however,  that,  in  the  summer  of  1637,  Mian- 
tonomo  came  to  Boston.  The  governor,  deputy, 
and  treasurer,  treated  with  him,  and  they  parted  upon 
fair  terms.  He  acknowledged  on  this  occasion,  that 
all  the  Pequot  and  Block  Island  country  belonged  to 
the  English,  and  promised  that  he  would  not  meddle 
with  them  but  by  their  leave.  "  In  fine,  we  gave 
him  leave  to  right  himself  for  the  ivrongs  which  Jane- 
moh  and  Wequash  Cook  had  done  him  :  and  for  the 
wrong  they  had  done  us,  we  would  right  oui*selve8 
in  due  time."* 

Not  far  from  the  time  when  the  above  mentioned 
complaint  seems  to  have  been  made  through  Mr. 
Williams,  the  latter  writes  to  Governor  Winthrop  as 
follows.  "  Sir,  there  hath  been  a  great  hubbub  in 
all  these  parts,  as  a  general  persuasion  that  the  time 
was  come  for  a  general  slaughter  of  natives,  by  rea- 
son of  a  murther  committed  upon  a  native  [Narra- 
ghansett]  within  twelve  miles  <  '  us,  four  days  since, 
by  four  desperate  English.  *  *  An  old  native  comes 
to  me,  and  tells  me,  that  the  natives  round  about  us 
were  fled,  relating  that  those  four  had  slain  an  Indian, 
who  had  carried  three  beaver-skius  and  beads  for 


4 


*  Winthrop'fl  Journal,  Vol.  I.  243. 


hn 


'<  ' 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPHT; 


199 


Vinthrop, 
Willianis 
'action^  or 
ws  a  harsh 
ally,  who 
The  only 
(t  is,  that 
I  to  have 
?m<;nt  of 
y  to  the 
ave  seen, 
tion :  and 
!ther  that 
jlish,  feel 
nd  it  re- 
37,  Mian- 
,  deputy, 
rted  upon 
sion,  that 
onged  to 
)t  meddle 
we  gave 
lick  Jane' 
1  for  the 
Dureelves 


entioned 
ugh  Mr. 
itlirop  as 
jbbub  in 
the  time 
I,  by  rea- 
[Narra- 
ys  since, 
re  comes 
about  us 
1  Indian, 
•eads  for 


Canaunicus's  son,  and  canio  homo  wit!)  five  fathom 
and  three  coats ;  that  three  nativeH  whirh  cariuj  after 
him  found  him  groaning  in  tlie  path  ;  tiiat  he  told 
them,  &c."  The  particuhu's  of  this  riagrant  outrage 
— even  to  tlie  christian  and  surnames  of  tlie  four 
murderers — are  given  with  a  miniiiem'ss  vvliich  |)re- 
cludes  tiie  possibihty  of  mistake.  And  yet  we  find 
no  mention  of  this  transaction  in  the  English  his- 
tories. Miantonomo  perhaps  made  his  complaint 
to  the  proper  authority,  without  success.  But  more 
probably  he  endured  the  injury  in  silence,  an  a  new 
evidence  that  his  allies  were  become  his  enemies. 

Still,  it  should  not  be  omitted,  that  Miantonomo 
never  declined  to  make  all  the  explanation  tor  which 
a  fair  opportunity  was  given  him.*  As  late  as  lt)42, 
two  messengers  were  sent  to  him  by  the  Massachu- 
setts government,  witli  articles  of  comjilaint ;  requi- 
ring bun  to  come  himself  or  sc^nd  two  of  his  chief 
counsellors  to  the  governor,  in  order  to  give  satisfac- 
tion for  certain  gri(^vancos  alleged.  lie  attended  this 
sunnnons  promptly  and  personally.  On  his  arrival 
at  Boston,  he  catne  forward  in  court,  and  demanded 
that  bis  accusers  should  be  brought  before  him  liice 
to  face ;  and  that  if  they  failed  in  th(!ir  proof,  they 
should  suflTer  the  sunw  pimishment  which  their  ac- 
cusations were  calculated  to  bring  upon  himself. 
The  whole  deportment  on  this  occasion  was  grave 
and  dignified.  His  answers  were  given  with  great 
deliberation,  and  never  except  in  the  preseiu-e  of  the 
counsellors  who  attended  him,  that  they  might  be 
witnesses  of  every  thing  which  passed.  Two  days 
were  spent  in  treaty.  He  denied  all  he  was  charged 
with,  and  affirmed — what  we  have  already  suggested 
— that  the  reports  to  his  disadvantage  were  raised  and 
circulated,  either  by  Uncas,  or  some  of  his  people. 
Such  an   effect,  (it  should  be   here  observed)  had 

♦  •*  The  messen<Ters  coming  to  him,  he  carried  them  apart 
into  the  woods,  taking  only  one  of  his  chief  men  with  him,  and 
gave  thorn  very  rational  answers  to  all  their  propositions,  &c.'* 
IVin.  Journal,  Vol.  II. 


h  ■  7 


^!l 


■?  •'  I 


200 


IXDIAN    BIOGRAPHr. 


fc 


these  reports  already  produced,  that  the  Connecticut 
people  were  importunate  for  opt.-n  war  with  the  Nar- 
raghansetts  at  this  very  tiuie;  and  it  required  the 
whole  influence  of  the  Massachusetts  authorities, 
(who  douhted,"  whether,  they  had  sufficient  proofs  of 
the  desij^ns  of  the  Indians  to  justify  a  war,")  to  pre- 
vent immediate  liostilities.  Such  alarm  existed,  that 
l)laces  of  refu*re  for  the  women  and  children  were 
provided  iu  most  of  the  towns  and  plantations. 
Jieacons  were  set  up,  in  readiness  to  he  fired  ;  and 
smiths  were  ordered  to  postpone  other  husiness  until 
all  the  arms  in  the  colony  were  put  in  complete  re- 
pair. A  great  excitement  was  produced  in  the  towns 
about  Boston,  hy  a  poor  man,  in  a  swamp  at  Water- 
town,  crying  out  for  help  against  a  kennel  of  wolves 
which  he  heard  howling  around  him  in  the  night. 
And  although  Massachusetts  was  opposed  to  war, 
"  Yet  the  governor,  with  the  magistrates,  before  the 
court  met,  thought  it  necessary  to  disarm  the  Indians 
within  the  colony,  which  they  readily  submitted 
to."* 

Miantonomo,  as  was  very  natural,  not  only  noticed 
these  symptoms  of  jealousy  on  his  visit  to  Boston, 
but  felt  keenly  the  ill-will  they  implied,  and  inquir- 
ed the  cause  of  them.  Governor  Winthrop  gave 
him  an  evasive  answer,  with  which,  however,  he  po- 
litely professed  to  be  satisfied.  He  then  entered  into 
quite  an  argument,  to  show  that  the  suspicions  which 
had  been  entertained  of  him  were  unjust,  and  were 
owing  to  the  machinations  of  his  enemies.  He  of- 
fered to  meet  Uncas  either  at  Hartford  or  at  Boston, 
and  to  prove  his  treachery  to  the  English,  in  their 
presence.  He  should  stand  ready  to  come  at  any 
time,  he  added ;  and  this  notwithstanding  he  had 
been  advised  not  to  visit  the  English  again,  lest  they 
should  seize  upon  his  person.  He  relied  upon  his 
innocence,  and  he  would  visit  them,  whenever  it 
was  deemed  necessary  that  he  should. 


*  Hutchinson,  Vol.  I. 


INDIAN    BIOr.RAPHY. 


201 


nnecticut 
the  Nar- 
lifed  the 
ithorities, 
proofs  of 
')  to  pre- 
sted,  that 
•en  were 
mtations. 
red ;  and 
less  until 
plete  re- 
he  towns 
t  Water- 
f  wolves 
le  night, 
to  war, 
sfore  the 
'■  Indians 
ibmitted 

noticed 
Boston, 
inquir- 
3p  gave 
r,  he  po- 
red into 
s  which 
id  were 
He  of- 
Boston, 
jn  their 
at  any 
he  had 
est  they 
3on  his 
lever  it 


It  is  acknowledged  in  fine,  tliat  lie  gave  perfect 
satisfaction  at  this  time.  Considering  the  entertain- 
ment which  was  given  him,  and  liis  grrat  pride  of 
character,  that  was  quite  as  much  as  could  he  exjH'ct- 
ed.  "  When  we  should  go  to  dinner" — it  is  record- 
ed in  the  Governor's  Journal — "there  was  a  tahle 
provided  for  the  Indians,  to  diiu^  hy  themselves, 
and  Minntunnomoh  was  lejt  to  sit  with  them.  This  he 
was  discontented  at,  and  would  eat  nothing  till  the 
governor  sent  him  meat  from  his  tahle.  So  at  night, 
and  all  the  time  he  staid,  he  sat  at  the  lower  end  of  the 
ma^strates''  tabled  But  he  overlooked  the  indignity, 
and  parted  upon  good  terms.  "  We  gave  him  and 
his  counsellors  coats  and  tohacco ;  and  when  he 
came  to  take  his  leave  of  the  governor,  and  such  of 
the  magistrates  as  were  present,  hs  returned  and  ^ave 
his  hand  to  the  frovenior  again^  saying,  that  was  for 
the  rest  of  the  magistrates  who  were  absent."  It 
may  b3  observed,  that  the  examination  in  this  case, 
which  resulted  thus  satisfactorily  to  Massachusetts, 
was  a  deliberate  and  thorough  one.  The  court  was 
already  assembled,  when  he  arrived  at  Boston  ;  and 
even  before  his  admission,  all  the  points  and  order 
of  inquiry  were  agreed  upon  :  "  For  we  knew  him," 
says  the  governor,  "  to  be  a  very  subtle  man."*  The 
same  authority  admits,  that  he  showed,  in  his  an- 
swers, "  a  good  understanding  of  the  princi[)les  of 
equity  and  justice,  and  ingenuity  withal." 

The  attack  of  Miantonomo  upon  Uncas,  indepen- 
dently of  the  interest  which  the  English  had  in  it, 
has  been  regarded  as  u  moral  if  not  legal  outrage — 
an  unprovoked,  unprincipled  aggression — the  off- 
spring of  hatred,  envy,  or  at  best  of  mere  ambition. 
But  even   here  we  do  not   liappen  to   be  without 


*  A  phraseology,  which,  as  implyinjj  prejudice,  is  rather  more 
creditable  to  the  subject  than  the  writer.  Hubbard  rlescribes 
him  as  a  very  goodly  personage,  of  tall  stature,  subtile  and 
cunning  in  his  contrivements,  as  well  as  haughty  in  hia 
designs. 


•^  il 


>  i 


202 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPHY. 


»(     ?■• 


>.\  i 


t    K 


•H    '1 


proofj  as  well  as  prol»abiIity,  in  flivor  of  the  accused. 
In  more  than  on<^  case,  if  not  generally,  tiie  fault  was 
on  the  side  of  llncas  ;  and  that  heinj^  true,  it  must 
naturally  occur  to  every  reader,  to  inquire,  in  the 
lanjfuag(;  applied  to  a  similar  case  by  Mr.  Williams, 
— "  Graunt  these  suhjects,  H^liat  capacitie  hath  their 
late  massacre  of  y°  JVarr^anseits  {with  whom  they  had 
made  peace)  without  y  Engiish  consent,  tho'  still  under 
y  English  7iame,  put  them  into  ?"*  A  very  forcible 
query,  it  must  be  admitted  ;  and  to  show  its  relevancy 
to  the  present  subject,  let  us  look  again  for  a  few 
facts. 

Soon  after  the  Pequot  war,  when  the  chieftains 
who  had  assisted  the  English  in  carrying  it  on,  con- 
vened at  Hartford  for  a  division  of  the  spoil,  Mr. 
Williams  accompanied  JMiantonomo  on  his  journey. 
"By  the  way,"  says  he,  ("lodging  from  his  house 
three  nights  in  the  woods,)  we  met  divers  Nanhiggon- 
tick  [Narraghansett]  men  complaining  of  robbery 
and  violence,  which  they  had  sustained  from  the 
Pequts  and  Monahiggins  in  their  travel  from  Cun- 
nihticut  [Connecticut]  ;  as  also  some  of  the  Wun- 
iiashowatuckoogs  [subject  to  Canaunicus]  came  to  us 
and  advertised,  that  two  davs  before  about  six  hun- 
dred  and  sixty  Pequts,  Monahiggins  and  their  con- 
federates had  robbed  them  and  spoiled  about  twenty- 
three  fields  of  corn  ;  and  rifted  four  Nanhiggontick 
men  amongst  them  ;  as  also  that  they  lay  in  way  and 
wait  to  stop  INIiantunnomue's  passage  to  Cunnihti- 
cut,  and  divers  of  them  threatened  to  boil  him  in 
the}  kettle." 

These  tidings  being  confirmed  by  various  authori- 
ties, Mr.  Williams  and  the  other  English  in  the  com- 
pany, were  strongly  in  favor  of  turning  back,  and 
going  to  Hartford  by  water.  But  Miantonomo  de- 
clared that  not  a  man  should  retreat ;  he  would  keep 
strict  watcli  by  night,  and  in  dangerous  passes  the 
fiachems  should  all  march  with  a  body-guard,  but 


*  Ms.   Letter?,  dated  1654.. 


INDIAX    BlOr.RAl'nT. 


20;3 


i4 


accused. 

fault  vvaa 
e,  it  must 
'p,  in  the 
Williams, 
hath  their 
I  they  had 
Hill  under 
y  forcible 
relevancy 
for  a  few 

chieflains 
t  on,  con- 
ipoil,  Mr. 
!  journ ev- 
il is  house 
mhij]fgon- 
f  robbery 
from  the 
3m  Cun- 
he  Wun- 
ame  to  us 
six  hun- 
leir  con- 
t  twenty- 
ggontick 
way  and 
'unnihti- 
him  in 

authori- 
the  com- 
ae k,  and 
omo  de- 
uld  keep 
isses  the 
lard,  but 


they  /ijiotjld  die,  as  he  himself  would,  rather  than 
turn. back.  They  moved  on,  thcrelon",  the  Knirlish 
with  Miantonomo  and  his  wife  in  front,  and  a  flank- 
guard  of  forty  or  filh'  men  on  either  side  to  prevent 
surprisal.  They  arrived  safely  at  H.artford,  nnd  the 
conference  took  place.  I'ncas  was  accused  of  con- 
niving at  the  trespasses  of  his  men  upon  the  Nar- 
raghansetts,  and  he  retorted  with  cjiargrs  of  the 
same  kind  upon  Miantonomo.  The  rr'sult  of  this 
angry  discussion  was,  as  follows.  "  At  Inst  we  drew 
them  to  shake  hands,  Miantunnomu  nnd  Okace ; 
and  Miantumiomu  invited  (twice,  earnestly)  Okace 
to  sup  and  dine  with  him,  he  ami  all  his  company 
(his  men  having  killed  some  venison  :)  hut  he  would 
not  vield,  altho'  the  magistrates  persuaded  him  also 
to  it." 

The  magnanimity  manifested  by  the  chicflain  on 
this  occasion,  was  unitbrndy  a  prominent  part  of  his 
character.  When  he  visited  l?oston  in  1(540 — as  he 
always  did,  at  the  recpiest  of  the  Massachusetts  gov- 
ernment— he  was  entertained  first  by  the  govern- 
ment at  Roxbury ;  but  when  the  parley  was  to  com- 
mence, he  refiised  to  treat  through  the  medium  of 
a  Pequot  interpreter.  The  governor  being  unwilling 
to  yield  this  point  to  him — as  good  policy,  if  not 
manners  apparently  required  that  he  should — he 
departed  abruptly  for  Boston,  without  so  nuicli  as 
taking  leave  of  his  host.  Tlie  latter  informed  the 
court  of  this  conduct,  "and  would  show  him  no 
countenance,  nor  admit  him  to  dine  at  our  table  as 
formerly,  until  he  had  acknowledged  his  failing, 
which  he  readily  did  as  soon  as  he  could  be  made  to 
understand  itJ*^*  He  observed,  [lowever,  with  some 
dignity,  that  when  the  English  should  visit  him,  he 
should  cheerfully  permit  them  to  use  their  own  fash- 
ions, as  they  always  had  done. 

Previous  to  the  expedition  against  the  Pequots, 
both  Miantonomo  and  Canonicus  had  expressed  a 


n 


*  Win.  Jour.  Vol.  II. 


204 


INDIAN     BIOGRAPHY. 


wish  tliat  whatever  was  done  with  the  warriors  of 
the  enemy,  their  women  and  cliildren  should  be 
spared.  Tliere  was  a  chivalry  in  this  request — and 
it  does  not  seem  to  have  been  soon  forgotten — which 
accords  with  all  that  is  known  of  both  these  chief- 
tains. Canonicus  might  have  suppressed  the  Plym- 
outh colony  in  l(J2'i,  at  a  single  blow ;  but  he  thought 
it  more  honorable  to  give  them  formal  notice  of  his 
hostile  intentions,  by  a  messenger;  and  when  he  be- 
came convinced  that  they  had  been  misrepresented 
to  him,  he  at  least  ceased  to  be  their  enemy  if  he  did 
not  become  their  friend.  In  the  same  spirit,  Mian- 
tonomo,  while  in  the  custody  of  the  govenior  of  Con- 
necticut, cautioned  him  to  increase  his  guard.  He 
openly  declared — what  was  the  fact — that  attempts 
were  and  would  be  made  by  his  Narraghansett  sub- 
jects for  his  rescue. 

There  is  a  most  affecting  evidence  of  the  same 
noble  disposition,  in  the  report  of  the  commissioners 
for  1644.  The  Narraghansetts,  now  constantly  com- 
plaining of  the  conduct  of  Uncas  and  his  tribe, 
brought  a  charge,  among  other  things,  that  the  latter 
had  embezzled  a  quantity  of  wampum  which  had 
been  put  into  their  hands  for  the  ransom  of  3Iian- 
tonomo,  while  the  chief  was  yet  living.  How  much 
truth  there  might  be  in  the  allegation,  cannot  well 
be  ascertained.  The  commissioners  however  report, 
that  they  gave  a  fair  hearing  to  the  '  Narrahiggansett' 
deputies  on  the  one  hand,  and  to  Uncas  on  the  other. 
The  result  is  thus  stated  : 

"  That  though  severall  discourses  had  passed  from 
Vncus  and  his  men  that  for  such  quantities  of  wam- 
pom  and  such  parcells  of  other  goods  to  a  great 
value  there  might  have  been  some  probabilitie  of 
spareing  his  life,  yet  no  such  parcells  were  brought. 
But  Vncus  denyeth  ;  and  the  Narrohiggansett  Depu- 
ties did  not  allready,  much  less  proue  that  any  ran- 
some  was  agreed,  nor  so  much  as  any  treaty  begunn 
to  redeeme  their  imprisoned  Sachem.  And  for  that 
wampoms  aud  goods  sent  as  they  were  but  small 


\,' 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPHY. 


205 


irriors  of 
hould  be 
lest — and 
1 — which 
!se  chief- 
le  Plym- 
G thought 
ice  of  his 
en  he  be- 
ireaented 
if  he  did 
•it,  Mian- 
r  of  Con- 
ard.  He 
attempts 
isett  8ub- 

:he  same 
lissioners 
itly  com- 
lis  tribe, 
he  latter 
)ich  had 
if  3Iian- 
'W  much 
not  well 
T  report, 
srgansett' 
le  other. 

sed  from 
of  wam- 
a  great 
ilitie  of 
jrought. 
t  Depu- 
iny  ran- 
begunn 
for  that 
^t  small 


t 


parcells  and  scarce  considerable  for  such  a  purpose, 
a  part  of  them  disposed  by  Myantinoino  himself  to 
Vncus  his  counsellors  and  captaines  for  some  lUvour 
either  past  or  hoped  for  and  part  were  f^uen  and  sent 
to  Vncus  and  to  his  Squafor  presendne;  his  life  so  lonf^ 
and  vssins^  him  curteously  during  his  ImpnsonmenU^ 
What  could  be  nobler  than  this? 

The  warm  and  constant  friendship  of  the  two 
sachems  lor  Willianis  himself,  is  a  sutlicient  indica- 
tion of  noble  natures.  Canonicus  was  suspicious  of 
him  at  first;  "but  with  Miantunnomu,"  writes  Mr. 
Williams  soon  after  his  removal,  "  I  have  far  belter 
dealing.  He  kept  his  barbarous  court  lately  at  my 
house.  He  takes  some  pleasure  to  visit  me,  and  se.nt 
me  word  of  his  coming  over  again  some  eight  days 
hence."  When  the  treaty  of  ItJIlG  was  negotiated  at 
Boston,  Miantonomo  not  being  able  to  understand 
perfectly  all  the  articles,  or  perhaps  not  placing  en- 
tire confidence  in  the  Massachusetts  government, 
desired  that  a  copy  should  be  sent  to  his  friend 
Williams — if  he  was  satisfied,  it  was  intimated,  no 
objection  or  difticulty  would  arise  upon  his  own  part. 
The  conveyances  of  land  heretofore  spoken  of,  were 
made  to  him  in  the  same  feeling.  "It  was  not  price 
or  money,"  says  the  grantee,  "  that  could  have  pur- 
chased Rhode  Island :  but 't  was  obtained  by  love, 
that  love  and  favor  which  that  honored  gentleman, 
Sir  Henry  Vane,  and  myself,  had  with  the  great 
sachem,  Miantunnomu,  about  the  league  which  I 
procured  in  the  Pequod  war.  The  Indians  were 
very  shy  of  selling  lands  to  any,  and  chose  rather 
to  make  a  grant  [gift]  of  them,  to  such  as  they  af- 
fected." 

It  might  be  supposed,  that  Mr.  Williams  had  pecu- 
liar facilities  for  instructing  the  sachems  in  the  doc- 
trines of  Christianity :  but  he  did  not  attempt  a  great 
deal  in  this  way,  and  his  reasons  for  it  are  given  in 
his  Key  to  the  Languages.*    He  observes,  that  he 

*In   1654,  (Maes.)  he  writeB — "ai  my  last  departure  for 

s 


A 


'4 


r  ♦ 


,'  ^1.": 


'   1  i  ' 


20G 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPHY. 


I 


\  0 


once  hoard  M inntonomo  conversing  with  Bcveral  of 
his  cW\oA'  WHrriors  ahout  ko«"piii{^  the  F'^nghsh  Sabhath. 
At  another  time,  a  (^onrHM'tient  Indian  undertook,  in 
Miantonorno's  presence,  to  dispute  Mr.  WiUiams's 
doctrine,  that  the  souls  of  the  ^ood  shouhl  po  to 
heaven,  and  those  ot'tlie  wicked  to  hell.  Our  Fath- 
ers have  told  us,  said  he,  that  all  ffo  to  the  South- 
West,  and  this  I  believe.  "  And  why  so,"  asked  the 
sachem,  "  did  you  ever  see  a  soul  go  to  the  South- 
West  ?"  To  this  the  other  rejoined,  that  the  evidence 
was  the  sam(?  in  this  n'Sjiect  for  the  Indian  doctrine 
as  for  that  of  Mr.  Williams.  "Ah  !"  answered  Mian- 
tor»omo,  "  but  he  has  books  and  writings,  and  one 
which  God  himself  has  made ;  he  may  well  know 
more  than  we  or  our  fathers."  The  anecdote  cer- 
tainly shows  a  great  confidence  of  the  Bucheinin  his 
English  acqtiaintance. 

We  shall  close  our  remarks  upon  this  part  of  onr 
subject  with  citing  at  large  one  of  the  letters  to  which 
we  alreafly  liave  been  so  much  indebted  for  facts. 
It  is  sufficiently  characteristic  of  both  the  writer  and 
the  chieftains  his  friends,  to  repay  us  for  the  labor  of 
perusal.  It  is  supposed  to  have  been  written  in 
October  1637. 

"  The  last  of  the  week.    I  think  the  28//i  of  the  Sth, 

Sir. 

This  bearer,  Miantunnomu,  resolving  to  go  on 
his  visit,  [to  Boston]  I  am  bold  to  request  a  word  of 
advice  from  you  concerning  a  proposition  made  by 
Canaunicus  and  himself  to  me  some  half  year  sipce. 
Canaunicus  gave  an  island  in  the  bay  to  Mr.  Oldam, 
by  name  Chibachuwese,  oji  condition,  as  it  should 
seem,  that  he  would  dwell  there  near  unto  them.    The 

England,  I  was  importuned  by  ye  Narigansett  sachims,  and 
especially  by  Naneknnat,  to  pressent  their  petition  to  ye  high 
sachiiiis  of  England,  yt  tliey  niiglit  not  l)e  forced  from  their  re- 
ligion, and  for  not  changing  their  religion  be  invaded  by  war: 
for  they  said  they  were  daily  visited  by  threatenings  by  Indians 
yt  came  from  about  ye  Massachusetts  yt  if  they  would  not  pray 
they  should  be  destoyed  by  war."     I^Is^    Letters. 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPHY. 


207 


s«evprnl  of 
I  Sabbath, 
ertook,  in 
Villinms's 
lid  po  to 
)ur  Fath- 
le  South- 
asked  the 
le  South- 
evidence 
I  dortrine 
red  Minn- 
and  one 
ell  know 
dote  cer- 
ein  in  his 

rt  of  onr 
to  which 
for  facts, 
riter  and 
!  labor  of 
ritten  in 

fthe  Sth, 

to  go  on 
word  of 
nade  by 
ar  sipce, 
.Oldam, 
t  should 
n.    The 

liima,  and 
to  ye  high 
their  re- 
i  bv  war: 
)y  Indians 
i  not  pray 


Lord  (in  wliose  hands  all  hearts  are)  tiiniinpr  their 
afiertions  towards  myself,  Iheif  desired  me  to  move  hith- 
er and  dwell  ncnnr  to  them.  1  have  aiiswtn'd  onre 
and  ap:ain,  that  ibr  the  present  f  iniiid  not  to  rrniove. 
hut  if  I  have  it  from  them  I  woidd  pivi;  them  satisfac- 
tion for  it,  and  build  a  little  house,  and  put  in  some 
swine,  as  understan(rm«:  the  ])lace  to  have  stf>rf  of 
fish  and  pood  feedin*»  for  swine.  Of  lat<!  I  have 
heard  that  Mr.  Gibbous,  u|>on  occasion,  motioned 
your  desire  and  his  own  of  putting  some  swiu<?  on 
some  of  these  islands,  whir'li  hath  made  me  since 
more  desire  to  obtain  it.  I  spakc^  of  it  to  this  sachem, 
and  he  tells  me  that  because  of  the  store  of  Jishy  Canau- 
nicus  desires  that  Iwoxdd  accept  half{\t  beiiip  sp<M'tacJe- 
wise,  and  between  a  mile  or  two  in  circuit,  as  I 
puess)  and  he  would  reserve  the  other  ;  but  I  thhik, 
if  I  go  over,  I  shall  obtain  the  whole.  Your  lovinp 
counsel,  how  far  it  may  be  inotiVinsive,  because  it 
was  once  (upon  a  Condition  not  kept)  Mr.  Oldatn's. 
So  with  respective  salutes  to  your  kind  self  and  Mrs. 
Winthrop,  I  rest 

your  worship's  unfeigned,  in  all  I  may. 

Ro.  Williams." 

For  his  much  honored  } 

Mr.  Govemoury  these.^*  ^ 

A  singular  paragraph  in  a  previous  communication 
addressed  to  the  same  gentleman,  indicates  that  the 
writer  took  some  pains  to  requite  the  various  favors 
conferred  upon  him.  "  Sir,  if  any  thing  be  sent  to 
the  princes,  [alluding  to  proposed  presents,]  I  find 
that  Canaunicus  would  gladly  accept  of  a  box  of 
eight  or  ten  pounds  of  sugar,  and  indeed  he  told  me 
he  would  thank  Mr.  Governor  for  a  box  full." 

In  fine,  we  cannot  dismiss  the  biogi-aphy  of  Mian- 
tonomo  without  confessing  a  sensation  of  sorrow, 
and  even  shame,  arising  frojn  the  contem])lation  of 
the  lofly  and  noble  traits  which  certainly  adorned 
his  character,  contrasted  with  the  ignominous  death 
which  he  met  with  at  the  hands  of  his  allies.  The 
learned  editor  of  a  recent  edition  of  Wiiithrop's  Jour- 


208 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPHY. 


I 


f 


nal,  rnllfl  it  n  raso  of  "  porfuly  or  cruelty,  or  botli.** 
Up  also  PxpreHses  an  of»inion,  that  the  argument 
which  HMilly  though  Hccrctly  decided  the  inindH  of 
the  comiiiissioncrs  ajjainst  the  saciuMn,  was  his  en- 
coura^cnicnt  of  the  sale  of  Shaotnet  and  Patuxet  to 
Gorton  and  his  associates.  Without  poinp  as  far  as 
this,  we  may  he  permitted  to  say,  that  tiie  case  re- 
quires all  the  apolopy  which  can  be  derived  from  the 
great  excitement  of  the  tim<'8,  occasioned  especially 
by  the  power  and  movements  of  the  Indians. 

Such  seems  to  have  been  the  opinion  of  Governor 
Hopkins,*  who,  it  will  be  observed,  also  intimates  a 
new  cxf)lanation  of  the  comluct  of  the  colonies,  to- 
wards the  Narraphansett  chief.  I J  is  eloquent  and 
generous  tribute  to  the  memory  of  the  latter,  we  do 
not  think  ourselves  at  liberty  to  omit  or  abridge. 

"  This,"  says  that  eminent  scholar,  and  patriot, "  was 
the  end  of  Myantinomo,  tlie  most  potent  Indian  prince 
the  people  of  New-England  had  ever  any  concern 
with  ;  and  this  was  the  reward  he  received  for  assist- 
ing them  seven  years  before,  in  their  war  with  the  Pe- 
quots.  Surely  a  Rhode-Island  man  may  be  permitted 
to  mourn  his  unhappy  fate,  and  drop  a  tear  on  the  ashes 
of  Myantinomo ;  who,  with  his  uncle  Conanicus,  were 
the  best  friends  and  greatest  benefactors  the  colony 
[of  R.  I.]  ever  had.  They  kindly  received,  fed,  and 
protected  the  first  settlers  of  it,  when  they  were  in 
distress,  and  were  strangers  and  exiles,  and  all  man- 
kind else  were  their  enemies ;  and  by  this  kindness 
to  them,  drew  upon  themselves  the  resentment  of  the 
neighboring  colonies,  and  hastened  the  untimely  end 
of  the  young  king." 

Nothing  of  great  interest  can  be  added  to  the  his- 
tory of  Canonicus,  subsequent  to  the  death  of  his 
colleague.    Messengers  were  sent  to  him,  the  same 

*  See  his  Account  of  Providence  Co/ont/,  first  published  in 
the  Providence  Gazette  of  1765,  and  preserved  in  the  Mass. 
His.  Coll.  He  was  governor  of  Rhode-Island  for  nine  years, 
but  is  better  known  as  one  of  tlie  signers  of  the  Declaration 
vf  Independence. 


\ 


INDIAN    DlOOnAPHY. 


209 


M* 


ir  both.** 
ir^iimcnt 
iuikIh  of 
«  his  on- 
iituxet  to 
as  fiir  ns 
case  ro- 
froin  tho 
speciully 
I. 

Sfovornor 
:i mates  a 
)nie8,  to- 
lent  and 
r,  we  do 
Jge. 

ot, "  was 
n  prince 
concern 
)r  assist- 
I  the  Pe- 
ermitted 
he  ashes 
us,  were 
J  colony 
fed,  and 
were  in 
ill  man- 
kindness 
It  of  the 
lely  end 

the  his- 
1  of  his 
le  same 

blished  in 
le  Mass. 
ne  years, 
laration 


yonr,  to  oxplain  tho  oircurnstnnrosor  thnt  ovont,  and 
to  tak«' II.'  isiirrs  r».i  pn'srrvin^  pear*'.  In  hilt,  ho 
JM  said  to  iiavr  "^uhjjM'trd  hinisclf  and  his  fcrilory  to 
tho  (ii.vcrimioiit  of  Cliarh'S  I.  of  Kii^liuul,  hy  a  dord 
dati'd  April  |!Uli/  Ue  niiirit  liavc  hcon  near  ninety 
years  ofajje  at  thirt  time,  and  it' actually  in  tho  oxcr- 
ciso  of  povorninont,  no  doubt  wjis  nioro  disposod 
than  ever  to  livo  poacoubjy  with  his  English  neigh- 
bors. 

Mr.  Winthrop  states,  that  ho  died  Juno  4th,  1(117. 
INTr.  Hubbard  says  1(>-1H,  and  ho  luus  i)oen  copied  by 
late  writers  (iiicludin<;  Holmes:)  but  the  former  date 
is  believed  to  bo  tho  bettor  uuthenticalcd  of  tho  two. 
One  or  two  historians  indeed  seem  to  contbmid  the 
old  sachem  with  a  younf^er  man,  who  was  kill(Ml  in 
Philip's  war,  by  the  Mohawks,  in  Juno  1(>7().  This 
person  bore  the  same  name,  and  may  have  boon  one 
of  his  descendants.  Between  twenty  and  thirty  yeai*s 
before  this,  Mr.  Williams,  (the  host  authority  on  all 
that  relates  to  the  Narraghansetts,)  writes,  that  "their 
late  famous  long-live  Caunnonicus  so  liv'd  and  died, 
and  in  ye  same  most  honorable  manner  and  solem- 
nitie  (in  their  way)  as  you  laid  to  Sleepoyour  Prudent 
Peace-Maker,  Mr.  Winthrop,  did  they  honour  this, 
their  Prudent  and  Peaceable  Prince."f 

*  Report  of  Commissioners  appointed  in  1683  by  Charles  H. 
to  enquire  into  the  claims  and  titles  to  the  Narraghansett 
CouuTRY.     bth.  Vol.  of  Mass.  His.  Coll.  1st,  Series. 

f  Ms,   Letters. 
S2 


;• 


il 


« 


« 


m 


<  I 


210 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPHY. 


CHAPTER  XI. 

"CanonicuH  succeeded  by  Pessacus — Mexham — Ninigret, 
Sachem  of  the  Nianticks — Proposals  made  by  them  to  the 
English,  and  by  the  English  in  return — They  commence  hos- 
tiliiien  against  Uncas — The  English  resolve  to  make  war 
wpon  them — They  make  concessions — Their  visits  to  Boston 
— Snbsecpient  movements  against  Uncas.  An  armed  party 
«ent  against  Ninigret  and  Pessacus— They  are  accused  of  a 
league  with  the  Dutch  against  the  English. 

Strictly  speaking,  there  was  no  successor  to  Ca- 
nonicus  in  the  government  of  the  Narraghansetts, 
the  Hneage,  talents  and  age  of  tliat  sachem  having 
given  him  a  peculiar  influence  over  his  countrymen, 
which  none  other  among  them  could  command. 
At  his  death,  therefore,  the  authority  which  he  had 
monopolized  at  one  time,  and  afterwards  shared  with 
Miantonomo  and  others,  reverted  into  that  form  of 
dominion  (half  way  between  oligarchy  and  democ- 
racy, and  occasionally  vibrating  to  each  extreme,) 
which  is  common  among  the  Indian  tribes. 

One  of  the  Narraghansett  chiefs,  afler  that  period, 
was  his  son,  Mexham,  otherwise  called  Mexamo, 
Mixamo,  Meihammoh,  and  by  Roger  Williams 
also  Mriksah  and  Mejhsah.  Considering  the  mul- 
titude of  his  names,  he  is  rather  less  distinguished 
than  might  be  supposed.  Mr.  Williams  however 
gives  him  the  credit  of  inheriting  'his  father's  spirit' 
of  friendliness  for  the  English.  In  another  passage, 
speaking  of  the  Nipmucks,  he  says  'they  were  un- 
questionably subject  to  ye  Narrhigansett  sachims, 
and  in  a  special  manner  to  Mejhsah,  ye  son  of  Caun- 
onnicus,  and  late  husband  to  this  old  Squa-Sachim 
now  only  surviving.'*  This  letter  bearing  date  of 
May  7th,  1668,  Mexaham  must  have  died  previous 
to  that  time.    The  name  of  his  widow  and  succea- 

*MS.  Letters. 


.'.i     .♦ 


I 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPHY. 


211 


IVlNIGRET, 

them  to  the 
nmence  ho9- 

inake  war 
ts  to  Boston 
irined  party 
iccused  of  a 


sor  to  Ca- 
ghansfitts, 
rn  having 
mtrymen, 
ommand. 
^1  he  had 
ared  with 
t  form  of 
i  democ- 
extreine,) 

It  period, 
Mexamo, 
WilHams 
the  mul- 
iiguished 
however 
•'s  spirit ' 
passage, 
-vere  un- 
sachims, 
•f  Caun- 
•Sachim 
date  of 
previous 
succes- 


sor, (sometimes  called  Quaiapex,  and  more  frequently 
Magnus,)  who  wjis  a  woman  of  great  energy,  figures 
not  a  little  in  the  history  of  King-Pliilip's  war.  We 
may  herealler  have  occasion  to  mention  both  hus- 
band and  wife. 

A  more  distinguished  character  was  Pessacds, 
generally  believed  to  have  been  the  brother  of  Mian- 
tonomo,*  and  therefore  nephew  of  Canonicus — a 
better  authenticated  theory  than  that  of  Johnson's, 
who  (in  his  Wondkr-Working  Providence,)  calls 
him  a  soji.  He  was  born  about  the  time  of  the 
English  settling  at  Plymouth,  and  was  theretbre  not 
far  from  twenty  years  old  when  his  brother  was 
killed.  His  name  being  associated  with  that- of 
Canonicus  in  the  deed  of  1G44,  alluded  to  in  the 
preceding  chapter,  it  may  be  presumed,  that  the 
mantle  of  Miantonomo,  after  his  death,  fell  upon 
the  shoulders  of  Pessacus.  It  will  soon  appear,  how 
much  he  interested  himself,  both  as  sachem  and 
brother,  in  the  revenge  of  that  outrage. 

It  is  impossible  to  pursue  the  career  of  either  of 
these  chieftains,  eminent  in  history  as  st)rne  of  them 
are,  without  connecting  them  not  only  with  each 
other,  but  with  a  foreign  party  who  still  reijnains  to  be 
named.  We  refer  to  Ninigret,!  chief  sachem  of 
the  Nianticks,  generally  considered  a  Narraghansett 
tribe,  and  certainly  the  most  considerable  of  all 
those  which  profited  by  the  alliance  of  that  people. 
Miantonomo  spoke  of  them  to  Governor  Winthrop, 
in  1()42,  "  as  his  own  flesh,  being  allied  by  continual 
intermarriages  ;"  and  the  governor  consequently  had 


*  Wintluop. 

t  Variously  entitled  by  various  writers. 
e.  g.  NiNiGRATE,  by  Hutchinson. 

Nynigrett,       Mason's  Pequot  war 

NiNicRiTE,        Hubbard. 

NiNicRAFT,        Same  and  others. 

NiNEGRAD,         Prince. 

Nenneoratt  and  Nennegrate,  &c.  Hazard. 

NanekUiNat,  NiNiGLUD,  &c.  R.  Williains  and  other*. 


I 


V. 


ii 


I 


m 


r  ^  ■' 


212 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPHY. 


"some  difficulty  to  bring  him  to  desert  them"  In 
fact,  they  were  rather  coiif(Hh?rates  tlian  tril)utarie8 
to  Caiionicus  during  his  Hfe,  and  the  relationship 
of  blood,  with  no  other  bonds  of  sympathy,  would 
have  abundantly  sufficed  to  keep  up  an  intimate 
connexion  afler  his  death.  Prince  states  that  Nini- 
gret  was  the  uncle  of  Miantonomo ;  but  other  wri- 
ters re|)resent  him  as  the  brother  or  brother-in-law  ; 
and  considering  the  age  of  the  parties  especially,  the 
latter  supposition  is  much  the  more  plausible.  Ei- 
ther will  explain  the  regard  which  he  will  be  found 
to  have  cherished  for  the  memory  of  the  dead  chief- 
tain, and  for  the  person  of  Pessacus,  the  living 
brother. 

We  first  hear  of  Ninigi-et  in  1G3Q,  from  which 
time  to  1G35  a  violent  war  was  carried  on  between 
the  Narraghansetts  and  Pequots.  In  this  he  is  said 
to  have  taken  no  part ;  and  the  lair  inference  is,  that 
he  was  not  from  his  relation  to  the  former  under 
any  necessity,  and  probably  not  under  obligation,  to 
assist  them. 

A  similar  conclusion  might  be  dra%vn  from  the  di- 
vision of  captives  made  at  the  close  of  the  war  of 
1637,  when  Ninigret's  services  were  acknowledged 
by  the  compliment  of  twenty  Pequots — in  the  same 
manner,  though  not  in  the  same  measure,  with  those 
of  Uncas  and  Miantonomo.  Like  the  latter,  howev- 
er, Ninigret  took  no  personal  or  active  part  in  that 
war:  and  like  hi»n,  he  permitted  his  subjects  to  go 
volunteers  under  Mason.  Mr.  Wolcott  thus  mentions 
him  on  the  occasion  of  Underhiil's  aiTival  in  his  ter- 
ritory,* on  his  way  to  the  Pequots : 

And  marching  through  that  country  soon  they  met 
The  JVan'as;hansett  Prince,  proud  Ninigrett, 
To  whom  the  English  say,  we  lead  these  bands, 
Armed  in  this  manner,  thus  into  your  lands, 


♦  The  principal  residence  of  iVinigret,  and  tiie  centre  of  his 
dominion,  was  at  Wekapaug,  now  Westerly,  R.  I.  It  was 
formerly  a  part  of  Stonington,  Conn, 


'm "  In 
ibutaries 
itionsliip 
^,  would 
intimate 
at  Nini- 
her  wri- 
in-law ; 
ially,  the 
»le.  Ei- 
je  found 
id  chief- 
e  living 

ti  which 
b(3tween 
e  is  said 
3  is,  that 
T  under 
ation,  to 

n  the  di- 
3  war  of 
wledged 
he  same 
ith  those 

howev- 
t  in  that 
cts  to  go 
fientions 

his  ter- 


iy  met 
ids, 


;re  of  his 
It  was 


^l 


^ 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPHY. 


213 


Without  design  to  do  you  injury, 

But  only  to  invade  the  enemy  ; 

You,  who  to  the  expense  of  so  much  blood 

Have  long  time  born  their  evil  neighborhood, 

Will  bid  us  welcome,  and  will  well  excuse 

That  we  this  way  have  took  our  rendezvouz,  &c."* 

If  what  is  here  intimated  was  true,  that  the  Pe- 
quots  had  been  bad  neighbors  to  the  Nianticks,  as 
they  certainly  had  been  to  the  Narragliansetts,  it  is 
no  matter  of  wonder  that  numbers  of  those  tribes 
engaged  in  the  English  expedition  ;  and  it  indicates 
the  pride,  if  not  magnanimity,  of  their  two  young 
chiefs,  on  the  other  liand,  that  neither  wouhl  con- 
sent to  fight  against  the  common  enemy  of  both. 

From  Major  Mason's  account  of  the  affair,  it  would 
apyjear  that  t!ie  English  took  this  independence  of 
Ninigret  rather  in  dudgeon.  "On  the  Wednesday 
morning,"  says  that  writer,  "  we  man^hed  from  thence 
to  a  Place  called  Nayanticke,  it  being  about  eighteen 
or  twenty  miles  distant,  where  another  of  those 
Narraghansetts  lived  in  a  Fort ;  it  being  a  Frontier  to 
the  Pequots.  They  carryed  very  proudly  towards 
us ;  not  permitting  any  of  us  to  come  into  their  Fort." 
Upon  whicli  Mason  set  a  guard  about  them,  forbid- 
ding the  Indians  to  go  in  or  out,  and  quartered  in 
the  neighborhood  over  night.  Whether  this  '  Sa- 
chem '  was  Ninigret  or  one  of  his  subjects,  the  con- 
duct of  Mason  could  hardly  have  left  a  very  gratify- 
ing impression  on  the  mind  of  that  cliieftain.  Pos- 
sibly, if  borne  in  mind  by  the  reader,  it  may  throw 
some  light  upon  subsequent  events. 

From  tlie  time  of  Miantonomo's  death,  all  the  sa- 
chems we  have  mentioned  as  succeeding  to  his 
power,  came  prominently  into  intercourse  with  the 
Enghsh.    Ninigret  and  Pessacus,  particularly,  were 

*  "  A  Brief  Account  of  the  Agency  of  the  Hon.  John  Win- 
throp  Esq.  in  the  Court  of  King  Oliarles  the  second,  Anno 
Doin.  1632;  when  he  obtained  a  charter  for  the  Colony  of 
Connecticut."     Vol.  IV.  Mass.  His.  Coll. 


i) 


If  'i  it 


214 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPHY. 


distinguished  by  a  conlinual  series  of  controversies 
alternately  wirli  that  people,  and  the  Mohegans,  and 
very  often  with  both.  Tiiey  inherited  tlie  strong 
prejudice  of  the  ylaughtered  Narraghansett  against 
Uncas  and  Jiis  tribe ;  and  most  bitterly  was  that 
prejudice  exasperated  by  the  slaughter  itself. 

Anticipating  such  an  excitement,  the  commission- 
ers, imniediat(;ly  after  the  execution  of  the  sentence, 
despatched  messengers  to  Pessacus,  who  were  di- 
rected to  inform  him  that  they  had  heard  of  the  quar- 
rel between  himself  and  Uncas  ;  and  to  propose  that 
he  should  send  delegates  to  Hartford  :  these  should 
meet  delegates  from  Uncas,  and  thus  all  differences 
be  adjusted.  A  conference  accordingly  was  agreed 
upon,  and  it  took  place  as  proposed.  The  result 
was  stated,  in  the  connnissioners  Report :  "  They 
did  require  that  neither  themselves  [the  Narraghan- 
setts]  nor  the  Nay anticks.  should  make  any  warr  or 
injurious  assault  vpon  Vncus  or  any  of  his  company 
vntil  they  make  proofe  of  the  ransome  charged  &c" — 
alluding  to  the  allegation  that  Uncas  had  embezzled 
money,  deposited  in  his  hands  for  Miantonomo's  re- 
demption. 

The  following  agreement  was  subscribed  by  the 
four  "  Narrohigganset  Deputies,"  as  they  are  called  in 
the  Report.  It  should  be  observed,  that  although 
"  the  Nayantick  sachems  "  are  ostensibly  here  repre- 
sented, the  only  evidence  going  to  justify  such  a 
phraseology,  so  far  as  we  know,  is  in  a  previous  state- 
ment (in  the  Report,)  that  when  the  English  messen- 
gers had  been  sent  to  propose  this  conference,  the 
Narraghansett  sagamores  "consulting  among  them- 
selves and  with  Kienemo  one  of  the  JVayantick  sachims 
had  sent  a  sagamore  &c."  We  copy  literatim  and 
punduatim : 

"  Weetowisse  one  of  the  Narrohiggansett  sachims 
Pummumsh  (alias)  Pumumshe  and  Pawpianet  two 
of  the  Narrohigganset  Captaines  being  sent  with  two 
of  the  Narrohiggansett  Indians  as  Deputies  from  the 
JVdrrohigganset   and  JVayantick  sachims  to    make 


roversies 
:ans,  and 
e  strong 
[  against 
vas  timt 

mission- 
ientence, 
ivere  di- 
he  quar- 
)ose  that 
e  should 
ferences 
i  agreed 
e  result 

"They 
rraghan- 

warr  or 
ompany 
i  &c"— 
ibezzled 
mo's  re- 

by  the 
ailed  in 
Ithough 
repre- 
such  a 
js  state- 
messen- 
11  ce,  the 
f  them- 
sachims 
lira  and 

;achims 
let  two 
ith  two 
^rom  the 
make 


I 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPHY. 


215 


proofe  of  the  ransome  they  pretended  was  given  for 
their  late  saohini's  life  as  also  to  make  kiioune  some 
other  greevances  they  had  against  Vnrus  sachiin  of 
the  Mohiggins  did  in  conclusion  promise  and  engage 
themselves  {according  to  the  power  committed  to  them) 
that  there  should  he  no  war  hegun  by  any  of  the 
Narrohiggansets  or  jVaifantick  Indians  with  the  Mo- 
began  sachim  or  his  men  till  aller  the  next  planting 
tyme,  and  that  after  that,  betbre  they  begin  warr,  or 
vseany  hostility  towards  them,  they  will  give  thirty 
dayes  warneing  thereof  to  the  Government  of  the 
Massachusetts  or  Conectacutt. 

Hartford  the  XVIIjth  of  September,  ir>  14 

(Signed  with  the  marks  of)  Weetowisse 

Paw^pianet 
CnrMOUGH 

PUMMUMSHE." 

This,  considering  it  an  agreement  authorised  by 
Pessacus,  was  certainly  as  much  as  could  be  reasona- 
bly expected  of  him  ;  for  such  was  his  eagerness  to 
revenge  the  death  of  his  brother,  that  he  liad  himself 
sent  messengers  to  confer  u|)on  the  subject  with  the 
Massachusetts  Government.  Only  a  month  or  two 
after  that  event,  they  carried  a  present  from  him,  of 
an  otter  coat,  with  wampum  to  the  value  of  fifteen 
pounds.  Proposals  of  peace  and  friendship  were 
tendered ;  but  a  request  was  added,  that  the  Gov- 
ernor should  not  assist  Uncas,  whom  he  (Pessacus) 
intended  shortly  to  make  war  upon.  The  Governor 
replied,  that  he  desired  peace,  but  wished  that  all  the 
Indian  tribes,  including  the  Mohegans,  might  be  par- 
takers of  it ;:  and  that  uidess  Pess.ncus  would  consent 
to  these  t^rms,  his  present  could  not  be  received. 
The  messengei-s  saidy  they  had  no  instructions  upon 
this  point ;  they  would  however  return,  and  consult 
with  Pessacus;  and  meanwhile  the  Governor  was 
requested  to  retain  the  present,  whicli  he  did. 

After  this,  (in  April,  1()44)  and  previous  to  the 
Hartford  conference,  the  Governoi'  sent  messengers 
on  Ills  own  part  to  the  Narragliansetts,  probably  to 


» 


(*'! 


I 


m 


ff 


lii 


-'I 


% 


I  'i 


1    ■  'il 
ti 


216 


INDIAN    BIOGRArilY. 


\! 


'^it    /. 


i 


sound  the  disposition  of  Pessacus.  They  went  first 
to  the  wigwam  of  tl»e  old  sachem  Canonicus,  whom 
they  found  in  such  ill  humor  that  he  did  not  admit 
them,  (as  they  stated)  for  two  hours,  during  which 
time  they  were  not  altogether  at  ease,  being  obliged 
to  endure  the  pelting  of  a  rain-storm.  On  entering, 
they  found  him  lying  upon  his  couch.  He  noticed 
them,  not  very  cordially,  for  the  purpose  of  referring 
them  to  Pessacus ;  and  for  him  they  waited  four 
hours  more.  When  he  came,  he  took  them  into  a 
shabby  wigwam,  and  kept  them  talking  with  him 
most  of  the  night.  On  the  whole,  he  appeared  de- 
termined to  wage  war  on  Uncas  forthwith ;  not  in 
the  manner  of  Miantonomo,  but  by  sending  out 
small  war-parties,  to  cut  oft'  the  straggling  Mohe- 
gans,  and  to  interfere  with  their  hunting  and  fishing. 

There  is  reason  to  believe,  that  he  either  had  taken, 
or  was  about  taking  some  measures  in  pursuance 
of  this  scheme  ;  and  that  the  message  of  the  com- 
missioners was  therefore  rather  as  much  in  conse- 
quence as  in  anticipation  of  his  acts.  On  the  23d. 
of  April,  messengers  came  to  Boston  from  Pomham, 
(a  chief,  hereafter  noticed  at  length,  who  had  put 
himself  under  the  Massachusetts  protection,)  with  in- 
telligence that  the  Narraghansetts  had  captured  and 
killed  six  Mohegan  men  and  five  women  ;  and  had 
sent  him  two  hands  and  a  foot,  tc  engage  him  in  the 
war.  If  this  statement  was  true — and  we  know  no 
particular  reason  for  doubting  it — the  commissioners 
might  certainly  consider  themselves  fortunate  in 
checking  hostilities,  so  far  as  they  did  in  September. 

They  convened  again,  at  Boston,  early  in  1645 ; 
and  messengers  were  again  sent  to  the  Narraghan- 
setts, with  directions  afterwards  to  visit  the  Mohe- 
gans,  inviting  all  the  sachems  to  meet  them  for  a  new 
adjustment  of  difficulties.  The  instructions  given 
to  these  men*  imply,  that  tl  -^  commissioners  supposed 
Pessacus  to  be  in  a  state  of  warfare  with  Uncas  at 


*See  records  of  the  United  Colonies.    Hazard. 


INDIAN    BIOGUAPIIY. 


217 


vent  first 
s,  whom 
lot  admit 
g  which 
^  obliged 
entering-, 
1  noticed 
referring 
ted  four 
n  into  a 
vkh  him 
ared  de- 
> ;  not  in 
Jing  out 
g  Mohe- 
1  fisliing. 
ad  taken, 
ursuance 
the  com- 
n  conse- 
the  23d. 

^OMHAM, 

had  put 
with  in- 
ured and 
and  had 
Ti  in  the 
enow  no 
issioners 
mate  in 
ateniber. 
n  1645; 
rraghan- 
Mohe- 
or  a  new 
IS  given 
upposed 
Jncas  at 

•d. 


th«ttime — whether  it  was  now  past "  planting-tyme," 
or  not — but  the  same  records  show  that  the  messen- 
gers brought  back  "a  letter  from  Air.  Roger  Williams 
wherein  hce  assiu'es  vs  the  wurr  would  pnscntli/ 
break  forth  and  that  the  Narrohiggausett  sachiius 
had  lately  concluded  a  neutrallyty  with  Providenco 
and  the  Towncs  upon  Aipiidnett  [Rhode]  Island." 

It  would  seem,  tlicui,  that  the  treaty  was  not  yet 
broken — wln'u  the  messengers  were  stjut.  Pessacus 
at  first  told  //lem,  that  he  would  attend  the  commis- 
sioners' summons,  and  that  meanwhile  there  should 
be  no  o[)eratious  against  Uncas ;  but  he  soon  afur- 
wards  said,  that  his  mind  was  changed.  They  then 
went  to  Ninigret.  He  expressed  great  discontent  on 
account  of  certain  military  assistance  which  tho 
English  had  sent  to  defend  Uncas ;  and  threatened 
liaughtily,  (said  the  messengers)  that  unless  that  force 
were  withdrawn,  he  should  consider  it  a  violation  of 
the  treaty.  "  lie  would  procure  as  many  Mow- 
hauques  as  the  English  should  afront  [meet]  them 
with,  that  would  lay  the  English  cattell  on  hea[)es  as 
heigh  as  their  houses,  and  no  Englishman  should 
stir  out  of  his  doore  but  he  should  be  killed." 

After  meeting  such  a  reception  here,  the  messen- 
gers were  afraid  to  set  out  for  the  IMohegan  country, 
and  they  therefore  went  back  to  Pessacus,  and  re- 
quested iiim  to  furnish  them  with  a  guide,  lie  offered 
them  an  old  Pequot  squaw — in  derision  (as  tl»ey  sup- 
posed)— and  even  while  they  were  sjieaking,  several 
of  his  Indians  who  stood  close  behind  him,  ap|)eared 
to  them  to  be  frowning  ratlier  grimly,  besides  brand- 
ishing their  hatchets  in  a  most  ominous  manner. 

"  Wherevpon,"  [on  the  return  of  the  messengers] 
says  the  Report,  "the  commissioiK  rs  considering 
the  great  provocations  offered  and  the  necessyty  we 
should  be  put  unto  of  making  warr  vpon  the  JVarro- 
hiscs^ansets  ^"C."  it  was  agreed,"  First,  that  our  engage- 
ment bound  us  to  ayde  and  d«?fende  the  Mohegan 
Sachem.  2dlv,  That  this  avde  could  not  be  intend- 
ed  onely  to  defend  him  and  his  in  his  fort  or  habita- 

T 


t 


li. 


if 


1 


r] 


t 


>iM 


^■ll 


218 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPHY. 


\V' 


con,  but  (according  to  the  common  acceptacoti  of 
such  covenants  or  engagements  considered  with 
the  fraude  or  occasion  thereof)  so  to  ayde  him  aa 
hee  might  be  preserved  in  his  hberty  and  estate. 
Sdly,  That  this  ayde  must  be  speedy  least  he  might 
bee  svi'al lowed  vp  in  the  meane  tyme  and  so  come 
too  late.** 

The  engagement  here  alluded  to  was  made  at 
Hartford  in  tliese  words :  "That  if  they  assualt  Vncua 
the  English  are  engaged  to  assist  him."  Whether 
they  had  assaulted  him  or  not — whether,  if  they  had, 
it  was  under  circumstances  which  started  such  a 
casus  fcederis  as  to  justify  the  English  interference—- 
and  whether,  under  any  circumstances,  the  latter 
could  justify  sending  an  expedition  designed  "  not 
onely  to  ayde  the  Mohegans  but  to  offend  the  Nar- 
rohiggansets  Nyanticks  and  other  their  confede- 
rates"*— need  not  now  be  discussed.  Nor  shall  we 
inquire  whether  any  blame  was  chargeable,  on  the 
other  hand,  to  Uncas,  as  having  himself  secretly  pro- 
voked hostilities — which,  it  may  be  observed,  is  a 
matter  that  in  its  nature  cannot  easily  be  deter- 
mined. 

Preparations  were  made  for  a  war;  but,  at  the 
suggestion  of  some  of  the  Massachusetts  Govern- 
ment, it  was  concluded  to  make  still  another  of- 
fer of  compromise  to  the  Narraghansetts,  returning 
at  the  same  time,  by  way  of  manifesto,  the  present  of 
wampum  *long  since  sent  and  left  by  messengers 
from  Piscus  [Pessacus].'  A  conference  took  place 
between  some  of  the  messengers  and  some  of  the  Sa- 
chems, at  which  M7\  IVilliams  officiated  as  interpreter, 
and  the  result  was  almost  necessarily  pacific.  Seve- 
ral of  the  allegations  of  the  English  (*  which  Bene- 
dict upon  oath  had  formerly  certified*!}  were  denied, 

***  Instructions  for  Serjeant  Major  Edward  Gibbons,  com- 
maunder  in  chief  of  our  military  forces  and  for  such  as  are 
joyned  to  him  as  a  counsell  of  warr."    Hazard. 

■f  Report  of  Commissioners,  1645.  Benedict  Aniold  ia 
bere  referred  to,  a  person  employed  as  messenger  for  a  long 


INDIAN    BIOGBArHY. 


o 


219 


icon  of 
d  with 
him  as 

I  estate. 

e  might 

5o  come 

Tiade  at 
t  Vnciis 
Vhether 
ley  had, 
such  a 
srence— 
16  latter 
ed  "not 
he  Nar- 
lonfede- 
shall  we 
,  on  the 
Btly  pro- 
ed,  is  a 
)e  deter- 

,  at  the 
Govern- 
iher  of- 
3tuming 
esent  of 
3sengers 
>k  place 
rtheSa- 
lerpreter, 
Seve- 
h  Bene- 
denied, 

3ns,  com- 
h  as  are 

4.n)old  is 
r  a  long 


says  the  commissionors'  Report,  a.d  others  excused ; 
and  as  the  tinglish  desired  further  conference,  it  was 
agreed  "that  Pissicus  chiefe-sachem  of  the  Narra- 
ghansetts  and  Mixano  Canownacns  his  eldest  sonn 
and  others  should  forthwith  come  to  Bostone  to 
treat  with  the  commissioners  for  the  restoreing  and 
settleing  of  peace." 

This  promise  was  faithfully  kept.  The  sachems 
just  named,  with  a  Niantick  deputy,  made  their 
appearance  at  Boston  within  a  few  days,  followed 
by  a  long  train  of  attendants.  Some  altercation 
took  place  between  them  and  the  commissioners,  iii 
the  course  of  which  the  latter  charged  them  (as  the 
Report  shows,)  that,  notwithstanding  the  Hartford 
treaty,  "they  had  this  summer  (lt)45)  at  severall  tymea 
invaded  Vncus  &c."  At  length,  with  great  reluc- 
tance, and  "  after  long  debate  and  some  private  con- 
ferrence  they  had  with  Sergeant  Cullicutt  they 
acknowledged  they  had  brooken  promise  or  cove- 
nant in  the  aforemenconed  warrs."  They  then 
offered  to  make  another  truce,  but  that  not  satisfy- 
ing the  commissioners,  they  wished  to  know  what 
would.  Upon  which  the  commissioners,  "to  show 
their  moderacon  required  of  them  but  twoo  thou- 
sand fathome  of  white  wampon  for  their  oune  satis- 
faccon,"  beside  their  restoring  the  boats  and  prison- 
ers taken  from  Uncas,  and  making  reparation  for  all 
damages.  A  treaty,  containing  these  and  other 
stipulations,  and  providing  tliat  the  payment  of 
one  instalment  should  be  made  in  twenty  days,  was 
drawn  up  and  finally  subscribed  by  all  the  deputies. 
Four  hostages  were  given  for  security,  including  a 
son  of  Pessacus ;  the  English  army  was  disbanded ; 
the  sachems  returned  home;  and  the  4th  of  Septem- 
ber, which  had  been  appointed  for  a  fast,  was  now 
ordered  to  be  observed  as  a  day  of  thanksgiving. 


'  m 


Beriea  of  years.  He  seems  to  have  been  in  this  case  the  only 
witness  against  the  Sachems ;  aud  what  his  testimony  amount- 
ed to.»  we  have  aJready  seen. 


i' 


220 


INDIAN    BIOGRAniY. 


\Vc  have  thought  it  thn  Ioph  necpssary  to  specify 
nil  the  provisions  of  this  '  trooty,'  innsinueh  as  the 
riirumstancos  under  which  it  was  made,  amount,  as 
appears  to  us,  to  such  a  dure^^s  as  not  only  must 
liave  jjreatly  exasperated  the  Sachems,  but  clearly 
invalidated  the  treaty  itself.  This  ]K)int,  however, 
we  siiall  leave  to  In;  decided  hy  every  reader  who 
will  trouble  himself  to  becoitie  familiar  with  those 
mimitiai  which  cnimot  here  be  stated.  It  is  sufii- 
eient  to  add,  that  the  ]{<'poit  itself,  as  above  cited, 
shows  the  consideration  (so  to  speak)  upon  which 
the  whole  transaction  was  founded,  to  have  failed, 
or  rather  never  to  hav(*  existed.  The  'acknowledge- 
ments,' indeed,  lik(^  the  agr(  <  nients,  under  the  cir- 
cumslances  w(^  count  nothiii«i;  but  even  these,  as 
the  eorrmiissioiuM's  state  them,  only  intimate  that  the 
Narraghansetts  had  invaded  IJncas  ^ this  summer^ 
— that  is,  (for  aught  we  are  told)  subsequent  to  'plant- 
ing-tyme,'  when  the  Ibrmer  treaty  expired — and  not 
then  without  previous  and  repeated  declarations  to 
the  English,  as  we  hjive  seen,  of  their  intended 
movements.  No  n.marks  need  be  made  upon  the 
invasion  of  the  English,  or  upon  the  requisitions 
on  the  deputies  at  Boston. 

One  provision  of  the  treaty  was,  that  the  Narra- 
ghansetts  should  meet  Uncas  at  New  Haven  ip  1646, 
which  they  failed  to  do,  though  Uncas  himself  at- 
tended the  meeting  of  the  commissioners  at  that 
place.  Nor  did  they  make  their  payments  of  wam- 
pum according  to  promise.  Three  instalments,  to 
the  amount  of  one  thousand  three  hundred  fathoms, 
being  now  due,  they  sent  into  Boston  one  hundred 
fathoms — mostly,  it  is  said  in  '  old  kettles  ' — excusing 
themselves  on  tlie  score  of  poverty  and  the  failure 
of  the  Nianticks  to  contribute  their  proportion.  So 
small  a  sum  the  commissioners  would  not  accept ; 
and  the  messengers  who  brought  it  therefore  sold 
their  kettles  to  a  Boston  brazier,  and  deposited  the 
money  in  his  hands,  to  be  paid  over  when  they 
should  bring  the  residue  of  the  debt.    Messengers 


specify 
I  as  the 
ount,  as 
y  must 

clearly 
owever, 
or  who 
h  those 
is  suffi- 
ce cited, 

which 
e  failed, 
wlcd^c- 
tlie  cir- 
!i('se,  as 
that  the 
ummer ' 

*plant- 
and  not 
ions  to 
itended 
pon  the 
lisitions 

Narra- 
n  1646, 
self  at- 
at  that 
"  wam- 
ents,  to 
ithoms, 
undred 
censing 

failure 
m.  So 
accept ; 
re  sold 
ted  the 
n  they 
jengers 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPHY. 


were  sent  for  Pessacus,  but  he  failed  to  mfr  f»  his 
appearance. 

The  summons  being  repeated  in  1647,  on  the 
31st  of  Jidy,  "Thomas  Stanton  returned  with 
Pessacks  answere  as  following^.  Pes8ack  being 
charged  for  not  meeting  the  conmiissioners  at  New 
Haven  the  last  yeare,  his  answere  was,  he  had  no 
warninge.  It  is  true,  said  he,  I  have  broken  my 
covenant  these  two  years,  and  it  is  and  hath  been 
the  constant  griefe  of  my  spirit  2dly,  The  reason 
why  he  doth  not  come  at  this  time  is,  because  he 
hath  bene  sickc  and  is  now  sicke ;  had  I  bene  but 
pretty  well,  said  he,  I  would  have  come  to  them." 
He  also  stated,  that  he  when  the  last  treaty  was  madt, 
he  had  acted  in  fear  of  the  Kn^lish  army  ;*  and  he 
proposed  to  send  Ninigret  to  Boston  Ibrthwith,  with 
full  authority  to  treat  in  his  own  name. 

Ninigret  accordingly  came  on  the  3d  of  AugusL 
When  the  commissioners  demanded  an  explanation 
of  his  past  defaults,  he  at  first  affected  ignorance  of 
what  agreements  had  been  made  by  the  Narraghan- 
Bctts.  He  then  argued  the  matter,  and  inquired 
upon  what  pretence  the  alleged  debt  was  originally 
founded.  He  was  reminded  of  all  the  old  subject* 
of  complaint,  including  his  own  declarations  of  hos- 
tility towards  the  English,  In  respect  to  the  latter, 
he  said  that  the  messengers  had  given  him  provo- 
cation. As  to  the  money,  he  considered  it  impossible 
ever  to  pay  it,  but  nevertheless  wished  to  know  how 
the  reckoning  now  stood.  It  appeared,  on  exami- 
nation, that  Pessacus  had  paid  seventy  fathoms  of 
wampum  the  first  yean    As  for  the  kettles  sold  to 

*  Report  of  the  comin.  for  1647.  "  He  doth  say  when  he 
made  his  covenant  he  did  it  iu  feare  of  tiie  army  that  he  did 
see,  and  tho'  tlie  English  kept  their  covenant  with  him  there 
and  let  him  go  from  them,  yet  the  army  was  to  goe  to  Narra- 
gensett  ynunediateiy  and  kill  him  there,  therefore  said  the 
commissioners  sett  your  hands  to  such  and  such  things  or  ek 
the  army  shall  goe  forth  to  the  Narragensetts."  ExceUentljr 
u-ell£tated! 

T2 


i! 


h  A\ 


I 


ii 


'fil^ 


'm>- 


I 


222 


INDIAN    niOGRAPIIY. 


ihi'  brnzior**,  tlint  nroprrty  Imd  sinco  born  nttaclird 
by  one  Woddy,  a  lioston  nian,  for  pDods  stolfii  from 
liiin  l)y  n  Narrai,'hans(iit  Iiidian.  Nini^rret  oxreptod 
to  thiH  prorodnro.  It  was  n»*ithf>r  tho  proportyof 
IN'HsaruH,  ho  said,  nor  of  the  thiof ;  it  was  deposited 
as  part  payment  of  the  debt,  and  on;;ht  so  to  be  rc- 
oeived.  Ilavin;;  pained  tliis  point,  he  next  proposed 
tliat  eredit  shonid  be  given  him  for  one  hnndred  and 
five  fathoms,  sent  l)y  the  hand  of  an  Indian  named 
Cntehamaquin.*  It  was  rejoined,  that  the  snm  refer- 
red to  had  been  intended  as  a  |)resent  to  the  Gover- 
nor. Ninign^t,  "  behip;  pressed  to  chare  Ihe  miestione 
himselfej  he  answered^  his  tou7}2:e  should  not  hebje  his 
hearty  let  the  debt  be  satiffJed  at  it  may — he  intended  it 
for  the  Governnvrey  \\o  liad  sent  ten  fatlionis  to 
Cntehnmaqnin  for  his  own  troubh» ;  bnt  that  eovetona 
Indian,  nnsatisfied  with  so  fiheral  a  commission,  had 
appropriated  all  biit  Ibrty-five  fathoms  to  his  own 
nse  and  'lied'  abont  the  residne.  The  facts  came  ont 
upon  a  cross-examination,  institnted  by  Ninigret 
in  presence  of  the  commissioners.f 


*  Wliorn  wc  suppose  to  be  tiic  Sacliem  of  Rrai»)trec,  (near 
Boston),  po  well  ki)o\vn  (or  his  violent  opposition  to  Mr.  El- 
liot's pvt!!irlniit(,  and  callod  uIho  Kiiohinukin  and  some  half 
i]o7,on  other  nainrs.  Ho  fjuhniittod  to  the  Mapsaciiusetts 
Government  in  1643.  Noal  says',  that  soon  after  his  appear- 
\ws,  at  Mr.  Klliot's  Icrturc,  and  nrotestintf  against  the  huildinjj 
of  a  town  for  tiio  Christian  Indians  in  what  he  considered  his 
dominions,  '  he  himself  turned  Christian.'  But  that  reverend 
missionary  does  not  himself  state  (juite  so  mucli.  In  that  old 
tract,  The  Light  Appkaring  &c.  he  says,  that  after  a 
certain  pungent  discourse  whidj  ho  took  occasion  to  level  at  the 
S»uchern,  and  not  long  after  his  remonstrance  just  mentioned, 
*'  Elder  Heath  his  observation  of  him  was,  that  there  was  a 
great  change  in  him,  his  spirit  was  very  much  lightned,  and 
it  much  appeared  both  In  his  countenance  and  carriage,  and 
he  hath  carried  all  things  fairly  ever  since."  We  are 
glad  to  leave  him  thus — he  died  soon  after  his  reformation. 

t  Hazard  Vol.  H.  p.  80  ((juarto  3d.  Phil.  1794)  "  Hereupon 
Cutchamaquin  was  sent  for  and  before  Ninegrate  questioned 
&r.     He  at  first  persisted,  and  added  to  his  lyes,  but  was  at  last 


INDIAN    niOOUAPIir. 


fittafliod 
f'li  from 
xreptfd 
porty  of 
i"|K)site(l 
I)  bo  re- 
irojjosed 
Irpil  and 

nainod 
in  roft'r- 

Govor- 
mestione 
jeh/e  his 
ended  it 
lioniH  to 
•ovetoiifl 
ion,  had 
lis  own 
arno  out 
Vinigret 


pc,  (near 

Mr.  El- 
)mo  half 
achusetts 
1  appoar- 

huildiii«T 
lered  his 
roverend 

that  old 
t  after  a 
vc\  at  the 

ntioned, 
n  was  a 
led,  and 
ige,  and 

We  are 
ition. 
lereupon 
lestioned 
IS  at  last 


ITp  tlion  ask«Ml  time  to  jrivo  in  his  final  answer,  und 
tho  commissioners  allowed  him  a  day.  Having  eon- 
Rulted  meanwhile  with  his  ('om|mnions,  he  appear- 
ed the  next  morning  a^min.  He  was  sorry  to  tind, 
he  said,  that  the  lHird<;n  of  the  business  had  beeti 
Bhilled  from  the  shoulders  of  Pessaeus  upon  his  own, 
but  he  had  determined  to  do  what  he  eould  ;  and 
be  would  tlnTetbre  send  some  of  his  men  home  to 
eolleet  th«^  arrears  due  to  tin;  Knj^lish.  In  the  eourso 
of  three  days  he  should  know  tlie  result,  and  in  ten 
bo  thou^rht  the  wampum  mi^ht  be  forwarded,  lie 
woidd  himself  remain  at  Boston  till  that  time,  and 
send  word  to  the  Narraj^hansetts  of  the  arrangement. 
"But  if  the  collection,"  he  added,  "shouhl  fall  >^bort 
of  the  sum  due,  he  desired  some  forbearance,  being 
sure  that  the  residue  would  be  shortly  paid,  and  that 
the  English  would  at  all  events  perceive  his  great 
desire  to  give  them  entire  satislaction."  The  cotn- 
inissionei-s  accepted  these  i)roposaIs,  and  Ninigret 
despatched  bis  messenger. 

They  returned  on  the  lOth  of  tlie  month,  but 
brought  only  two  himdred  fathom  of  wam[)iun.  The 
conunissoners  complained  of  this  new  default,  and 
Ninigret  wtus  a  little  embarrassed.  He  said,  it  must 
be  owing  to  his  own  absence ;  but  as  it  was,  be 
wished  that  the  wampum  intended,  but  not  yet  re- 
ceived, as  a  present  to  the  Governor,  should  go  in  part 
payment  of  the  tU^bt.  For  the  remainder,  he  desired 
a  respite  till  the  next  spring,  when,  if  it  were  not  fully 
paid,  the  English  shoidd  have  bis  country  and  his 
head.*     The  commissioners  accordingly   gave  him 

convinced  l)y   Ninegrate  &c.'*     A  good  illustralion  of  the  im- 
propriety of  giving  implicit  credit  in  such  (;as(!S. 

*The  account,  which  may  be  confcidered  a  curiosity,  now 
Btood  thus. 

Mr.  Pf  Uiiim  received allmost  two  veares  since,  >    «a  r  .u 

1  .    ^        ■   ■        ir         >    70  lutnouie 

above  what  was  given  Vncus  ^ 

Left  by  the  Narraghaiwetts  in  Mr.  Slirimpton's  )    -«  fithome 

hands,  in  kettles  and  wampum  5 

In  Cutchamoqvin's  hands  by  Ninegrett  105  do 


M 


,  t 


If 


il 

'l 
•I 


I    ■. 


224 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPHY. 


I 


m 


leave  to  return  home,  and  allowerl  him  twenty  daya 
for  sending  in  one  thousand  fathoms  ;  if  he  failed,  he 
must  suffer  the  consequences.  If  he  did  what  he 
could,  and  Pessacvs  failed,  as  heretofore  he  had  done, 
they  should  punish  him,  and  expect  Ninigret's  as- 
sistance. 

At  their  meeting  in  1648,  the  commissioners  re- 
ceived information  of  new  movements  of  Pessacus 
and  Ninigret,  in  disturhance  of  tlie  common  peace. 
Both  sachems  were  said  to  be  withdrawing  their  old 
men,  women  and  children  into  swamps,  hiding  tlieir 
corn,  and  preparing  for  the  reception  of  the  Mohawk, 
whom  they  had  engaged  to  assist  them.  The  inva- 
ding army  was  to  consist  of  eight  hundred  men.  The 
Mohawks  had  four  hundred  guns,  and  three  [>ounds 
of  powder  to  a  gun.  Ninigret  iiad  made  inquiry 
whether  the  English  would  probably  defend  Uncas, 
and  seemed  to  calculate,  in  that  case,  upon  the  ne- 
cessity of  figliting  them.  The  Pocomtock  tribe  were 
also  engaged  to  assist  him.  But  both  these  and  the 
Mohawks  were  finally  discouraged  from  under- 
taking the  expedition,  by  the  prospect  of  having  to 
contend  with  the  English. 

But  depredations  were  soon  afler  committed  by 
some  of  the  Narraghansetts  upon  the  English  ;  and 
as  for  Uncas,  the  hostility  against  him  was  carried  so 
far,  that  he  came  very  near  lo'ing  his  life  by  an 
Indian  hired  to  assassinate  him,  having  been  run 
through  the  breast  with  a  sword,  as  he  was  going 
on  board  a  vessel  in  the  river  Thames.  At  the  com- 
missioners' meeting  in  1G49,  he  appeared,  laid  hia 
complaints  before  them,  and  demanded  the  protection 
of  his  ally.  Ninigret  also  presented  himself  As  to 
hiring  the  Indian  to  assassinate  Uncas,  he  observed, 
the  confession  of  the  criminal  himself  was  the  only 


'1  ^ 

evidence  in  the  case,  and  that  was  forced  from  him 

'4' 

Received  of  Ninegrett  16.  Aug.  1647.                  24&3  do 
The  aura  being                                                    448;. 

(' 


ty  daya 
iled,  he 
^hut  he 
id  done, 

et'a  as- 

lers  re- 
essacus 
peace, 
beir  old 
ig  tlieir 
ohawk, 
le  inva- 
The 
pounds 
uiquiiy 
Uncas, 
he  ne- 
)e  were 
ind  the 
under- 
lying to 

tted  by 
li ;  and 
Tied  so 

by  an 
en  run 
}  going 
e  corn- 
aid  his 
•tection 

As  to 
served, 
le  only 
m  him 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPHY; 


225 


by  the  Mohegans.  As  to  the  arrears  of  wampum,  of 
which  much  was  said,  he  thought  there  had  been  a 
mistake  in  the  measure,  and  that  "^luy  two  hundred 
fathoms  were  due,  while  the  English  at  this  time  ac- 
knowledged the  receipt  of  only  one  thousand  five 
hundred  twenty-nine  and  a  half  in  ths  whole.  But 
the  commissioners  were  dissatisfied  with  his  answer  ; 
and  they  therefore  once  more  set  themselves  to  mak- 
ing vigorous  preparations  for  war. 

The  measures  adopted  in  1G50,  may  be  learned 
from  the  following  passjige  of  the  commissioner's 
record  for  that  year.  "  Taking  into  consideration 
the  seueral  oflTensiue  practices  of  the  Narraghausctts 
whereby  they  have  broken  their  couenents  and  en- 
deauoured  to  disturbe  the  peace  betweene  the  English 
and  themselves ;  and  how  they  yet  delay  to  pay  the 
wampum  which  hath  been  so  long  due  [having  sent 
but  one  hundred  fathom  since  the  last  meeting  at 
Boston :]  it  was  therefore  thought  meet  to  keepe  the 
colonies  from  falling  into  contempt  among  the  Indi- 
ans, and  to  preuent  their  itnprouing  said  wampum 
to  hire  other  Indians  to  joyne  with  themselves  against 
vs  or  Vncas,  that  twenty  men  well  armed  bee  sent 
out  of  the  Jurisdiccon  of  Massachusetts  to  Pessicus 
to  demand  the  said  Wampum  wliich  is  three  hundred 
and  eight  fathom,  and  vpon  Refusall  or  Delay  to 
take  the  same  or  to  the  Vallew  thereof  in  the  best 
goods  they  can  find  ;  Together  with  so  much  as  will 
satisfy  for  their  charges  &c." 

The  messengers  were  farther  instructed  to  go  to 
Ninigret,  and  make  the  following  complaints.  1. 
That  the  commissioners  were  told  he  had  married 
his  daughter  to  the  brother  of  the  old  Pequot  chief, 
Sassacus,  and  had  made  some  pretensions  to  the 
Pequot  territory.  2.  That  fVeekwash  Cooke  had 
complained  to  them  of  certain  grievances  received  at 
his  hands.  3.  "That  about  twelve  years  sence  a 
Mare  belonging  to  Elty  Pomary  of  Winsor  in  Con- 
necticatt  was  killed  wilfully  by  Pequiam  aNyantick 
Indian  brother  to  Ninegrett  which  Mai'c  cost  tvventy- 


u^i 


it 


a      j:: 


I: 


\. 


'% 


Al' 


P  t'  'I 


226 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPHY. 


li 


i  il  .'  V\ 


nine  pounds,  for  which  satisfaccon  hath  often  been  re- 
quired."&c.  They  were  then  to  demand  payment 
of  all  charges  due  the  English,  and  as  also  categorical 
answers  to  a  certain  list  of  questions. 

The  party  sent  out  by  Massachusetts  in  pursuance 
of  these  orders  was  commanded  by  Major  Atherton. 
On  meeting  with  Pessacus,  and  stating  the  purpo- 
ses of  his  visit,  some  altercation  ensued.  As  the 
Narraghansett  warriors  meanwhile  appeared  to  be 
collecting  around  him,  Atherton  marched  directly  to 
the  door  of  his  wigwam,  posted  a  guard  there,  enter- 
ed himself  with  his  pistol  in  hand,  seized  Pessacus 
by  his  hair,  and  drawing  him  out  from  among  his 
attendants,  declared  he  would  despatch  him  instantly 
on  perceiving  the  least  attempt  for  his  rescue.  This 
bold  stroke  made  such  an  impression,  that  all  arreara- 
ges were  paid  on  the  spot.  Atherton  then  visited  Nin- 
igret,  and  having  stated  the  accusations,  suspicions 
and  threats  of  the  commissioners — though  without 
obtaining  any  farther  satisfaction — returned  home.* 

In  1G53,  the  commissioners  sent  messengers  to 
dem.ind  of  Ninigret,  Pessicus  and  Mexham,  answers 
to  the  following  questions.  They  are  given  in  full, 
as  a  curious  illustration  both  of  the  policy  of  the  for- 
mer and  the  character  of  the  latter.  The  object  and 
occasion  are  sufficiently  manifest  on  the  face  of  them, 

1.  Whether  the  Duch  Governor  hath  engaged  him 
[Nini*»ret]  and  others  to  healp  them  to  light  against 
the  English,  and  how  many  ? 

2.  Whether  the  Duch  Governor  did  not  attempt 
Buch  a  Conspiracy  ? 

3.  Whether  hee  [Ninigret]  hath  not  received  of  the 
Duch  Governor  guns  powder  bullets  and  swords  or 
any  ammunition  to  that  end;  and  how  much  or 
many  of  the  said  provision  for  warr.^ 

4.  What  other  sachems  or  Indians  to  his  Knowl- 
idsr  that  are  so  pnomo-pn  ? 


»gag€ 


i\ 


*  Trumbull's  expression  is — *•  Having  in  this  spirited  man- 
ner Accomplished  his  lusinesa^  he  returned  in  safety."  Hit' 
tory  of  Conn.  Vol.  L 


been  re- 
laymeiit 
Bgorical 

rsuance 
therton. 
purpo- 
As  the 
d  to  be 
ectly  to 
J,  enter- 
'cssacus 
long  his 
iistantly 
.  This 
arreara- 
ed  Niii- 
spicions 
without 
home.* 
igers  to 
Hiswers 
in  full, 
the  for- 
ect  and 
>f  them, 
fed  him 
against 

attempt 

d  of  the 
ords  or 
uch  or 

Knowl- 


ted  inan- 


INDIAN   BIOGRAPIIV. 


227 


5.  Whether  himselfe  or  the  Rest  are  Resolved  ac- 
cording to  theire  engagement  to  fight  against  the 
Enghsh  ? 

6.  If  hee  bee  Resolved  of  his  way  what  he  thinks 
the  English  will  do  ? 

7.  Whether  it  bee  not  safest  for  him  and  his  men 
to  be  true  to  the  English  ? 

8.  Whether  the  Duch  hath  engaged  to  healp  him 
and  the  Rest  of  the  Indians  against  the  EngUsh? 

9.  If  hee  haue  engaged  against  us  to  aske  vpon 
what  grounds  and  what  wrong  wee  haue  donn  him  ? 

10.  Whether  hee  thinks  it  meet  to  com  or  send 
hi£,  messengers  to  give  satisfaction  concerning  these 
queries  ? 

11.  Whether  hee  hath  hiered  the  Mohakes  to  healp 
him  against  us  ? 

The  answer  of  Mexham,  as  reported  by  the  mes- 
sengers, to  the  first  question,  was  thus.  "I  speak 
vnfeignedly  from  my  hart  without  Dessimulation  that 
I  know  of  noe  such  plott  that  is  intended  or  ploted 
by  the  Duch  Governour  against  the  English  my 
frinds.  Tliough  I  bee  poor  it  is  not  goods  guns 
powder  nor  shottthat  shall  draw  mee  to  such  a  plott." 
ressacus  said,  "I  am  very  thankfull  to  these  two 
men  that  came  from  the  Massachusetts  and  to  you 
Thomas  and  to  you  Poll  and  to  you  Mr.  Smith  that 
are  come  soe  fare  as  from  the  Bay  to  bring  vs  this 
message,  and  to  enforme  vs  of  these  things  wcc  knew 
not  of  before^ 

To  the  second,  Mexham  answered  *  No.'  Pessacus 
said,  "that  for  the  Governor  of  the  Duch,  wee  are 
loth  to  Iniient  any  falsehood  of  him^  though  we  bee 
far  off  from  him,  to  please  the  English  or  any  other 
that  bring  these  Reports.  The  Duch  Governor  did 
never  propound  such  a  thing."  He  also  represented 
the  evident  folly  o^his  leagueing  with  a  remote  people 
against  his  nearest  neighbors.  He  gave  a  negative 
to  the  fifth  question.  The  sixth  he  supposed  to 
be  already  answered.  To  the  seventh,  he  said, 
"wee  desire   to  keepe   it   [peace]  feirmly  to  our 


1 
4.1 


/; 


% 


i 


H 


228 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPIIY. 


:t.     i . 


I 


charge 


dieing  day  as  neare  as  we  can."  The  eighth  and 
nhith,  both  Mexhani  and  Pessacus  thought  they  had 
answered  already.  As  to  the  tenth,  they  rephed, 
that  Pessacus  was  too  old*  to  "trauell  two  dales 
togetlier,  hut  they  wouhl  send  some  men  into  the 
Massachusetts  to  speak  with  [tell]  the  Sachems  that 
they  had  sent  to  Mr.  Smith  and  Voll  his  man  to 
spcake  to  Mr.  Browne  that  they  loved  the  English 
sachems  and  all  English  in  the  Bay."  The 
implied  in  the  last  query  they  absolutely  denied. 

The  answers  of  Ninigret,  which  were  given  sepa- 
rately, are  the  more  worthy  of  notice  that  he  was 
known  to  have  visited  New  York  during  the  previous 
v/inter,  and  had  been  accused  by  various  Indians, 
including  some  of  the  Mohegans,  of  having  formed 
an  alliance  with  the  Dutch  against  the  English.  He 
utterly  disclaimed  such  conduct.  "  But,"  he  added, 
"  whiles  I  was  there  att  the  Indian  Wigwames  there 
cam  som  Indians  that  told  mee  there  was  a  shipp 
com  in  from  Holland,  which  did  report  the  English 
and  Duch  were  fighting  together  in  theire  owns 
countrey,  and  theire  were  severall  other  shippes 
cominge  with  amunition  to  fight  against  the  English 
heer,  and  that  there  would  bee  a  great  blow  given  to 
them,  but  this  (said  he,)  /  had  from  the  Indians^  and  I 
cannot  tell  how  true  it  is."  Next,  four  queries  were 
answered  in  the  negative.  As  to  the  sixth,  "  What 
shall  I  answare  these  things  over  and  over  again  ? 
What  doe  the  English  thinke  that  I  thinke  they  bee 
asleep  and  suffer  mee  to  do  them  wronge  ?  Doe  we 
not  know  they  are  not  a  sleepy  people  ?  The  English 
make  queries  for  gunpowder,  and  shot  and  swords. 
Do  they  thinke  wee  are  mad  to  sell  our  lieus  and  the 
Hues  of  all  our  wiues  and  children  and  all  our  kin- 
dred, and  to  haue  our  countrey  destroyed  for  a  few 
guns  powder  shott  and  swords?  What  will  they 
doe  vs  good  when  wee  are  dead  ? "  The  eighth, 
ninth,  and  eleventh,  were  denied.  To  the  seventh  he 

*  Probably  meant  for  too  ill. 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPHY. 


229 


lith  and 
hey  bad 
replied, 

0  dales 
into  the 
uis  that 
man  to 
Etiglish 

charge 
ied. 
;n  sepa- 

he  was 
previous 
Indians, 
:  formed 
sli.     He 

1  added, 
es  tliere 
a  shipp 
English 
•e  owne 

shippes 
English 
given  to 
iSf  and  I 
les  were 
«  What 

again  ? 
hey  bee 
Doe  we 
English 
swords, 
and  the 
ur  kin- 
r  a  few 
ill  they 

eighth, 
enth  he 


replied,  that  he  knew  no  reason  for  breaking  his 
league  with  his  old  friends  the  EngHsh  ;  and  why 
should  he  ally  himself  to  a  few  Dutchmen,  so  fiir  off, 
when  he  lived  next  door  to  them  ?  The  answer  to 
the  tenth  would  puzzle  the  most  mystifying  politician 
of  modern  times.  "  It  being  indifferently  sfxiken 
whether  hee  may  goe  or  send  yet  bee  knowing 
nothing  by  himselfe  wherein  hee  hath  wronged  the 
English  but  that  hee  may  goe  yet  being  In(liff(;rently 
spoken  hee  would  send  to  speak  with  the  Englisii."* 

Letters  having  been  also  sent  to  the  sachems 
from  the  commissioners,  Pessacus  and  Mcxham  sent 
word  in  return,  that  they  wished  for  a  good  under- 
standing, and  hoped  it  might  be  preserved.  They 
requested,  furthermore,  that  the  English  would  make 
known  the  names  of  their  accusers^  and  the  other 
sources  of  their  information  respecting  their  alleged 
league  with  the  Dutch.     Ninigret  replied  as  follows  : 

"  You  are  kindly  vvelcom  to  vsand  I  kindly  ihanke 
the  Sachems  [magistrates]  of  the  Massachusetts  that 
they  would  Nominate  my  Name  amongst  the  other 
to  require  my  answare  to  the  propositions  :  had  any 
of  the  other  Sachems  been  att  the  Duch  I  should 
have  feared  theire  folly  might  have  donn  some  hurt 
one  way  or  other,  but  they  have  not  been  there.  1 
am  the  Man  that  haue  bene  there  my  self c^  therefore  1 
must  answare  for  what  Thaue  doun.  I  doe  utterley 
deney  and  protest  against  any  such  acteings  doun  by 
mee  or  to  my  knowlidge  att  or  with  the  Duch. 
What  is  the  story  of  these  great  Rumers  that  I  hear  att 
Pocatockej  that  I  should  bee  cut  off  and  that  the  English 
had  a  quarrdl  against  mee.  I  know  of  noe  such  cause 
att  all  for  my  parte.  Is  it  because  I  went  thither  to  take 
Phisicke  for  my  healthe  ?  Or  what  is  the  cause  I 
found  noe  such  entertainment  from  the  Duch  Gov- 
ernour,  when  I  was  there  to  giue  mee  any  Incor- 

*  We  copy  punctuatim,  from  the  Records  of  the  United 
Colonies,  as  preserved  in  Hazard's  Collections.  Perhaps  the 
Interpreter  was  to  blame  for  this  problematical  sentence. 

u 


! 


i 


It  M 


I 


p 


230 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPHY. 


ragement  to  sturr  mee  upp  to  such  a  lea^e  against 
the  English  my  frienHs.  It  was  winter-time,  and  I 
stood  a  great  parte  of  a  day  knocking  at  the  Govern- 
or's dore,  and  he  would  neither  open  it  nor  suffer 
others  open  it  to  lett  mee  in.  I  was  not  wont  to  find 
such  carriage  from  the  Eng^'"h  my  frinds."  The 
messenger  promised  to  be  sent  by  Pessacus  was  sent 
accordingly.  The  English  examined  bun  very 
closely,  but  ascertained  nothing  new 


INDIAN   BIOGRAFHT. 


231 


CHAPTER  XII. 

Sequel  of  the  lives  of  Ninigret  and  Pe?sacuB,  from  1653— 
Various  accusations,  dcpututions,  and  hostile  uioveiitcnts 
between  them  and  the  English- -Controversy  iHJtween  Nini- 
gret and  Harmon  Garrett — Application  for  justice  in  1675— 
Conduct  of  Ninigret  in  Philip's  VVar« — Consequence?  of  it — 
His  death — Death  of  Pessacus — Some  of  the  charges  against 
the  former  considered — His  hostility  to  Uncas,  and  the 
Long  Islanders,  and '  League  witli  tlie  Dutch' — Remarks  on 
his  character. 


In  September,  1G53,  new  complaints  were  made 
against  the  Narra^liansett  and  Niantick  Sachems. 
It  was  reported  to  the  commissioners,  that  they  had 
attacked  the  Long  Island  Indians,  and  slain  two 
Sachems  and  thirty  others.  Tliis  was  deemed  a  case 
requiring  their  interference ;  and  niessengere  were 
forthwith  despatched  as  usual,  to  demand  explanation 
and  satisfaction,  on  penalty  that  the  commissioners 
would  otherwise  "  proceed  as  th(?y  should  find  cause." 
These  men  executed  their  errand,  and  returned  on 
the  19th  of  the  month.  According  to  their  own 
account,  they  were  not  very  graciously  received,  as 
indeed  it  was  hardly  to  be  expected  they  should  be. 

They  declared  upon  oath  that,  on  entering  the 
Niantick  country,  they  saw  about  forty  or  fifty 
Indians,  all  in  arms,  who  came  up  to  them  as  they 
rode  by  ;  and  the  leader  having  a  gun  in  his  liand, 
**  did,  in  the  presence  of  Thomas  Staunton  Serjeant 
Waite  and  Vallentyne  Whitman,  put  his  hand  back 
as  if  hee  would  have  cocked  it ;  Richard  Waite  said 
this  man  will  shoote;  whervpon  the  English  men 
faced  about,  Rode  vp  to  the  said  Indians,  asked  what 
they  intended  to  doe  and  bedd  them  goe  before, 
which  some  of  them  did  but  others  would  not ;  and 
particularly  the  said  Captaine  Refused.  The  English 
rode  on  in  the  way  towards  Ninigrett,  but  coming  vp 
into  the  Woods,  the  former  company  of  Indians  first 


232 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPHY. 


'*  i 


fell  on  shouting  in  a  triumphing  way.  After  the 
Enghsh  Messengers  came  to  a  greater  company  of 
Indiana  all  armed,  whoe  comaund  them  to  stand  to 
ahght  and  to  tye  there  horses  to  a  tree  showed  them, 
which  the  Messengers  refused  to  doe.  The  Indians 
then  strove  to  hecompase  the  English,  which  they 
would  not  suffer,  hut  being  Informed  that  Ninnigrett 
would  come  thither  they  stayed  awhile,  but  Ninnigrett 
not  coming  the  English  tould  the  Indians  that  if  they 
might  neither  passe  nor  Ninnigrett  come  then  they 
would  return  home.  The  Indians  answared  hee 
would  com  presently,  but  hee  not  coming  the  English 
rode  forward  and  mett  Ninnigrett ;  the  Indians  run- 
ning on  both  sides  hollowing,  the  English  Messen- 
gers made  a  stand,  when  they  mett  Ninnigrett  have- 
ing  many  armed  men  with  him  and  him  selfe  a  pistol! 
in  his  hand.  Ninnigrett  sat  doune  and  desired  them 
to  alight  which  they  did.  The  Indians  then  sur- 
rounded them  and  som  of  them  charged  their  guns 
with  powder  and  bullets  and  som  primed  their  guns. 
The  English  in  the  meen  time  delivering  their  mes- 
sage to  Ninnigrett  his  men  were  so  Tumultus  in 
speaking  especially  one  whoe  they  said  was  a  Mo- 
hauke  that  they  were  much  desturbed."* 

The  messengers  were  afterwards  informed  by  one 
of  Ninigret's  chief  men,  "  tliat  the  aforementioned 
Mohauke  came  to  see  what  news,  for  they  heard  that 
the  English  toere  coming  to  warr  against  the  JVarra- 
ghansdtSf  which  if  true  the  Mohaukes  take  what  is 
doun  against  the  Narraghansetts  as  doun  against 
themselues."  After  leaving  Ninigret,  two  Indians, 
with  bows  and  arrows  in  their  hands,  came  running 
out  of  the  woods,  and  roughly  demanded  of  Staunton 
whither  he  was  going,  when  he  was  coming  back, 
and  which  way  he  should  come. — Upon  this  report, 
the  commissioners  decided  to  make  war  at  once, 
with  the  exception   of  Mr.  Bradstreet  alone,  (the 

*  Thjs  Valentyne  is  apparently  the  eaine  whom  Ninigret 
familiarly  called  *  VoU/  and  another  chief,  *  Poll.* 


I 

I 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPIIV. 


233 


Vfter  the 
ipnny  of 
stand  to 
Bfl  them, 
Indians 
ich  they 
innigrett 
nmigrett 
It  if  they 
»en  they 
red   hee 
English 
ans  run- 
Messen- 
}tt  have- 
a  pistoll 
ed  them 
len  sur- 
Bir  guns 
nr  guns, 
jir  mes- 
ultus  in 
}  a  Mo- 
by one 
ntioned 
2rd  that 
JVdrra- 
what  is 
against 
ndianS) 
unning 
aunton 
^  back, 
report, 
t  once, 
e,  (the 

Vinigret 


member  from  Massachusetts,)  who  protested  against 
such  a  proceeding,  and  thereby  prevented  it. 

In  1654,  the  commissioners  were  informed,  that 
Ninigret  was  not  only  pro8e(!uting  hostilities  against 
the  Long-Island  Indians  as  before,  but  had  hired  the 
Mohawks,  Pocomtocks  and  Wampanoags  to  assist 
him.  They  immediately  sent  messengers  demand- 
ing his  appearance  at  Hartford,  and  tlie  payment  of 
the  tribute  so  long  due,  as  they  alleged,  for  the  Pe- 
quots  under  his  dominion.  One  article  in  the  mes- 
senger's instructions  was  expressed  thus.  "That 
vnlesse  hee  either  com  himselfe  forthwithe  to  Hart- 
ford or  give  som  satisfying  securitie  to  the  couunis- 
sioners  for  the  true  aiul  constant  paiment  of  the  said 
Tribute  the  commissioners  shall  thinke  of  some 
course  forthwithe  to  despose  of  the  said  Pequota 
some  other  way."  On  the  18th  of  September,  the 
following  report  was  made  of  the  result  of  the  inter- 
view. 

1.  When  Ninigret  was  told,  that  the  commissioners 
had  perused  the  letter  he  had  sent  to  the  governor  of 
Massachusetts*  concerning  the  suspicions  he  had  of 
Unca^,  he  answered,  that  he  knew  nothing  of  such 
letter,  and  expressed  great  wonder  at  its  being  charg- 
ed upon  him. 

Again,  as  to  the  breach  of  covenant  alleged 
against  him,  he  desired  to  know  who  could  say  that 
he  had  any  Pequots  under  him.  2.  Mr.  Eaton  and 
Mr.  Hopkins,  being  both  at  New  Haven,  had  told 
him  that  he  was  to  pay  for  the  Pequots  only  ten 
years.  And  3.  Those  ten  years  had  elapsed  three 
years  before.f 

*  We  see  no  previous  mention  of  thi3  letter.  It  must  have 
been  one  of  many  cases  where  tlie  commissioners  were  deceived 
by  false  testimony. 

t  Such  an  agreement  was  made  in  1651,  between  the  com- 
missioners, Uncas,  and  some  of  Ninigret 's  men.  The  ten 
years  were  to  commence  with  1650;  but,  probably,  Ninigret 
was  either  uninformed  or  mii?infurmcd  respecting  this  stipula- 
tion. Frequently,  treaties  were  not  understood  even  by  those 
who  Bubicribed  them. 

U2 


;' 


it 


1' 


» 


■t 


a  1 


«! 


fS 


Pi 


234 


INDIAN     BIOGRAPHY. 


'^ 


■\       ^ 


\      I 


3.  In  respect  to  the  Iiong-Islanders  he  answered 
in  the  following  remarkable  manner :  "  Wherfore 
should  he  acquaint  the  commissioners  therewith  when 
the  long-islanders  had  slayne  a  sachem's  son  and 
sixty  other  of  his  men ;  and  therefore  he  will  not 
make  peace  with  the  long-islanders,  but  doth  desire 
the  English  would  lett  him  alone,  and  doth  desire 
that  the  cotnmissioners  would  not  Request  him  to 
goe  to  hartford  :  for  bee  had  doun  noe  hurt  what 
should  he  doe  there ;  bee  had  bene  many  times  in 
the  Bay,  and  when  was  Uncas  there ;  Jonathan 
[the  messenger]  asked  him  whether  he  would  send 
two  or  three  of  his  men  that  might  act  in  his  Rome 
and  steed  if  bee  would  not  goe  him  selfe  bee  answared 
what  should  bee  or  his  men  doe  att  hartford  ;  Add- 
hig  if  youer  Governor's  sonne  were  slayne  and  seu- 
erall  other  men  would  [you]  aske  counsell  of  anoth- 
er Nation  how  and  when  to  Right  yourselves  ;  and 
againe  said  bee  would  not  goe  nor  send  to  Hartford." 

4.  "Concerning  the  vpland  Indians  his  answare 
was  they  are  my  frinds  and  came  to  healp  mee 
against  the  long-islanders  which  had  killed  seuerall 
of  my  men ;  wherfore  should  I  acquaint  the  com- 
missioners with  it;  I  doe  but  Right  my  owne  quarell 
which  the  long-islanders  began  with  mee." 

This  spirited  reply,  alone  sufficient  to  immortalize 
Ninigret,  brought  on  open  war.  A  body  of  troops 
was  raised  in  the  three  united  colonies,  and  sent 
into  the  Niantick  country,  under  Major  Willard  of 
Massachusetts,  with  orders  to  demand  of  Ninigret  the 
Pequots  subject  to  his  control,  the  tribute  already 
due  from  them,  and  also  a  cessation  of  hostilities 
against  the  Indians  of  Long  Island.  On  refusal  to 
comply  with  these  terms,  they  were  to  reduce  him 
to  submission  and  tribute  by  force,  and  take  hostages 
for  security.  The  place  of  general  rendezvous  was 
ap[)ointed  at  Stanton's  house  in  the  Narraghansett 
country.  On  arriving  there.  Major  Willard  found 
that  Ninigret  had  fled  into  a  swamp  ten  or  fifteen 
miles  distant  from  the  army,  leaving  his  country,  com. 


INDIAN     BIOGRAPHY, 


235 


and  w'lj^wnms,  at  the  invader's  niorry.  Mrsscngpni 
were  sent  to  him,  inviting  him  to  a  confrrenro,  and 
pledging?  the  safety  of  his  jxTson.  Ho  returned  an- 
swer lliat  aggressions  had  alnaihf  been  made  upon 
his  territory  and  property,  and  he  did  not  tliink  it 
safe  for  him  to  visit  the  Major.  He  wished  to  know, 
too,  what  had  oecasion<'d  tlie  present  invasion. 
What  had  he  done  to  the  Ki\iJ!;Ush^  that  tliey  heset 
him  in  this  maTiner  ? — Whatever  the  diffieuhy  was, 
he  was  ready  to  settle  it  by  messengers,  but  not  in 
person. 

A  day  or  two  afterwards,  as  lie  was  still  in  close 
quarters,  six  new  messengers  were  sent  to  him,  two 
of  whom,  only,  after  mueh  debate  with  his  guards 
and  scouts,  were  admitted  to  his  own  presence.  They 
began  with  demanding  the  Pequots  ;  to  which  he 
replied,  that  most  of  that  people  hud  left  him  already 
— (nearly  one  hundred  had  deserted  to  the  English 
army — );  and  the  few  that  rejnained  were  hunting 
and  straggling  U|)  and  do  /n  the  country.  He  how- 
ever set  his  mark  to  the  ibllowing  agreement,  dated 
Oct.  18,  1654. 

"  Wheras  the  commissioners  of  the  vnited  colionies 
demaund  by  theire  Messengers  that  I  deliuer  vp  to  the 
English  all  the  captiue  Pequotes  in  my  countrey  I 
heerby  ingage  myselfe  to  surrender  the  said  Pequotes 
within  seuen  daies  to  Mr.  Winthrope  or  Captain 
Mason  Witnesse  mv  hand. 

Witnesse  Thomas  Stanton  and  Vallentine  Whit- 
man Interpretors  Witnesse  alsoe  Thomas  Bligh." 

The  messengers  next  demanded  the  tribute  due 
for  the  Pequots.  He  replied,  that  he  never  engaged 
to  pay  it.  "  Why  then,"  said  they,  "  did  you  pay  it, 
or  i)art  of  it,  at  New  Haven  ?"  "  Because,"  he  readi- 
ly answered,  "  I  feared  they  would  be  taken  from 
nie  if  I  did  not,  and  therefore  made  a  gratuity  out 
of  my  own  wampum  to  |)lease  T/ott."  Being  now 
forbidden  in  the  commissioners'  name,  to  pursue 
hostilities  against  the  Indians  of  Long-Island,  he 
Btood  silent  for  some  time,  and  then  asked  if  it  was 


iff 


M 


\ 


I 


it: 


4 


im.^ 


236 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPHt. 


jii, 


ri|(ht  thnt  his  men— such  mpn— should  lose  their 
livt'H  and  llioir  blood,  aiul  not  be  revenged.  Tlie 
ErijfliHh  obrtrrved,  that  ho  should  have  ofTt'red  his 
CQiri|)iaii)t8  to  the  rornini»sioncrs ;  hut  to  this  he  made 
no  re|)ly ;  nor  yet  to  the  uneeronionious  it"  not 
uncivil  dechmition  of  the  nicsaiTipers,  that  in  case  he 
pave  any  farther  troid>h^  to  any  of  the  friends  of  the 
Enghsh,  they  siiouhl  forthwith  take  the  hberty  to  set 
his  head  upon  u  pole.  The  conference  en(U;d  with 
their  requestinf^  hini  to  pay  the  expenses  of  the 
expe(Htion,  which  lie  refused  to  do  :  "  H«!e  was  not 
the  cause  of  it,  but  loiige-IsUind  Indians  ItilhMl  him  a 
man  att  Connecticott."  Thus  the  aftair  ended.  The 
commander  was  censured  l)y  the  couunissioners,  for 
neglecting  a  good  opportunity  of  humbling  a  trouble- 
some enemy,  but  no  farther  strictures  ensueil.* 
Tiiey  contented  themselves  with  stationing  an  armed 
vessel  in  the  road  between  Neanticut  and  Long- 
Island,  with  orders  to  prevent  hostile  movements  on 
the  part  of  Ninigret,  and  with  encouraging  his 
Indian  adversaries  by  promises  of  English  assistance. 
The  next  year,  Ninigret  continuing  his  attack.s,  they 
thought  themselves  under  obligation  to  furnish  it. 

From  this  time  forward,  there  is  little  of  interest 
in  the  life  either  of  Pessacus  or  Ninigret.  We  hear 
of  them  occasionally,  but  not  much  farther  than  is 
sufficient  to  indicate  their  existence.  Whether  they 
gave  less  reason  to  be  complained  of  than  before,  or 
whether  the  English  at  length  grew  weary  of  send- 
ing messages  to  them,  cannot  be  ascertained ;  but 
there  is  probably  some  truth  in  both  suppositions. 

One  ol'tlie  last  deputations  to  Ninigret,  in  1G56,  was 
occasioned  by  complaints  which  he  made  to  the  Eng- 

*  A  Mss.  private  letter  of  Major  Willurd  is  extant,  (in  tho 
possession  of  Mr.  Shattuck,  autltor  of  a  very  valuable  History 
of  Concord,  which  we  hope  may  l)e  soon  published,)  in  which, 
alluding  to  this  expedition,  he  rather  mysteriously  speaks  of  his 
'hands  being  tied.*  Whether  this  alludes  to  his  general  in- 
structions, or  to  something  more  secret,  every  reader  will  judge 
for  himself. 


»e  their 
I.  Tiie 
'red  liis 
le  made 

n    not 

case  he 
8  of  the 
ty  to  set 
ed  with 

of  the 
was  not 
d  him  a 
J.  The 
iiers,  for 
trouhie- 
uiHiied.* 
\i  armed 
I  Long- 
lents  on 
^iiig  his 
sistance. 
ks,  they 
sh  it. 

interest 
Ve  hear 

than  is 
er  they 
jfore,  or 
)f  sand- 
ed ;  but 
ions. 
156,  was 

le  Eng- 

t,  (in  tho 
History 
n  which, 
iksof  his 
neral  in- 
rill  judg« 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPHY. 


237 


lisli  of  ffrif^vanroH  rerieved  frotn  tho  liOnir-Tslnnderfl. 
He  failed  to  jirove  thcrii  as  allep<'d,  and  the  rojiunis- 
sionors  took  that  occasion  to  reinind  him  of  his  own 
duties  and  deliudts,  in  their  wonted  maimer.  '^Flio 
h'sson  was  repeated  in  Id.")?,  some  atfraysaiid  assaults 
having  meanwhile  occurred,  which  threatem'd  to 
bring  on  more  serious  troubles  ln'tween  the  Indian 
tribes.  The  most  reiriarkabl«!  circumstance  connect- 
ed with  the  deputation  «)f  this  season,  is  the  dissent 
of  theronnnissioners  of  Massachus<'tts,  who  ti'equent- 
ly  had  occasion  to  diHer  with  tlu'ir  associates  in 
regard  to  intercours*^  with  the  Indians.  The  terms 
of  this  opinion,  expressed  in  the  records,  are  worthy 
of  notice,  as  throwing  a  casual  light  on  the  charges 
brought  against  Ninigret. 

"  There  hauing  bine,"  say  they,  "  many  messengers 
to  this  purpose  formerly  sent  from  the  commissionei-s 
to  the  Indian  Sacherns,  but  seldom  obserued  by  them, 
which  now  to  Renew  againe  tvhen  many  complaints 
have  bine  made  against  Vncan  by  seuerall  Sachems  and 
other  Indians  of  his  proud  Insolent  and  prouocking 
speeches  and  Trecherous  actions,  and  with  much  proba- 
bUitie  of  /ru<^,  besides  his  hostile  uttempts  Dt  Potunck 
&c. — seems  vnseasonable  ;  and  can  in  Reason  liavo 
no  other  attendance  in  conclusion  than  to  Render  vs 
to  and  contemptable  in  the  eyes  of  the  Indians,  or  en^a^e 
vs  to  vindecate  our  honer  in  a  dangeroiuie  and  vnes»^ 
sarie  warr  vpon  Indian  quarrells,  the  groun  j's  whereof 
wee  can  hardly  euer  sati^factoryly  vnderstand,  \.c.^* 
There  is  manifestly  great  truth,  as  well  as  some 
severity,  in  this  declaration.  We  may  hereafter  al- 
lude again  to  what  is  said  respecting  Vncas. 

We  now  refer  to  the  instructions  of  messengers 
sent  two  years  after  the  embassy  last  named,  merely 
to  illustrate  the  style  of  diplomacy  which  still  con- 
tinued to  be  used.  They  were  directed  "  to  Repaire 
to  Ninnigrett,  Pessicus,  Woqnocanoote,  and  the  Rest 
of  the  Narraghansett  Sachems,  and  distinctly  and 
clearly  deliuer  to  them  the  following  message."  One 
article  of  complaint  runs  thus: 


* 


''PI 

i 


.  J^ 


238 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPHY. 


"  The  comissioners  doe  require  ninety-five  fath- 
om of  wampam  ordered  by  them  to  bee  payed  the  last 
yeare  for  the  Insolencyes  committed  att  mistress 
Brewster's  feet  to  her  great  affrightment  and  stealing 
corne  &c.  and  other  affronts." 

Again  :  "  The  comissioners  doe  charge  Ninni- 
grett  with  breach  of  couenant  and  high  neglect  of 
theire  order  sent  them  by  Major  fVUlard  six  yeares  since 
not  to  Inuade  the  longe  Hand  Indians ;  and  doe 
account  this  surprising  the  longe-Iland  Indians  att 
Gull  Hand  and  murthering  of  them  to  be  an  insolent 
carriage  to  the  English  and  a  barbarous  and  inhu- 
maine  acte ;  therefore  the  comissioners  haue  pro^ 
videdfor  his  entertainment  at  longe-Iland  if  hee  shall 
dare  further  to  attempt  vpon  them  before  hee  hath 
satisfied  the  comissioners  of  the  justnes  of  his  quar- 
rell,  ordering  the  English  there  to  assist  the  Indiana 
and  driue  him  from  thence."  It  will  be  recollected, 
that  Ninigret  had  always  disclaimed  the  right  of  the 
English  to  interfere  in  this  contest  with  his  neigh- 
bors, though  he  explained  to  them,  so  far  as  to  justify 
himself  on  the  ground  of  having  been  first  aggrieved 
and  attacked  by  his  enemy.  More  recently  he  had 
chosen — probably  for  the  sake  of  keeping  peace  with 
the  English  —  to  make  complaints  to  them ;  but 
because  he  had  failed  to  prove  tliem  ( — and  no  doubt 
they  were  mostly  incapable  of  being  proved,  in  their 
very  nature — )  the  commissioners  had  taken  no  other 
notice  of  his  suit  than  to  send  Thomas  Stanton  and 
others  to  reprimand  him  at  once  for  his  present  in- 
eolence  and  his  old  sins. 

Still,  he  was  not  utterly  discouraged,  for  he  did 
not  invariably  fail  of  having  justice  done  him.  In 
1662,  the  commissioners  being  informed  of  his  in- 
tention to  sell  a  certain  tract  of  land  in  his  actual 
possession,  which  was  nevertheless  claimed  by  one 
Harmon  Garrett,  they  sent  to  him — not  a  message  of 
threats  by  Thomas  Stanton — but  "  a  writing  vnder 
theire  hands  sertifying  the  said  Harmon  Garrett's 
claime,  which  being  made  knowne  to  Ninnigi'etti  the 


ive  fath- 

d  the  last 

mistress 

d  stealing 

B  Ninni- 
egled  of 
ares  since 
and  doe 
dians  att 
I  insolent 
lid  inhu- 
aue  pro- 
liee  shall 
hee  hath 
lis  quar- 
I  Indians 
collected, 
It  of  the 
s  neigh- 
to  justify 
ggrieved 

he  had 
ace  with 
m ;  but 
10  doubt 

in  their 
no  other 
ton  and 
!sent  in- 

he  did 
im.    In 

his  in- 
9  actual 
by  one 
5sage  of 
I  vnder 
rarrett's 
rett|  the 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPHY. 


239 


said  Ninnigrett  by  his  Messengers  to  the  comissionera 
att  theire  last  meeting  att  Plymouth  made  claime  to 
the  said  land,  and  Refered  the  Determination  therof 
to  the  next  meeting  of  the  court  att  Bostoij,  desircing 
that  notice  might  hee  given  to  the  said  hurmon  Garrett 
ait  the  said  Meeting  of  the  comissioners  to  appeer. 

This  honorable  projwsition  was  adopted.  Garrett 
made  his  appearance,  and  Ninigrct  sent  his  attorney 
to  meet  him  at  Boston.  Garrett  stated,  that  his 
father  was  a  great  sachem,  and  was  possessed  of 
the  lands  in  controversy,  and  that  Ninigret  was  the 
said  Sachem's  younger  brother.  On  the  other  side, 
Comman  in  behalf  of  Ninigret,  showed  that  his 
master  was  possessed  of  said  lands  according  to  the 
Indian  custom,  being  allowed  to  be  the  chief  sachem, 
and  having  married  the  sister  of  Harmon  Garrett ; 
and  that  said  Harmon  was  not  of  the  whole  [Nian- 
tick]  blood,  because  his  mother  was  a  stranger. 
This  evidence  was  furnished  orally  by  divers  Narra- 
ghansett  and  Pequot  Indians,  as  also  by  Uncas  and 
others  in  writing.  The  commissioners  decided,  that 
it  was  "not  meet  to  prejudice  the  title  of  Niunigrett, 
being  in  posession  by  any  actc  of  theires,  and  that 
the  writing  giuen  vnder  theire  hand  att  New-hauen 
conserning  harmon  Garrett  bee  not  vnderstood  nor 
made  vse  of  to  prejudice  Niimigi*ett's  title  and  poses- 
sion, but  aduise  all  the  English  to  forbeare  to  disturbs 
Ninnigrett."* 

The  good  effect  of  this  decision  is  to  be  seen  in 
the  almost  total  silence  of  history  in  regard  to  Nini- 
gret for  the  next  twelve  or  thirteen  years,  when  we 
find  him  coming  forward,  confidently  and  amicably, 
in  a  similar  case.  The  particulars  may  be  best 
gathered  from  a  letter  written  by  Mr.  John  Easton, 
(probably  a  magistrate  living  near  the  sachem,)  to  the 
Governor  of  Plymouth  Colony.     It  runs  thus  : 

"  Ninigret,  one  of  the  two  chief  sachems  of  the 
Narraghansetts  in  our  colony,  importuned  me  thus 


if! 


\\1 


S  .1 


i 


^ 


I: 

I 


I* 


M 


*  Records  wf  the  Colonief .    Hazard,  Vol.  II. 


i  1 


240 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPHY. 


to  write  to  you,  that,  as  he  saith,  it  is  the  Indian 
custom  or  law,  that  wlien  any  sachem's  men  are 
driven  and  cast  ashore,  or  tiieir  goods,  upon  any 
other  sachem's  juriscliction,  or  taken  up  by  any  other 
sachem's  men,  tiiat  the  poods  are  to  be  restored  to 
the  sachem  wliose  men  they  were  ;  and  this  spring, 
twelve  Indians,  at  a  time,  were  drowned  in  the  sea, 
coming  from  an  Island,  and  some  of  their  goods 
drove  up  in  your  jurisdiction  at  Dartmouth  ;  and  he 
desireth  you  to  inform  those  Indians  [at  Dartmouth] 
that  they  should  restore  to  him  all  the  goods  of  those 
drowned  that  they  have  got."* 

This  letter  was  written  in  March,  1675,  just  on  the 
eve  of  the  great  war  of  King  Philip.  The  friendly 
disposition  of  Ninigret  was  now  p»it  to  the  test.  The 
Nipmucks,  Nashaways,  Pocontocks,  the  Hadley  and 
Springfield  Indians,  the  Pokanokets  of  Philip,  the 
tribes  of  Maine,  and  still  nearer  home  the  Narraghrii- 
eetts,  were  involved  in  the  conunon  controversy  o " 
the  times.  But  Ninigret  remained  faithful  to  th» 
English  ;  and  though  he  took  no  (lersonal  part  in 
the  war,  some  of  his  warriors  distinguished  them- 
selves more  than  once  by  their  zealous  cooperation 
with  their  allies.  Ninigret  was  one  of  the  signers 
of  the  treaty  of  July,  wherein  the  Narraghansetts 
bound  themselves  to  remain  neutral ;  and  in  October, 
his  counsellor,  Cornman,  signed  a  confirmation  of 
the  same  instrument,  in  his  name,  (at  Boston,)  witli 
an  additional  agreement  to  surrender  up  such  Po- 
kanoket  refugees  as  might  be  found  in  his  territories. 
Several  of  the  Narraghansett  sachems  did  the  same, 
but  Ninigret,  alone,  seems  to  have  maintained  his 
fidelity.  At  all  events,  he  alone  had  the  credit  of  it, 
and  the  consequent  benefit.  The  Narraghansetts 
were  completely  subdued,  and  their  country  overrun 
and  subjected.  The  tribe  and  territory  of  Ninigret 
were  spared ;  and  several  of  their  descendants  were 
living  on  the  premises  so  late  as  1738,  when  few,  if 

*  Sixth  volume  of  tlie  Mass.  His.  Coll.  1st  Series. 


* 


i 


e  Indian 
men  are 
pon  any 
uiy  other 
stored  to 
is  spring, 
1  the  sea, 
ir  goods 
;  and  he 
rtmouth] 
of  those 

St  on  the 
friendly 
St.  The 
(lley  and 
iiip,  the 
•raghnii- 
versy  o  " 
to    till 

part  in 
them- 
f)eration 

signers 
hunsetts 
)ctoher, 
ition  of 
n,J  with 
ich  Po- 
ritories. 
e  same, 
ned  his 
lit  of  it, 
lansetts 
»verrun 
finigret 
ts  were 
few,  if 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPHY. 


241 


any,  of  the  Narraghansett  blood  could  be  found 
within  the  limits  of  Rhode  Island.* 

The  precise  time  of  the  death  of  Ninigrct  is  not 
recorded.  It  is  not  probable  that  he  livrd  long  after 
Philip's  war,  for  two  goofl  reasons.  He  is  rarely  if 
at  all  mentioned,  subsequently ;  and  he  must  have 
been  already  quite  advanced  in  age.  It  was  now 
over  forty  years  since  that  Pequot  war,  at  the  date 
of  which  he  is  mentioned  by  Prince.  Pessacus  must 
have  died  previous  to  Phillip's  war.  We  do  not  find 
his  name  in  the  Colonial  Records  after  1658,  though 
it  would  certainly  have  been  among  the  signatures 
to  the  treaty  last  mentioned,  had  he  been  living  at 
the  date  of  its  execution.  The  English  regarded 
liim  as  the  leading  man  of  his  tribe. 

The  three  principal  complaints  made  against  Nini- 
gret,  and  the  occasion  of  the  ill-treatment  he  receiv- 
ed from  the  English,  were  his  hostility  to  Uncas,  his 
interj['ourse  with  the  Dutch,  and  the  wars  which  he 
waged  with  the  Long  Islanders.  Respecting  the 
latter,  enough  has  already  been  said.  Enougii  ap- 
pears in  the  protest  of  the  Massachusetts  couunis- 
sioners,  alone,  to  show  that  the  English  had  but  a 
poor  reason  for  interfering  as  they  did.  They  barely 
alleged  that  these  Indians  were  their  friends ;  but 
nothing  is  more  obvious  than  that  such  reasoning, 
however  satisfactory  to  themselves,  could  only  render 
them,  in  the  words  of  the  protest,  "  low  and  con- 
temptible in  the  eyes  of  the  Indians." 

"  There  being  noe  agreement  produced  or  proved," 
— said  Mr.  Bradstreet,  of  Massachusetts,  in  KJoJi — 
"  whereby  the  collenies  are  obliged  to  protect  the 
Long  Island  Indians  against  Ninnegrett  or  others, 
and  so  noe  Reason  to  engage  them  in  theire  quar- 
rells  the  grounds  whereof  they  cannot  well  vnder- 
stand :  I  therefore  see  not  sufficient  light  to  this 
vote." 

It  is  obvious  that  even  an  *  obligation,'  by  agree- 

♦  Callcnder's  Century  Discourae. 

w 


i. 


n 


! 


242 


INDIAN   BIOGRAPHY. 


ment,  to  protect  those  Indians,  might  not  imply  a 
right  to  do  so  as  regarded  other  parties — but  grant- 
ing such  a  right  as  consequent  upon  sufficient  prov- 
ocation, it  still  remains  to  jjrove  upon  wliich  party 
lay  the  blame  of  the  first  attack.  Ninigret  always 
asserted  that  he  acted  in  self-defence,  and  no  doubt 
such  was  his  real  opinion.  The  English  only  rep- 
rimanded him  upon  old  scores,  when  he  laid  hia 
grievances  before  them;  and  then  sent  an  armed 
vessel  and  a  body  of  troops  to  fight  for  his  enemies. 
The  Long  Islanders  told  a  different  story ;  but  this 
was  at  best  but  one  Indian  testimony  against  anoth- 
er ;  and  how  much  theirs  in  particular  could  be  re- 
lied upon,  appears  from  the  fact,  that  within  a  year 
or  two  after  this  same  affair,  they  themselves  com- 
mitted the  most  flagrant  depredations  upon  the 
English.  Trumbull  says,  that  in  11157,  "afler  all 
the  trouble  and  ex|>ense  which  the  English  had  been 
at  for  their  defence,  they  became  tumultuous,  and 
did  great  damage  to  the  inhabitants  of  Southampton." 

To  conclude  this  discussion,  we  introduce  some 
passages  of  a  manuscript  letter  from  Roger  Williams 
to  the  government  of  one  of  the  colonies,  which  has 
already  been  cited.  It  bears  date  of  Oct.  5, 1654,  and 
was  written  to  prevent  war.* 

"  The  Cause  and  Roote  of  all  y^  present  mischief 
is  y«  Pride  of  2  Barbarians,  Ascassassotick,  y'  Long 
Island  Sachim,  and  Nenekunat,  of  the  Narigansett. 
The  former  is  proud  and  foolish.  The  latter  is 
proud  and  fierce.  I  have  not  scene  him  these  many 
years,  yet  from  their  sober  men  I  hear  he  pleads. 

First,  y*  Ascassassotick,  a  very  Inferior  Sachim 
(bearing  himself  upon  y^  English)  hath  slain  3  or 
4  of  his  people  and  since  y'  sent  him  challenges  and 
darings  to  fight  and  mend  himself. 

2dly.  He,  Nenekunat,  consulted  by  Solemn  mes- 
sengers with  the  cbiefe  of  the  £!nglish  Governors, 
Major  Endicott  then  Gov"^  of  y  Massachusetts,  who 
Hent  him  an  Implicite  consent  to  right  himselfe. 

♦Col.  Rec.  ofR.  I. 


■: 


■  ■p>^i>* 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPHY. 


243 


imply  a 
It  grant- 
nt  prev- 
ail party 
;  always 
lo  doubt 
nly  rep- 
laid  his 
I  armed 
jnemies. 
but  this 
;  anoth- 
d  be  re- 
i  a  year 
Bs  com- 
mon the 
after  all 
lad  been 
)us,  aiid 
mpton." 
iG  some 
V^illiams 
lich  has 
354,  and 

lischief 
y^  Long 
gansett. 
atter  is 
e  many 
ads, 
Sachim 
in  3  or 
^es  and 

n  mes- 
ernors, 
ts,  who 
mselfe. 


3.  After  he  had  taken  revenge,  upon  y"  Long 
Islanders  and  brought  away  about  14  Captives,  yet 
he  restored  them  all  again  upon  y«  mediation  and 
desire  of  y«  English. 

4.  After  this  peace  made,  the  Long  Lslanders  pre- 
tending to  visit  Nenekunat  at  Block  Island,  slaugh- 
tered of  his  Narigansetts  neere  30  persons  at  mid- 
night, 2  of  them  of  great  note,  especially  Wepiteam- 
mock's  sonn,  to  whom  Nenekunat  was  uncle." 

Mr.  Williams  afterwards  says; 

"1.  I  know  it  is  said  y^  Long  Islanders  are  sub- 
jects :  But  I  have  heard  tliis  greatly  questioned,  and 
indeed  I  question  whether  any  Indians  in  this  Coun- 
try, remayning  Barbarous  and  Pagan,  may  with 
truth  or  honor  be  cald  y"  English  subjects. 

2.  But  graunt  them  subjects,  what  capacitie  hath 
their  late  massacre  of  y*  Narigansetts  (with  whom 
they  had  made  peace)  without  y^  English  consent, 
though  still  under  y«  English  name,  put  them  into  ?" 

As  to  a  league  between  Ninigret  and  *the  Duch 
Governor,*  his  own  reply  to  the  charge  has  been 
given.  It  will  furnish  some  amusement,  at  least,  to 
review  parts  of  the  evidence  upon  which  it  was 
founded.  Ninigret  and  Pessacus  sent  an  Indian 
named  Awashaw  to  the  commissioners,  in  pursuance 
of  their  agreement  to  give  what  satisfaction  they 
could  in  regard  to  this  subject ;  "  whoe  beins^  demand- 
ed why  JVinigret  went  to  the  Monhatoes  the  last  icinter, 
answared  that  Ninigret  told  him  that  hee  went 
thether  to  bee  cured  of  his  disease,  hearing  there 
was  a  Frenchman  there  that  could  cure  him ;  that 
Mr.  lohn  Winthorpe  knew  of  his  going;  that  he 
carried  thirty  fathom  of  wampam,  ten  whereof  he 
gave  the  Doctor  and  fifteen  to  the  governor ;  and  the 
governor  gave  him  in  Lieue  thereof  sleived  coates 
but  not  one  gun,  but  the  Indians  there  gave  Nini- 
grett  two  guns."    This  was  in  1G53. 

Not  long  before,  it  seems  that  Uncos — the  last 
man  whose  evidence  should  have  been  noticed  at 
all — had  called  on  Governor  Ilaynes  at  Hartford, 


Vk 


'i 


I 


^1 


^^ 


-^A 


'ffi 


r'i 


244 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPHY. 


f; 
1 


•i-l     i 


and  informed  him  of  Ninigret's  visit  to  the  Dutch  ; 
as  also  that  he  had  made  a  league  with  them,  hought 
up  a  large  quantity  of  ammunition,  and  negotiated 
with  the  New  York  Indians  for  a  war  against 
Uncaa  and  the  English.  Furthermore,  it  was  said 
that  Ninigret  had  sent  to  a  neighboring  Saehem,  to 
procure  a  man  skilful  in  poisoning,  and  had  firom- 
ised  him  one  hundred  fathoms  of  wampum  in  return. 
The  wampum  was  sent  by  a  canoe,  which  Uncas 
intercepted,  with  se\en  Indians  aboard,  one  of 
whom  his  men  had  killed,  (according  to  his  own 
story,)  and  two  others  had  confessed  Ninigi'et's 
whole  plot.  We  are  inclined  to  hold,  that  this  testi- 
mony should  be  received  only  'jo  far  as  it  goes 
against  Uncas  himself,  showing  tliat  he  took  the 
liberty,  on  the  strength  of  his  suspicion  alone,  to 
assault  a  canoe  belonging  to  Ninigret,  and  to  murder 
one  of  his  subjects.  When  these  accusations  were 
stated  by  the  commissioners  to  Awashaw,  the  mes- 
senger just  mentioned,  and  he  was  particularly 
questioned  who  and  what  was  in  the  canoe,  he  re- 
plied, "  that  in  the  canoe  that  was  sent  back  which 
was  taken  by  Vncas  his  men,  hee  sent  in  it  sixty 
fathom  of  wampam  to  pay  for  the  two  guns  which 
he  had  of  the  Indians  whiles  hee  was  att  the  Mon- 
hatoes,  and  the  Remainder  of  the  Phissicke  he  had 
there."  Being  asked  what  corn  Ninigret  sent  to  the 
Dutch  in  the  Vessel  taken  by  the  English  [another 
aggression  it  would  seem,]  he  said,  "  that  hee  In- 
tended not  to  send  any  corne  to  the  Duch  Governor, 
but  what  corne  was  aboard  the  Duch  vessel  was  for 
the  hier  of  the  vessel  that  brought  him  home."  It  ap- 
pears, he  had  returned  by  water,  while  some  of  his 
men  ihad  walked :  and  he  paid  for  his  passage  in  corn. 
Awashaw  on  this  occasion  had  an  Indian  in  com- 
pany with  him,  named  Newcom  Matuxes.  The 
mea»^s  resorted  to  for  obtaining  proof  of  the  accusa- 
tion, t  farther  illustrated  by  the  information  grave- 
ly giv  us  in  the  Records,  that  this  fellow  "  spake 
wid^  une  lohn  lightfoot  of  Boston,  an  Englishman, 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPHY. 


245 


whofi  as  Lightfoot  snitli,  told  him  in  Duch  that  the 
Dnchmen  would  cult  ott*  the  English  on  Long-island. 
Newcom  also  confesseth  that  Ninnigrett  said  that 
hee  heard  that  some  shipps  were  to  come  from  hol- 
land  to  the  Monhatoes  to  cutt  off  the  English ;  and 
that  when  the  said  Newcom  lived  att  Southhold  an 
Jn'^^lan  tould  him  that  the  Duch  would  come  against 
i:  1.  iish  and  cutt  them  of,  but  they  would  sane 
the  wt.  aen  and  chiMren  and  guns  for  themselves; 
But  Captaine  Simkiru  \*d  the  said  LAghtfoot  doe  both 
affeirme  that  the  said  JVewcome  toidd  them  that  the  Duch 
men  toiUd  him  as  before^  tho'  he  now  puts  it  of  and 
saith  that  an  Indian  tould  him.  Further  hee  the 
said  Newcom  tould  captaine  Simkins  (as  hee  confi- 
dently afeirmeth)  that  if  he  would  goe  to  serue  the 
Duch  the  Duch  would  giue  him  an  hundred  pounds 
a  yeare."  It  matters  but  little,  we  conceive,  whether 
Captain  Simkins  recollected  correctly  or  not,  his 
reminiscences  amounting  to  nothing  in  any  case. 
Ninigret  had  himself  expounded  the  transaction, 
much  more  completely  than  all  these  witnesses 
together. 

But  the  examination  was  still  pursued,  "  Thomas 
Stanton  [Interpreter]  being  there  alsoe  to  charge  it 
vpon  him.  The  said  Newcom  not  being  able  to 
cleare  himselfe  from  the  guilt  of  the  charge,  the 
comissioners  then  tould  Awashaw  that  had  the  said 
Newcom  not  bine  a  Messenger  sent  by  Niiuiigrett 
hee  should  not  have  escaped  without  some  punish- 
ment, and  therfbre  they  willed  Awashaw  to  tell 
Ninnigrett  hee  would  doe  well  to  send  the  said 
Newcom  againe  to  vs,  tlie  better  to  cleare  hiniselfe 
from  all  suspition.^"*  This  manoeuvre  has  a  little  too 
much  the  air  of  a  pretext  for  getting  a  farther  o[)por- 
tunity  to  cross-examine  and  confuse  poor  NeAVCom ; 
he  had  tiuis  far  been  able  to  make  out  a  respectably 
clear  statement. 

Before  leaving  town,  Awashaw  sent  a  request  to 
the  commissioners  for  another  interview:  which 
being  granted,  he  inquired  who  liad  informed  them 

VV2 


i 


.>\ 


:  i 


i 


. 


4V. 


I, 


246 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPHY. 


'i 


of  these  platters  nji^ainst  Ninijp*et.  They  mentioned 
in  reply  "  ioverall  Indians,  and  more  particularly  iht 
Monhen^e  Indian^  and  the  JVarraghanseit  taken  by 
Vncas  his  men."  A  washaw  then  requested  restitution 
of  the  wampum  taken  hy  these  men.  The  commis- 
sioners onl""  said,  that  they  had  not  yet  ascertained 
the  trutli  ot  that  attair ;  hut  when  they  had  thought 
of  it  more,  he  should  know  their  decision. 

The  foUowin*^  amusing  document  is  a  fair  speci- 
men of  the  testimony  furnished  against  Ninigret  hy 
other  Indians.  It  is  the  deposition — taken  in  May, 
l()5ii — of  one  Adam,  oi  whom  nothing  farther  is 
known.  After  mentioning  what  the  Dutch  Governor 
had  done  among  the  Indians,  which  is  not  to  our 
purpose, 

"Further  hee  saith   that  Ninnegrett  the  Fiscall 


[Treasurer]  and  the  Duch  ''  ernor  were  vp  two 
daies  in  a  close  Roome  with  other  Sagamores ;  and 
there  was  noe  speaking  with  any  of  them  except 
when  they  came  for  a  cole  of  fier  or  the  like  and 
much  sewam  [wampum]  was  seen  at  that  time  in 
Ninnegret's  hand  and  he  carried  none  away  with 
him ;  further  hee  saith  that  Ronessocke  a  Sagamore 
on  longe  Island  tould  the  said  Addam  that  the  Duch 
Governor  hid  him  fly  for  liis  life ;  for  that  the  plott 
was  now  descovered :  and  hesides  hee  sends  word 
dayly  that  they  had  as  good  appear  now  for  when 
hee  is  cutt  of  the  English  will  cut  them  all  of. 

This  was  testifyed  ahoard  Tuson  near  the  white 
stone  before     John  Leverett 

William  Davis." 


Other  evidence,  considerably  relied  upon,  was  an 
Indian  squaw's  relation  to  a  person  in  Wethersfield, 
(Conn.) — being  an  assertion,  in  general  terms,  that 
the  Dutch  and  the  Indians  were  leagued  against  the 
English.  In  line,  the  commissioners  say,  "  wee  heare 
that  some  of  the  Duch  att  or  about  the  Monhatoes 
tell  the  English  they  shall  shortly  have  an  East  India 
breakfast,  in  which  it  is  conceived  they  Refer  to  that 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPHY. 


247 


lentioned 
ilarly  the 
taken  by 
3stitution 
commis- 
!ertained 
tliought 

ir  speci- 
igret  by 
in  May, 
irther  is 
rovernor 
t  to  our 

Fiscall 
vp  two 
•es;  and 
1  except 
ike  and 
time  in 
ay  with 
igamore 
le  Duch 
he  plott 
Is  word 
r  when 

e  white 

lETT 
AVIS." 

was  an 
3rsfield, 
IS,  that 
nst  the 
ee  heare 
[ihatoes 
it  India 
to  that 


horrid  Trcachervs  and  crewill  plott  and  execution  alt 
Aniboina.  *  *  *  And  not  to  multiply  Indian  Testi- 
monies which  from  all  parts  of  the  countrey  presse 
vpon  the  colonies — [we  quote  the  only  definite  state- 
ment we  can  find] — nine  Indian  Sagamores  whoe 
line  about  the  Moidiatoes  did  vouUentarily  without 
any  Motion  or  Reward  from  the  English  send  thciro 
Messengers  to  Stanford  declaring  and  afeirming  that 
the  Duch  had  solissited  them  by  promising  them 
guns  poudcr  swords  weapons  war-coates  and  coates 
to  cutt  of  the  English  "  &c.  It  is  of  no  consequence, 
8o  far  as  regards  Ninigret,  whether  these  Sagamores 
conspired  to  tell  a  falsehood  or  to  tell  the  truth. 
Nor  do  we  intend  to  enter  at  length  into  this  ancient 
controversy  between  the  colonies  and  tlie  Dutch. 
It  is  sufficient  to  observe,  that  the  charges  of  the 
former  were  officially  and  distinctly  denied  by  the 
latter.  Governor  Stuyvesant.  in  a  letter  to  the 
commissioners  dated  May  26,  1G58,  and  written  by 
the  order  of  the  Counsel  of  New-Netherlands,  says — 

"As  touching  what  happened  in  the  Amboyna 
busines  in  the  East  Indies  is  unknown  vnto  vs, 
neither  hath  there  been  any  of  vs  tliere,  therefore 
wee  sease  to  answare  to  the  saiiie  or  to  trouble  your- 
selues  or  vs  therein.  ' 

It  is  in  parte  as  youer  Worships  conclude  that 
about  January  there  came  a  strange  Indian  from  the 
North  called  Ninnigrett,  Commaunder  of  the  Narra- 
ghansetts.  But  hee  came  hither  lo'ith  a  passe  from 
Mr.  John  Winthrope  vpon  which  passe  as  wee  re- 
member the  occasion  of  his  coming  was  expressed 
viz :  to  be  cured  and  healed,"  &c.  On  the  whole, 
the  reader  of  our  times,  on  perusing  these  records, 
can  hardly  go  farther  with  the  commissioners  than 
to  extenuate  their  harshness  towards  Ninigret,  like 
their  treatment  of  Miantonomo,  on  the  score  of  their 
exaggerated  fears. 

Upon  the  quarrel  with  Uncae,  we  shall  waste  no 
words.  Ninigret  and  Pessacus  no  doubt  considered 
the  circumstances  of  Miantonomo's  case  a  sufficient 


f 


n      I 


1 


i 


t' 


mi^ 


m 


248 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPHY. 


cause  foi  wur  upon  tVio  English.  But  this  tlipy 
waived  ;  and  even  'ingnfjed,  at  their  instance,  to  for- 
bear hostilities  agninat  Unras  for  some  months,  ex- 
pressing at  the  sauK?  time  a  strong  desire  to  be  upon 
friendly  terms  with  the  English,  if  they  could  be 
left  to  pursue  their  own  business  in  their  own  way. 
It  is  neither  necessary  nor  possihle  to  determine  upon 
which  side  the  provocation  began  l)etween  these 
sachems  and  Uncas.  It  has  been  seen,  that  the  latter 
took  many  liberties  for  which  the  English  never 
called  liim  to  account,  as  well  as  some  for  which  they 
<lid  ;  but  of  still  more  they  must  necessarily  have  re- 
mained in  ignorance.  The  truth  seems  to  be  most 
I)lainly  set  forth  by  Hutchinson,  who  says,  it  would 
appear  to  have  been  good  policy  not  to  interpose  in 
this  Indian  quarrel ;  but  the  English  were  afraid  of 
the  success  of  the  JVarraghansettSf  and  as  they  had 
generally  espoused  the  cause  of  the  Mohegans,  it  was 
feared,  that  as  soon  as  they  were  subdued,  if  not  in 
the  course  of  the  war,  the  Narraghansetts  and  their 
allies  would  fall  upon  the  plantations  of  the  English, 
aguinst  whom  they  were  then  in  a  peculiar  manner 
enraged  for  the  death  of  Mianionomo.  The  same 
historian  acknowledges,  that  it  was  with  great  reluc- 
tance the  Narraghansetts  submitted  to  the  hard  terma 
of  the  treaty  of  1645,  and  only  in  consequence  of  the 
armed  force  which  had  already  invaded  their  country. 
They  must  have  considered  the  tribute  a  most  insult- 
ing, forcible  imposition. 

Waiving  a  statement  of  the  charges  which  Nini- 
gi*et  made,  or  might  have  made,  on  the  other  hand, 
against  the  English,  we  shall  only  observe  in  con- 
clusion that  whatever  may  be  thought  of  his  political 
course,  there  are  points  in  his  pei*sonal  character  not 
unworthy  of  esteem  and  even  of  admiration.  It  was 
noble  in  him,  according  to  the  principles  of  a  warrior 
and  king,  to  revenge,  as  far  as  he  was  able,  the  cool- 
blooded  massacre  of  his  relative  and  predecessor. 
That  purpose  he  pursued  with  undaunted  courage 
and  indefatigable  energy.    He  would  gladly  havd 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPHY. 


249 


his  they 
0,  to  for- 
ntljs,  ex- 
he  tipon 
oiild   be 
wn  way. 
ine  upon 
ill   these 
he  latter 
h  never 
ich  they 
have  re- 
be  most 
t  would 
"pose  in 
fraid  of 
ley  had 
i  it  was 
'  not  in 
»d  their 
English, 
nanner 
same 
rehic- 
terms 
of  the 
►untry, 
insult- 

Nini- 

hand, 

con- 

•lltical 

er  not 

t  was 
arrior 

cool- 
essor, 
Lirage 

havd 


avoided  a  contest  with  the  English ;  but  he  would 
not  sacrifice  his  honor  either  to  liis  friendship  or  his 
interest.  The  spirit  with  which  he  repulsed  their 
attempts  to  interfere  in  his  contest  with  the  Long- 
Islanders,  indicated  a  soul  of  the  same  stamp.  His 
reasoning  upon  that  occasion — assuming  the  truth 
of  his  premises,  which  we  have  no  means  either  of 
proving  or  falsifying — appears  to  us  wholly  unan- 
swerable. 


\-iJP 


' 


\ 


III 


lii 


I 


I 


t 


\l 


II 


UdO  INDIAN    BIOGRAPHY. 


CHAPTER  XIII. 

Tim  Pequot  tribe — Their  fir.st  chief-sachem  known  to  the 
Englich,  Pkkoath — succcedod  by  Sassacus — Aneinbus- 
sy  sent  to  Ro.ston  in  1631 — Residence  and  stronij-holds  of 
feii.s<arn.s— -HiH  earliest  intrrcour.«e  with  the  Enghsh — Mnr- 
der  of  Captain  Stone* — Jnstifiration  of  it  by  Saswacna — Ho 
proposes  a  treaty  of  peace  in  1()34 — Sends  deputies  to  Boston 
twice — Treaty  conrhided — Anecdotes — His  wars  with  tlio 
Narrayhan-sctts — Fresh  controversy  witli  the  Finglish — Tiiey 
Kcnd  an  armed  party  to  demand  danrages — Coinhict  of  the 
party,  and  coii.-ii'cjucnces  of  it — War  with  the  l*equ(»ts  in 
l()3o — l*oliti(;al  iiKtxemcnts  of  Sassacns — Kn"lisij  expedi- 
tion against  him  in  l(i37— He  is  rlcfeated — Driven  from  his 
country — Killed  by  the  Mohawks — The  English  policy  in 
liis  case  briefly  considered. 

The  Pcqiiots,  or  Peqiiods,  inhal)itcd  that  part  of 
the  southern  coast  of  New  Enf?laiul,  which  is  now 
comprehended  within  the  hniits  of  Connecticut. 
They  are  said  to  have  been  originally  an  inland  tribe, 
and  to  have  gained  possession  by  mere  force  of  arms 
of  the  fine  temtory  which  they  occupied  at  tlie 
date  of  their  first  acquaintance  with  the  English. 
They  were  in  the  meridian  of  tlieir  glory  and  power 
about  forty  years  previous  to  tnat  period,  and  were 
then  the  most  considerable  tribe  in  New  England, 
mustering  as  many  as  four  thousand  bowmen.  Their 
principal  settlements  were  now  about  New  London 
and  Groton  ;  the  formerof  which  was  their  chief  har- 
bor, and  called  by  their  own  name.  The  Nipmuck 
Indians,  on  their  north,  were  still  tributary  to  them. 
So  also  were  a  part  of  the  Long  Islanders,  and  most 
of  tlie  Indians  on  the  Connecticut  river.  The  Nar- 
raghansetts  alone  of  the  neighboring  tribes  had 
been  able  to  oppose  them  with  success,  and  against 
that  nation  they  waged  an  implacable  and  almost 
perpetual  war. 

The  first  great  sachem  of  the  Peqwots  known  to 
the  English  was  Pekoath,  from  whosn  they  proba- 


wn  to  the 

An  uiiibus- 
w-hold.s  of 
IihIi — Miir- 
Hucxm — Ho 
I  to  Boston 

with  the 
ish— They 
net  of  the 
i*equ(»t.s  ill 
l>  <'xp«.'(li- 
li  from  hi.s 

policy  in 


t  part  of 
is  now 

necticut. 

nd  tribe, 

of  aring 

at  the 

Inglish. 


power 

1  were 
iijgland, 

Their 
London 
ief  har- 
pinuek 

thenj. 
d  most 
le  Nav- 
es had 
against 
aUnost 

►wn  to 
probtt- 


INDUM   BlOGRArHY. 


251 


bly  derived  the  national  name.  lie  appears  to  bavo 
been  a  great  warrior,  lie  was  going  on  eon(|Meriiig 
and  to  eorKjiier,  when  tlie  earbest  sctth-nients  of  th«; 
Kiigiisb  were  made  upon  the  ]Massacbiis<.>tfH  eoji.st. 
Tribe  afler  tribe  retreated  before  him  as  br  advanced, 
till  bis  terrible  myrmidons  wcto  at  length  in  a  situa- 
tion to  loeate  themselves  at  their  ease  on  the  best 
soil,  and  brneath  the  most  genial  skies,  of  New 
England. 

As  early  as  1G31,  Waghinaent,  a  Fiehem  of  one  of 
the  expelled  or  subjeetod  tribes  just  f.ientioned,  trav- 
elled aeross  the  wildciiess  to  IJostou  ;  and  attended 
by  a  Massaebu setts  Sagamore,  nod  one  Jack  Straw 
(an  Indian  who  had  formerly  livv'd  with  Sir  Walter 
Raleigh  in  England,)  made  a  plicati'  i  i\n  the  alli- 
ance or  assistance  of  the  Massaeluise*  government 
against  Pekoath.  He  gave  a  glowii  4  description  of 
his  native  land  ;  and  promised  i^'some  of  the  ,  'nglisli 
would  go  there  and  settle,  tht'  he  would  supply 
them  with  corn,  and  pay  them  eighty  beaver-ski?;^ 
yearly.  This  proposition  being  rejected,  he  desired 
that  at  least  two  men  might  be  permitted  to  accom- 
pany him,  with  the  view  of  examining  the  country. 
He  showed  great  anxiety  to  effect  that  object,  but 
to  no  purpose  ;  the  governor  suspected  some  strata- 
gem, and  politely  dismissed  his  visiter  with  the  com- 
pliment of  a  good  dinner  at  his  own  table.* 

The  successor  of  Pekoath,  and  the  last  as  well  aa 
first  great  sachem  *^f  his  tribe  known  ]iersonally  to 
the  whites,  was  S.;:-,.c us,  a  warrior  of  high  renown, 
who,  when  the  English  commenced  their  settlements 
in  Connecticut,  soon  afler  the  transaction  last  men- 
tioned, had  no  fewer  than  twenty-six  sachems  or 
war-captai  IS  luider  his  dominion,  and  could  at  that 
time  muster,  at  the  smallest  calcidation,  seven  hun- 

*  fVinthrop's  Journal.  Waghinacut  persevered,  however, 
and  succeeded.  He  went  to  Plymouth,  and  CJovernor  Wina- 
low  sent  out  a  party,  at  his  ?un:gestion,  wlio  are  understood  to 
have  been  the  first  discoverers  of  Connecticut  river  and  Umj 
adjacent  parts. 


i| 


A 


.i':t 


'"I 
I 

m 


252 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPHY. 


W  i 


dred  bowmen.  The  site  of  his  principal  fortress  and 
residence,  was  on  a  most  beautiful  eminence  in  the 
town  of  Groton,  commanding  one  of  the  best  pros- 
pects of  the  Sound  and  the  adjacent  country  which 
can  be  found  upon  the  coast.  Another  strong-hold 
was  a  little  farther  eastward,  near  Mystic  river ;  and 
this  also  was  finely  situated  upon  a  verdant  swell  of 
land,  gradually  descending  towards  the  south  and 
southeast. 

Sassacus,  and  his  warlike  Pequots,  are  almost  the 
only  American  chieftain  and  tribe  who,  in  the  light 
of  history,  seem  to  have  been  from  the  outset  dis- 
posed to  inveterate  hostility  against  all  foreigners. 
They  were,  as  Trumbull  observes,  men  of  great  and 
mdependent  spirits ;  and  had  conquered  and  govern- 
ed the  nations  around  them  without  control.  They 
viewed  the  English  especially,  as  not  only  strangers 
but  mere  intruders,  without  right  or  pretence  of  right 
to  the  country,  who  had  nevertheless  taken  the  liberty 
to  make  settlements  and  build  forts  in  their  very 
neighborhood,  without  asking  their  consent — and 
even  to  restore  the  Indian  kings  whom  they  had 
subjected,  to  their  former  lands  and  authority.  Un- 
der these  circumstances,  it  is  no  matter  of  wonder, 
that  the  whites  had  scarcely  located  themselves 
within  the  bounds  of  Connecticut,  when  "that  great, 
spirited  and  warlike  nation,  the  Pequots,  began  to 
nmrder  and  plunder  them,  and  to  wound  and  kill 
their  cattle."* 

And  yet — sotting  aside  the  general  offence  commit- 
ted, or  at  least  by  Sassacus  understood  to  be  commit- 
ted, in  the  act  of  making  settlements  without  leave — 
it  does  hot  clearly  appear  whether  the  first  particular 
provocation  was  given  on  the  one  side  or  the  other. 
It  is  only  known,  that  in  the  summer  of  1633,  one 
Captain  Stone,  on  a  voyage  from  Maine  to  Virginia, 
put  into  the  mouth  of  the  Connecticut  river,  and 
was  there  murdered  by  the  natives,  with  all  his  crew. 


♦Trumbull. 


Jrtress  and 
nee  in  the 
best  pros- 
try  which 
troug-hold 
'iver;  and 
It  swell  of 
south  and 

ilmost  the 

the  light 

>utset  dis- 

breigners. 

great  and 

d  govern- 

d1.    They 

strangers 

;o  of  right 

he  liberty 

heir  very 

sent — and 

they  had 

ity.    Un- 

wonder, 

lemselves 

hat  great, 

began  to 

and  kill 

commit- 
commit- 
t  leave — 
•articular 
»e  other. 
633,  one 
Virginia, 
v^er,  and 
lis  crew. 


, 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPHY. 


253 


Three  of  them,  who  went  ashore  to  kill  fowl,  were 
first  surprised  and  despatched.  A  sachem,  with 
some  of  his  men,  then  came  aboard,  and  staid  with 
Captain  Stone  in  his  cabin  until  the  latter  fell  asleep. 
The  sachem  then  knocked  him  on  the  head ;  and 
his  crew  being  at  this  time  in  the  cook's  room,  the 
Indians  took  such  guns  as  they  found  charged,  and 
fell  upon  them.  At  this  moment,  all  the  powder  on 
board  the  vessel,  in  the  hurry  of  sudden  alarm,  was 
accidentally  exploded.  The  deck  was  blown  up; 
but  most  of  the  Indians  escaping,  returned,  complet- 
ed the  massacre,  and  burned  the  wreck. 

Such  was  the  English  account  of  the  proceeding. 
The  Pequots  had  a  different  story  to  tell.  In  October, 
1634,  Sassacus  sent  a  messenger  to  the  Governor  of 
Massachusetts,  to  desire  friendship  and  alliance. 
This  man  brought  two  bundles  of  sticks  with  him, 
by  which  he  signified  how  many  beaver  and  otter 
skins  his  master  would  give,  besides  a  large  quan- 
tity of  wampum.  He  brought  also  a  small  present. 
The  Governor  received  it,  and  returned  a  moose 
coat  of  the  same  value ;  but  sent  word  to  Sassacus 
withal,  that  a  treaty  could  not  be  negotiated,  unless 
he  would  send  men  proper  to  negotiate,  and  enough 
of  them.* 

Accordingly,  but  a  fortnight  afterwards,  (though 
the  distance  to  the  Pequot  country  was  a  five-days* 
journey,)  two  more  messengers  arrived  at  Boston, 
bringing  another  present  of  wampum.  They  were 
told,  in  answer  to  their  renewed  application,  that  the 
English  would  willingly  come  to  amicable  terms 
with  Sassacus,  but  that  his  men  having  murdered 
Captain  Stone,  he  must  first  surrender  up  the  offend- 
ers to  justice.  The  messengers  readily  replied,  that 
the  sachem  concerned  in  that  transaction  had  since 
been  killed  by  the  Dutch;  and  that  all  the  other 
offenders  had  died  of  the  small  pox,  excepting  two. 
These,  they  presumed  Sassacus  would  surrender,  if 

♦Winfhrop  Vol.  I. 

X 


i 

If, 

(I 
I 


n 


?l 


1 1 


i,( 


254 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPHY. 


'f 


I 


I 
1% 


111 

!i 
li 

H 


)! 


'I 


r^ 


the  guilt  were  proved  upon  them.  They  asserted,  that 
Captain  Stone,  after  entering  their  river,  had  taken 
two  of  their  men,  and  detained  them  by  force,  and 
made  them  pilot  the  vessel  up  the  river.  The  cap- 
tain and  two  of  his  crew  then  landed,  taking  the 
guides  on  shore,  with  their  hands  still  bound  behind 
them.  The  natives  there  fell  upon  and  killed  them. 
The  vessel,  with  the  remainder  of  the  crew  on  board, 
was  blown  up — they  knew  not  how  or  wherefore. 

This — in  the  words  of  the  journalist  who  gives  the 
particulars — was  related  with  so  much  confidence 
and  gravity,  that  the  English  were  inclined  to  believe 
it,  especially  as  they  had  no  means  of  proving  its 
falsity.  A  treaty  was  concluded  on  the  following 
terms, 

1.  The  English  to  have  as  much  land  in  Connecti- 
cut as  they  needed,  provided  they  would  make  a 
settlement  there  :  and  the  Pequots  to  render  them  all 
the  assistance  they  could. 

2.  The  Pequots  to  give  the  English  four  hundred 
fathoms  of  wampum,  and  forty  beaver  and  thirty  otter 
skins ;  and  to  surrender  the  two  murderers  whenever 
they  should  be  sent  for. 

3.  The  EngUsh  were  to  send  a  vessel  immediately, 
"to  trade  with  them  as  friends,  tho*  not  to  defend 
them,"  and  the  Pequots  would  give  them  ail  their 
*  custom.' 

The  agreement  was  put  in  writing,  and  subscribed 
by  the  two  messengers  with  their  marks.  The 
chief  object  proposed  by  Sassacus  in  effecting  it, 
appears  to  have  been,  not  the  assistance  of  the 
English  in  his  wars,  but  their  commerce  in  peace. 
He  thought  himself  competent  to  fight  his  own  bat- 
tles ;  and  perhaps  would  have  made  no  attempt  to 
conciliate  even  the  English,  but  for  having  quarrelled 
with  the  Dutch  of  New  York,  who  had  hitherto  sup- 
plied him,  and  thereby  lost  their  trade  as  well  as 
mcurred  their  hostility. 

Meanwhile,  he  was  at  deadly  war,  as  usual,  with 
the  Narraghansetts.    The  very  next  morning  afler 


serted,  that 
had  taken 
force,  and 
The  cap- 
taking  the 
nd  behind 
illed  them. 
J  on  board, 
lerefore. 

0  gives  the 
confidence 

1  to  believe 
3roving  its 

following 

I  Connecti- 
d  make  a 
)r  them  all 

r  hundred 
hirty  otter 
vi^henever 

mediately, 
to  defend 
1  ail  their 

ubscribed 
<s.  The 
beting  it, 
e  of  the 
in  peace, 
own  bat- 
ttempt  to 
quarrelled 
lerto  sup- 
well  as 

ual,  with 
ing  after 


' 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPHY. 


255 


the  treaty  was  concluded,  and  while  the  messengers 
still  tarried  in  Boston,  news  came,  that  aparty  of  two 
or  three  hundred  of  the  tribe  last  named  had  come  as 
far  asNeponsett,  (the  boundary  between  Milton  and 
Dorchester)  for  the  purpose  of  laying  wait  and  killing 
the  Pequots  on  their  way  home.  The  English  im- 
mediately despatched  a  small  armed  force,  to  request 
a  visit  from  the  Narraghansetts ;  and  two  sachems, 
with  about  twenty  of  their  men,  obeyed  the  sum- 
mons. They  said  they  had  been  hunting  round- 
about the  country,  and  came  to  visit  the  Indians  at 
Neponsett,  according  to  old  custom.  However  this 
might  be,  they  showed  themselves  quite  ready  to 
gratify  the  English  in  their  requests ;  and  the  Pequots 
were  permitted  to  return  home  unmolested. 

A  passage  in  the  Journal  of  Winthrop,  relating  to 
this  occasion,  illustrates  the  spirit  of  Sassacus  and 
his  subjects.  The  Narraghansetts  were  privately 
told  by  the  Governor,  that  if  they  should  happen  to 
make  peace  with  the  Pequots,  they  should  receive  a 
goodly  proportion  of  the  wampum  just  sent. — "For 
the  Pequots  held  it  dishonorable  to  offer  them  any 
thing  as  of  themselves,  yet  were  willing  we  would 
give  it  them,  and  indeed  did  offer  us  so  much  to  that 
end" 

Thus  matters  remained  until  1G36.  During  that 
season  one  Oldham,  an  Englishman  who  had  been 
trading  in  Connecticut,  was  murdered  by  a  party  of 
Block-Island  Indians ;  several  of  whom  are  said  to 
have  taken  refuge  among  the  Pequots,  and  to  have 
been  protected  by  them.  On  the  strength  of  this 
fact  and  this  supposition,  the  Governor  of  Massachu- 
setts— Mr.  Oldham  being  a  Dorchester  resident — 
despatched  a  force  of  ninety  men,  under  Captain 
Endecott,  commissioned  (as  Mr.  Winthrop  tells  us,) 
to  put  to  death  the  men  of  Block- Island,  but  to  spare 
tlie  women  and  children,  and  bring  tUem  away,  and 
take  possession  of  the  Island.  Thence  they  were  to 
go  to  the  Pequots,  "to  demand  the  murderers  of 
Captain  Stone  and  other  English,  and  out  thousand 


i 


li 


i. 


\  ^ 


I 


U  vj 


li 


I 


i  J 


!  ?ii 


fi 


■M 
I 

t 


256 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPHY. 


1i  A 


I'i 


m  •■'  I 


IMI 

^ 

yStM 

fw 

i 
■  1 

III 

'-■ '  ' 

,.1 


fathom  of  wampum  for  damnf^es  &c.  and  some  of  tlieir 
children  as  liostages,  which  if  they  should  refuse, 
they  were  to  obtain  it  by  force." 

The  proceedings  which  ensued  upon  the  attempt 
to  execute  these  orders  ought  not  to  be  overlooked. 
From  Block-Island,  the  English  sailed  to  Pequot 
harbor.  Here  an  Indian  came  out  to  them  in  a  canoe, 
and  demanded  who  they  were,  and  what  they  would 
liave  in  the  country  of  the  Pequots.  Endecott  replied, 
that  he  came  from  the  Governor  of  Massachusetts, 
to  speak  with  the  Pequot  sachems.  The  Indian 
answering  that  Sassacus  was  gone  to  Long-Island, 
he  was  directed  to  communicate  Endecott's  message 
to  another  sachem.  He  returned  to  the  shore,  and 
the  English  meanwhile  made  a  landing.  The  mes- 
senger came  back,  and  the  Indians  began  to  gather 
about  the  English.  Several  hours  passed  in  desulto- 
ry conference,  until  Endecott,  growing  impatient, 
announced  his  commission  to  the  crowd  which  sur- 
rounded him,  and  at  the  same  time  sent  word  to  the 
sachem,  that  unless  he  would  come  to  him  or  satisfy 
his  demands,  he  should  try  forcible  measures.  The 
messenger,  who  had  been  several  times  running  to 
and  fro  between  the  parties,  said  that  the  sachem 
would  come  forward  if  the  English  would  lay  down 
their  arms,  the  Indians  also  leaving  their  bows  and 
arrows  at  a  distance. 

Endecott  was  incensed  by  tlie  proposal,  consider- 
ing it  a  pretext  for  gaining  time.  He  therefore  bade 
the  Pequots  begone,  and  take  care  of  themselves ; 
they  had  dared  the  English  to  come  and  fight  with 
them,  he  said,  and  now  he  was  ready  for  the  battle. 
The  Pequots  withdrew  peaceably  to  a  distance. 
When  they  were  beyond  musket-shot,  "  he  marched 
after  them,  supposing  they  would  have  stood  it  awhile, 
as  they  did  to  the  Dutch,"* — but  they  all  fled,  letting 
fly  a  few  arrows  among  the  English,  which  did  no 
damage.    Two  of  their  own  number  were  killed  and 

♦  Winthrop. 


INDIAN    BIOGKAPHV. 


257 


le  of  their 
Id  refuse, 

e  attempt 

erJooked. 
o  Peqiiot 
fi  a  canoe, 
ey  would 
tt  replied, 
iciiusetts, 
e  Indian 
g-lsland, 

message 
lore,  and 
riie  mes- 
o  gather 

desuJto- 
npatient, 
lich  sur- 
fd  to  the 
•r  satisfy 
■s.  The 
»ning  to 

sachem 
ty  down 
)ws  and 

)n8ider- 
re  bade 
iselves ; 
ht  with 
5  battJe. 
istance, 
arched 
iwhile, 
letting 
did  no 
3d  and 


several  more  wounded ;  and  the  English  then  march- 
ed up  to  their  village,  and  burned  all  their  wigwams 
and  mats.  At  night,  concludes  the  historian,  they 
returned  to  their  vessels ;  and  the  next  day  they 
went  ashore  on  the  west  side  of  the  river,  and  burnt 
all  their  wigwams  and  spoiled  their  canoes  in  tfiat 
quarter ;  and  so  set  sail  and  came  to  the  Narraghan- 
sett  country.  There  they  landed  their  men,  "and 
on  the  14th  of  7ber  they  came  all  safe  to  Boston, 
which  was  a  marvellous  providence  of  God,  that 
not  a  hair  fell  from  the  head  of  any  of  them,  nor 
any  sick  nor  feeble  person  among  them." 

The  sequel  of  the  tragedy  must  be  gathered  from 
other  authorities.  A  detachment  of  Endecott's 
party  was  appointed  to  reinforce  the  English  garri- 
son at  Saybrook.  Lying  wind-bound  off  Pequot 
harbor,  after  his  departure,  a  part  of  these  men 
went  on  shore  to  plunder  the  Pequots,  and  bring  off 
their  corn.  Their  ravages  were  interrupted  by  an 
attack  from  these  Indians.  The  skirmish  lasted  till 
near  evening,  and  then  both  parties  retired,  the  Eng- 
lish with  one  man  wounded,  and  the  Peqpots  with  a 
loss  unknown.  We  have  given  the  particulars  of 
this  transaction,  (according  to  the  English  version 
of  course)  because  it  throws  light  upon  the  subse- 
quent relations  between  Sassacus  and  the  English. 

Whatever  was  the  disposition  of  the  Pequots 
previous  to  this  date,  there  is  no  question  about  them 
ever  afterwards.  They  determined  to  extirpate  the 
whites  from  the  limits  of  Connecticut ;  and  to  that 
great  object  Sassacus  now  devoted  the  whole  force 
of  his  dominions  and  the  entire  energies  of  his  soul. 
The  forts  and  settlements  were  assaulted  in  every 
direction.  In  October,  five  of  the  Saybrook  garrison 
were  surprised,  as  they  were  carrying  home  their 
hay.  A  week  afterwards,  the  master  of  a  small 
English  vessel  was  taken  and  tortured ;  and  several 
others  within  the  same  month.  The  garrison  just 
nentioned  were  so  pressed  before  winter,  (1636 — 7) 
that  they  were  obhged  to  keep  almost  wholly  within 

X2 


I  •     i.l) 


>     •■>. 


258 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPHY. 


.  '    !l 


il 


u 


0 


J     '' 


reach  of  their  guns.  Their  out-housps  were  razed,  and 
their  stacks  of  hay  burned  ;  and  so  many  of  the  cattle 
as  were  not  killed,  often  came  in  at  night  with  the 
arrows  of  the  enemy  sticking  in  them.  In  March, 
they  killed  four  of  the  garrison,  and  at  the  same  time 
surrounding  the  fort  on  all  sides,  challenged  the 
English  to  come  out  and  fight,  mocked  them  with 
the  groans  and  prayers  of  their  dying  friends  whom 
they  had  captured,  and  boasted  they  could  kill 
Englishmen  "  all  one  JHesJ*^  Nothing  but  a  cannon 
loaded  with  grape-shot,  could  keep  them  from  beat- 
ing the  very  gates  down  with  their  clubs. 

Three  persons  were  next  killed  on  Connecticut 
river,  and  nine  at  Wethersfield.  No  boat  could  now 
pass  up  or  down  the  river  with  safety.  The  roads 
and  fields  were  everywhere  beset.  The  settlers 
could  neither  hunt,  fish,  nor  cultivate  the  land,  nor 
travel  at  home  or  abroad,  but  at  the  peril  of  life.  A 
constant  watch  was  kept  night  and  day.  People 
went  armed  to  their  daily  labors,  and  to  public  wor- 
ship ;  and  the  church  was  guarded  during  divine 
service.  Probably  no  portion  of  the  first  colonists 
of  New  England  ever  suffered  so  horribly  from  an 
Indian  warfiire,  as  the  Connecticut  settlers  at  this 
gloomy  and  fearful  period. 

Nor  was  the  employment  of  his  own  subjects  the 
only  measure  adopted  by  Sassacus  against  his  civil- 
ized enemy.  He  knew  them  too  well  to  despise, 
however  much  he  detested  them.  He  saw  there 
was  need  of  all  the  ingenuity  of  the  politician,  as 
well  as  the  prowess  of  the  warrior,  to  be  exercised 
upon  his  part ;  and  he  therefore  entered  upon  a  trial 
of  the  arts  of  diplomacy  with  the  same  cunning  and 
courage  which  v/ere  the  confidence  of  his  followers 
in  the  field  of  battle.  The  proposal  of  alliance  offen- 
sive and  defensive  which  he  made  to  his  ancient  rival 
and  foe,  the  chief  sachem  of  the  Narraghansetts,  was 
a  conception  worthy  of  a  great  and  noble  soul.  And 
euch  was  the  profound  skill  with  which  he  supported 
the  reasonableneBs  of  that  policy,  that,  (as  we  have 


INDIAN    BIOr.RAPHY. 


259 


razed,  and 
the  caitJe 
with  the 
n  March, 
■lame  time 
nged  the 
em   with 
ds  whom 
ould    kill 
a  cannon 
om  beat- 

nnecticut 
)uld  now 
he  roads 
J  settlers 
and,  nor 
life.    A 
People 
•lie  wor- 
g  divine 
colonists 
from  an 
>  at  this 

Bcts  the 
lis  civil- 
despise, 
w  there 
cian,  as 
:ercised 
1  a  trial 
ng  and 
llowers 
3  offen- 
it  rival 
ts,  was 
And 
ported 
)  have 


heretofore  Heen,)  Miantonomo  himself  wavered  in  his 
high-minded  fidelity  to  the  English  cause.  But  for 
the  presence  and  influence  of  Roger  Williams,*  the 
consummate  address  of  the  Pequot  must  have  carried 
his  point. 

Ihe  measures  taken  by  the  other  colonies,  in  con- 
sequence of  the  state  of  things  we  have  been  describ- 
ing, and  the  minutiae  of  the  famous  expedition  of  Ma- 
son, are  too  well  known  to  be  repeated  at  length. 
The  contest  was  not  long  continued,  but  it  required 
the  most  serious  eftbrts  on  the  part  of  the  English ; 
and  not  only  did  Massachusetts  and  Piytnouth  feel 
themselves  under  the  necessity  of  aiding  Connecticut 
in  the  suppression  of  this  common  and  teiTible  foe, 
but  many  of  the  Narraghansetts  also  were  calhed  on 
to  aid,  with  the  Nianticks,  the  Mohegans  and  other 
tribes  upon  the  river. 

Sassacus  must  have  felt,  that  the  day  of  restitution 
and  reparation  was  indeed  come  upon  him  for  all  his 
ancient  victories  and  spoils.  Every  people  in  his 
neighborhood  who  had  suffered,  or  expected  to  suf- 
fer, from  his  pride  or  his  power,  now  gladly  witness- 
ed the  onset  of  a  new  enemy  against  him  ;  and  large 
numbers  availed  themselves  of  the  opportunity  to  do 
personal  service.  Not  less  than  five  hundred  Indians 
of  various  tribes  accompanied  Mason  in  his  march 
against  the  great  Pequot  fortress.  Not  a  few  of  them, 
without  doubt,  remembered  old  times  as  well  as  Mi- 
antonomo himself,  though  they  acted  very  differently 
in  consequence. 

These  gallant  allies  were  so  eager  to  go  against 
the  Pequots,  that  nothing  but  the  van  of  the  army 
could  satisfy  them  for  their  own  station.    "  We  hope," 

♦  That  gentleman,  in  one  of  hia  letters  preserved  on  the 
Mass.  Records,  writes — *'  That  in  ye  Pequt  Wars  it  pleased 
your  honoured  Government  to  employ  me  in  ye  hazardous  and 
waighty  Service  of  negotiating  a  League  between  Yourselves 
and  the  Narigansetts  :  when  ye  Pequt  messengers  {who 
nought  ye  NarigansetVs  league  against  the  English)  had 
ahno§t  ended  yt  my  worck  and  life  together." 


:^ 


5  ■  '  r 


260 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPHY. 


It; 


said  they,  (—or  something,  no  doubt,  to  that  pur- 
pose— ) 

"  We  hope  it  will  offend  not  you  nor  yours 
The  chiefest  post  of  honor  should  be  ours." 

Upon  which 
"  Mason  harangues  them  with  high  compliments 
And  to  confirm  them  he  to  them  consents. 
Hold  on,  hold  ?nen,  says  he,  as  you've  began ; 
Vm  free  and  easy ;  you  shall  take  the  van." 

But,  — ("as  we  always  by  experience  find, 

Frost-bitten  leaves  will  not  abide  the  wind  ") — 

These  formidable  veterans  had  gone  but  a  few 
miles,  when  every  man  of  them  fell  in  the  rear,  and 
that  unluckily  to  such  a  distance  that  not  one  could 
be  found.  They  were  in  the  enemy's  country,  and 
the  truth  was,  they 

— "  Had  so  often,  to  their  harm, 
Felt  the  great  power  of  Sassacus's  arm. 
That  now  again  just  to  endure  the  same. 
The  dreadful  sound  of  great  Sassacus'  name. 
Seemed  every  moment  to  attack  their  ears. 
And  fill'd  them  with  such  heart-amazing  fears, 
That  suddenly  they  run  and  seek  to  hide, 
Swifter  than  leaves  in  the  autumnal  tide."* 

This  was  in  the  evening.  As  the  Engl'  h  ap- 
proached the  fortress  about  day-light,  they  halted  at 
the  foot  of  a  large  hill,  and  Mason  sent  word  for  his 
allies  "  to  come  up."  After  a  long  time,  Uncas  and 
Wequashf  alone  made  their  appearance.    "  Where  is 

♦  Wolcott's  Account. 

fVide  "A  Brief  History  op  the  Pequot  War: 
Especially  of  the  memorable  Taking  of  their  Fort  at  Mys- 
tic in  Connecticut  in  1637,  written  by  Major  John  Mason, 
a  Principal  Actor  therein,  as  the  chief  captain  and  command- 
er  of  Connecticut  Forces:  Boston:  Printed  and  Sold  by  S. 
Kneeland  and  T.  Green  in  Queen  St.  1736."  The  following 
is  the  motto  of  this  tract. — *'  We  have  heard  with  our  ears,  O 
God.  *  *  *  how  thou  didst  drive  out  the  heathen  with  thy 
kaud,  and  plantedst  them:  how  thou  didst  afflict  the  people  and 
cast  them  out,"  &c. 

The  author  of  New  England's  First  Fruits  calls  this 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPHY. 


261 


that  pur- 


nents 


Je  find, 

t  a  few 
ear,  and 
le  could 
try,  and 


War: 

t  Mys' 
Mason, 
iraand- 
byS. 
lowing' 
ars,  O 
th  th 
lie  an 


Z 


Is  this 


the  fort?"  inquired  Mason.  "On  the  top  of  that 
hill,"  answered  they.  "  And  where  nrc  the  rest  of 
the  Indians  ?" — Uncas  said,  "  they  were  behind,  ex- 
ceedingly afraid;"  and  the  must  that  Mason  could 
induce  them  to  do,  was  to  form  a  semi-circle  at  a 
particularly  respectful  distance,  for  the  purpose  of 
witnessing  the  attack  of  the  English  upon  the  ene- 
my's fort,  and  waylaying  such  of  i\i*t  Pequots  as 
might  escape  their  hands. 

The  resistance  was  manly  and  desperate,  but  the 
whole  work  of  destruction  wiis  completed  in  little 
more  than  an  hour.  The  extent  and  violence  of  the 
conflagration  kindled  by  the  assailants,  the  reflection 
of  this  pyramid  of  flames  U[)on  the  forest  around, 
the  flashing  and  roar  of  arms,  the  shrieks  mn\  yel- 
lings  of  men,  women  and  children  within,  and  the 
shouts  of  the  allies  without,  exhibited  one  of  the 
most  awful  scenes  which  the  pens  of  the  early  histo- 
rians have  described.  Seventy  wigwams  were 
burnt,  and  five  or  six  hundred  Pequots  killed.  Pa- 
rent and  child  alike,  the  sanop  and  squaw,  the  gray- 
haired  man  and  the  b»»be  were  buried  in  one  pro- 
miscuous ruin. 

It  had  been  Mason*8  intention  to  fall  upon  both 
the  principal  forts  of  the  enemy  at  once  ;  and  finding 
it  impossible,  he  says,  "  we  were  much  grieved, 
chiefly  because  the  greatest  and  bloodiest  sachem 
there  resided,  whose  name  was  Sassacus."  The 
execution  of  this  design  would  have  saved  him  much 
subsequent  loss  and  labor.    That  great  warrior  was 

man  a  famous  captain,  a  proper  man  of  person,  and  of  very 
grave  and  sober  spirit.  He  became  religious  after  the  Pequot 
war,  lived  sometime  among  the  whites,  and  then  preached  to 
his  countrvincn  until  his  death,  which  was  occasioned  by  a 
dose  of  poison  wherewith  some  of  them  repaid  him  for  his  la- 
bors. A  Massachusetts  clergyman  says  of  him,  in  1643:  •*  He 
loved  Christ,  he  preached  Christ  up  and  down,  and  .then  suffered 
martyrdom  for  Christ;  and  when  he  dyed,  gave  his  soule  to 
Christ,  and  his  only  child  to  the  English,  rejoycing  in  this  hope, 
that  the  child  should  know  more  of  Christ  than  its  poore  Fa- 
ther ever  did." 


•i  II 


li" 


.J 


n 


262 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPHY, 


\i 


\'  ■. 


so  little  discouraged  by  the  horrible  havoc  already 
made  among  his  subjects,  that  immediately  on  receiv- 
ing the  intelligence  he  despatched,  perhaps  led  on  in 
person,  a  reinforcement  of  three  hundred  warriors, 
who  pursued  the  English  very  closely  for  a  distance 
of  six  miles,  on  their  march  towards  Pequot  harbor. 

But  the  reception  which  this  body  met  with  from 
the  English,  drove  them  to  desperation.  The  whole 
remaining  force  of  the  nation  repaired  to  the  strong- 
hold of  Sassacus,  and  vented  all  their  complaints 
and  grievances  upon  his  head.  In  their  fury  they 
even  threatened  to  destroy  him  and  his  family  :  and 
perhaps  nothing  but  the  entreaties  of  his  chiet  coun- 
sellors, who  still  adhered  to  him  in  his  misfortunes, 
prevented  his  being  massacred  by  his  own  subjects 
m  his  own  fort.  A  large  number  deserted  him,  as  it 
was,  and  took  refuge  among  the  Indians  of  New 
York.  The  fort  was  then  destroyed,  and  Sassacus 
himself,  with  seventy  or  eighty  of  his  best  men,  re- 
treated towards  the  river  Hudson. 

To  kill  or  capture  him,  was  now  the  main  object 
of  the  wai*;  and  the  Pequots  were  pursued  west- 
ward, two  captured  sachems  having  had  their  lives 
spared  on  condition  of  guiding  the  English  in  the 
surprisal  of  their  royal  master.  The  enemy  were  at 
last  overtaken,  and  a  great  battle  took  place  in  a 
swamp  in  Fairfield,  where  neaHy  two  hundred  Pe- 
quots were  taken  prisoners,  l)esides  killed  and 
wounded.  Seven  hundred,  it  v.  as  computed,  had 
now  been  destroyed  in  the  course  of  the  war.  As 
Mason  expresses  himself,  they  were  become  "  a  prey 
to  all  Indians ;  and  happy  were  they  that  could  bring 
in  their  heads  to  the  English — of  which  there  came 
almost  daily  to  Windsor  or  Hartford."  So  Winthrop 
writes  late  in  the  summer  of  1637 — "  The  Indians 
about  still  send  in  many  Pequots'  heads  and  hands 
from  Long  Island  and  other  places."  &c.* 

But  Sassacus  was  not  destined  to  fall  by  the  hands 

♦  Journal,  Vol.  I. 


■'il'i  ■/ 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPHY. 


263 


)c  already 
f>n  receiv- 

Jed  on  in 

wnrriors, 
1  distance 
t  harbor, 
vith  from 
'he  whole 
le  strong- 
>mpiaint8 
fury  they 
lily:  and 
ief  coun- 
'fortunos, 

suhjects 
lim,  aH  it 

of  New 
Sassacus 
men,  re- 

n  object 
3d  west- 
eir  lives 
I  in  the 

were  at 
ice  in  a 
Ired  Pe- 
ed   and 
ed,  had 
ar.    As 
*  a  prey 
d  bring 
•e  came 
inthrop 
Indians 

hands 

s  hands 


of  the  English,  although  thirteen  of  his  war-rantains 
had  already  been  HJaiii,  and  he  was  himself  driven 
from  swamp  lo  swamp,  by  nij?ht  and  day,  until  Hfo 
■was  hardly  worthy  of  an  eftbrt  to  preserve  it.  Even 
his  own  men  were  seeking  his  life,  to  such  extremi- 
ties were  they  compelled  by  fear  of  the  En'»lish. 
One  Pequot,  whose  lil)prty  wife  granted  him  on  con- 
dition of  finding  and  betraying  Sassacus,  finally  suc- 
ceeded in  the  search.  He  came  up  with  him  in  one 
of  his  solitary  retreas  ;  but  finding  bis  design  suspect- 
ed, and  wanting  the  courage  necessary  for  attacking 
a  warrior  whom  even  his  Narraghansett  enemies  had 
described  as  "all  one  God,"*  he  left  him  in  the  night, 
and  returned  to  the  English. 

The  sachem  was  at  last  obliged  to  abandon  his 
country.  Taking  with  him  five  hundred  pounds  of 
wampum,  and  attended  by  several  of  his  best  war- 
captains  and  bravest  men,  he  sought  a  refiige  among 
the  Mohawks.  These  savages  wanted  the  magna- 
nimity to  shelter,  or  even  sf>are,  a  formidal)le  rival, 
now  brought  within  their  power  by  his  misfortunes. 
He  was  surprised  and  slain  by  a  party  of  them,  and 
most  of  the  faithful  companions  who  still  followed 
his  solitary  wanderings,  were  partakers  with  him  of 
the  same  miserable  fate.  The  scalp  of  Sassacus  was 
sent  to  Connecticut  in  the  fall ;  and  a  lock  of  it  soon 
after  carried  to  Boston,  *  as  a  rare  sight,'  (says  Trum- 
bull,) and  a  sure  demonstration  of  the  death  of  a 
mortal  enemy. 

Thus  perished  the  last  great  sachem  of  the  Pe- 
quots ;  and  thus  was  that  proud  and  warlike  nation 
itself,  with  the  exception  of  a  small  remnant,  swept 
from  the  face  of  the  earth.  The  case  requires  but 
brief  comment.  However  this  tribe  and  their  chief- 
tain might  have  been  predisposed  to  treat  the  En- 
glish, and  however  they  did  treat  their  Indian  neigh- 
bors, they  commenced  their  intercourse  with  the 
whites,  ostensibly  at  least,  in  a  manner  as  friendly 

♦Mason's  History. 


ill 


b 


i^ 


264 


INDIAN    i    OLRAPilY. 


i;* 


I;  s 


and  honorable  as  it  was  indnpondent.  Previous  to 
the  treaty,  indeed,  complaints  had  i^rown  out  of  the 
murder  of  Stone ;  hut  the  KnchHh  had  no  eviilence 
at  all  in  that  ease,  while  the  evidence  of  the  Pequota 
was,  according  to  their  own  acknowledgenrient,  cogent 
if  not  conclusive,   in   Hupport  of  their   innocence. 

We  may  add,  that  it  was  confirmed  by  what  ia 
known  incidentally  of  the  character  of  Stone.  Gov- 
ernor Winthrop,  speaking  of  his  arrival  at  Jioston  in 
June  1(>33,  on  board  a  small  vessel  loaded  with 
"  corn  and  salt,"  adds,  that  "  thd  governor  of  Plym- 
outh sent  Captain  Standish  to  prosecute  against  him 
for  piracy."  The  particulars  of  the  accusation  need 
not  be  stated,  for  oidy  a  few  months  after  this,  we 
find  the  same  person  mentioned  as  charged  with  an- 
other infamous  crime  ;  "  and  though  it  appeared  he 
was  in  drink,  and  no  act  to  be  proved,  yet  it  was 
thought  fit  he  should  abide  his  trial,"  &c.  He  was 
fined  a  hundred  pounds,  and  expelled  from  the 
Massachusetts  jurisdiction. 

As  to  the  next  proceeding  recorded — the  expedi- 
tion of  the  English  in  1()35 — we  have  only  to  re- 
mark, 1.  That  the  demand  of  one  thousand  fathoms 
of  wampum,  with  no  justifiable  nor  even  alleged 
reason  for  it,  was  an  imposition  and  an  insult.  2, 
The  English  should  at  least  have  taken  time  to 
see  Sassacus  himself,  his  subjects  having  no  more 
authority  than  disposition  to  treat  without  him.  3. 
The  English,  with  no  apparent  provocation,  not  only 
insulted  but  assaulted  the  Pequots,  merely  to  see  if 
they  would  '  show  fight ;'  and  then  burnt  their  towns 
ancf  boats ;  not  a  hair  of  their  own  heads  being  mean- 
while injured,  and  Sassacus  himself  being  still  absent. 

With  such  inducement,  the  chieftain  began  a  war 
of  extermination ;  and  then  indeed  it  became  neces- 
sary that  one  of  the  two  nations  at  issue  should  be 
completely  disabled.  No  civilized  reader  entertains  a 
doubt  as  to  the  result  which,  under  such  an  alterna- 
tive, was  most  to  be  desired.  But  he  may  neverthe- 
less have  liis  opinion,  respecting  the  morfd  propriety 


INDIAN    BIOCRAPHT. 


265 


h- 


;>viou8  to 
ut  of  the 
evidence 
Pequots 
It,  cogent 
noceiice. 
'  what  ia 
3.  Gov- 
iostoii  in 
led  with 
)f  Plym- 
inst  him 
ion  need 
this,  we 
with  an- 
eared  he 
it  it  was 
He  was 
rem  the 


as  well  as  the  state  policy  of  the  inensnrrs  which 
brought  on  tfiat  horrihie  necessity.  Let  the  wliolo 
truth,  then,  he  exposed.  If  it  shall  he  found,  (as  wo 
believe  it  must  be,)  that  under  the  influence  of  strong 
and  sincere  though  fatal  excitement,  a  rashncHs  ot 
the  civilized  party  was  the  ultimate  cause  of  the  ruin 
of  the  savage,  let  that  injustice  be  acknowledged, 
thouph  it  should  be  with  shame  and  with  tears. 
Let  it  l>e  atoned  for,  as  far  as  it  may  be — in  the  only 
way  now  possible — by  the  candid  jud^nnent  of  pos- 
terity and  history,  upon  the  merits  and  the  misfor- 
tunes of  both. 


'k 


expedi- 
y  to  re- 
fathoms 
alleged 
suit.    2. 
time  to 
lo  more 
lim.    3. 
ot  only 
)  see  if 
r  towns 
i;  mean- 
absent. 
|i  a  war 
neces- 
>uld  be 
rtains  a 
ilterna- 
verthe- 
Dpriety 


;  1 


I 


266 


INDIAN   BIOGRAPHY. 


CHAPTER  XIV. 


•■  ",i 


The  Pequot  territory  claimed  by  Uncas — His  tribe,  family, 
and  early  history — Services  in  the  Pequot  expedition  re- 
warded by  the  English — Effect  of  their  favor — His  contest 
witli  Miantonomo,  and  result — Subsequent  wars  and  quarrels 
with  various  tribes  and  chiefs — Assistance  rendered  him  by 
the  English — Complaints  brought  against  him  to  them — His 
Christianity  considered  —  His  morality —  Evidence  of  hia 
fraud,  falsehood,  violence,  tyranny,  ambition — Hie  services, 
and  those  of  his  tribe  to  the  English — Manner  in  which  he 
met  the  accusations  made  against  him — Cuimingand  servility 
— His  treatment  of  neighboring  sachems — Various  negotia- 
tions with  the  English  —His  deatli — Fate  of  his  tribe. 

V 

On  the  conquest  of  the  Pequots,  the  whole  of  their 
territory,  about  thirty  miles  square,  was  claimed  by  the 
Mohegans.  The  be^t  opinion  is,  that  this  tribe  was 
originally  a  part  of  the  Pequot  nation  ;  and  that  their 
subsequent  name  was  derived  from  the  jjlace  of  their 
subsequent  residence.  The  first  chief  sachem  of 
the  Mohegans  personally  known  to  the  English,  was 
cNCAS,*  who  was  a  Pequot  by  birth,  and  of  the  royal 
line,  both  by  his  father  and  mother.  His  wife  was 
a  daughter  of  Tatobam,  one  of  the  Pequot  sachems. 
Probably  he  had  been  himself  a  war-captain  under 
Sassacus.  But  when  the  English  began  their  setde- 
ments  in  Connecticut,  he  was  in  a  state  of  rebellion 
against  him,  in  consequence  of  some  misunderstand- 
ing between  them,  for  which  either  he  had  expatriated 
himself,  or  Sassacus  had  expelled  him  from  his  do- 
minions. At  this  time,  his  influence  was  inconsidera- 
ble ;  but  his  great  address  and  ambition  soon  made 
him  the  leading  Sagamore  of  the  Mohegans,  as  they 


*  Onkos.       Mason*8  Pequot  Expedition. 
Uncass.     Wolcott. 
Ok  ACE.      Roger   Williams. 
Onkus  and  Okoko.     Winthrop. 
Uncus,  UnquaSjUnkowah,  &c.    Hazard. 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPHY. 


267 


ibo,  family, 
pedition  re- 
His  contest 
ind  quarrels 
ired  him  by 
I  them — His 
ence  of  his 
[is  services, 
m  which  he 
ind  servility 
3US  negotia- 
tribe. 

le  of  their 
led  by  the 
tribe  was 
that  their 
;e  of  their 
ichem  of 
?lish,  was 
the  royal 
wife  was 
sachems, 
in  under 
eir  settle- 
rebellion 
derstand" 
patriated 
n  his  do- 
on  sidera- 
on  made 
?,  as  they 


ird. 


aftenvards  madr  that  tribe  the  leading  one  in  Con- 
necticut.— [See  Appendix  No.  I.] 

The  English  were  more  indebted  to  Uncas  for 
his  zealous  services  in  the  Pequot  war,  than  to  all  the 
other  Indians  together,  though  they  at  first  entertain- 
ed doubts  of  his  fidelity.    Governor  Wolcott  says : 

* ' T  was  here  [at  Hartford]  that  Uncass  did  the  army  meet, 

With  many  stout  Moheagans  at  his  feel. 

He  to  the  general  [Mason]  goes,  and  doth  declare. 

He  came  for  our  assistance  in  the  war. 

He  was  tliat  Sagamore,  whom  great  Sassacus'  rage 
Had  hitherto  kept  under  vassalage. 
But  weary  of  his  great  severity, 
He  now  revolts  and  to  the  English  fly. 
With  cheerful  air  our  captain  him  embraces. 
And  him  and  his  chief  men  with  titles  graces ; 
But  over  them  preserved  a  jealous  eye, 
Lest  all  this  might  be  done  in  treachery.* 

But  he  was  soon  convinced,  that  his  suspicions 
were  unjust.  Thi3  Mohegans  embarked  with  Mason's 
ninety  men,  on  board  a  pink  or  pinnace  and  a  shallop, 
both  which,  the  water  being  low  in  the  river,  fell 
aground  several  times.  The  Indians  disliked  this 
new  species  of  navigation,  and  especially  so  much 
of  it  as  pertained  to  the  flats  and  sands ;  and  Uncas 
was  still  more  impatient  to  recommend  himself  by 
an  active  commencement  of  the  war.  He  therefore 
requested,  that  he  and  his  men  might  be  set  on  shore, 
promising  to  join  Mason  again  at  Saybrook.  His 
request  was  granted ;  and  he  not  only  redeemed  his 
pledge,  but,  meeting  a  considerable  party  of  Pequots 
on  the  route,  he  attacked  them  with  great  spirit,  and 
killed  seven  of  their  number — "  which,"  says  Captain 
Mason,  "  we  looked  at  as  a  sf^ecial  Providence  ;  for 
before  we  were  somewhat  doubtful  of  his  fidelity." 

This  good  opinion  was  daily  confirmed  by  the 
Sachem's  conversation  and  conduct.  "  Indeed,"  our 
writer  elsewhere  adds,  "  he  was  a  great  friend  and 
did  great  service — I  shall  never  forget  him."  At 
the  commencement  of  the  campaign,  the  various 


iff 


>,ii 

.!j,. 


m 
III 


% 

"ill 


n 


r    ' 


[f 


268 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPHY. 


Indians  who  engaged  in  it,  were  in  high  glee.  They 
gathered  into  a  ring,  and  one  by  one  made  solemn 
protestations  how  gallantly  they  would  demean 
themselves,  and  how  many  men  they  would  kil' 
But  Uncas  said  very  little,  until  Mason  inquired  ol* 
him  what  he  thought  tliese  Indians  would  do. 
"Nothing,"  answered  he,  gi*avely ;  "The  Narra- 
ghansetts  will  leave  you  to  a  man.  I  can  only  say 
for  myself,  that  I  never  will."  And  he  never  did. 
The  Narraghansetts,  who  had  vaunted  themselves  on 
the  example  they  should  be  obliged  to  set  the  English, 
to  encourage  them  in  their  attack  upon  the  enemy, 
soon  fell  into  the  back  ground,  and  many  of  them 
retiu-ned  home. 

The  English  marched  on  through  the  woods  by 
moonlight,  until,  finding  themselves  altogether  aban- 
doned by  these  spirited  allies,  they  halted,  and  sent 
messengers  to  know  what  had  become  of  them. 
At  last, 

— *  After  long  waiting  for  the  same, 

Up  trusty  Uncass  and  stout  Wequash  came. 

Of  whom  the  general  in  strict  terms  demands, 

Where  stands  the  fort,  and  how  their  judgement  stands 

About  tlie  Enterprise!  and  what's  the  cause 

riiey  left  their  post  [the  van]  against  all  martial  laws.*    ' 

From  the  answer  given  to  these  questions,  it  would 
appear  that,  however  it  might  be  with  the  Sachems, 
the  Indians  generally  were  in  horrible  fear  of  the 
Pequots.  The  apology  however  was  cogent ;  "  when 
once  they  were  engaged,"  said  thviy, 

" '  t  is  hard  to  gH 

A  dispensation  from  them  to  retreat.''* 

But  no  such  reasoning  influenccvl  the  resolution 
or  the  fidelity  of  Uncas.  Even  after  the  great  suc- 
cess which  attended  the  assault,  most  of  the  Indians 
deserted,  or  at  least  disappeared,  in  consequence  of 
an  apprehension  of  falling  in  with  the  wandering 
Pequots.  But  Uncas  remained  steadfast.  He  also 
did  active  service  afterwards,  against  a  band  of  the 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPHY. 


269 


}e.  They 
le  solemn 
I  demean 
'ould  kill 
quired  ot* 
von\d  do. 
e   Narra- 

only  say 
ever  did. 
iselves  on 
J  English, 
e  enemy, 

of  them 

voods  by 
tier  aban- 
and  sent 
of  them. 


stands 

laws.*    ' 

it  would 

achems, 

of  the 

"  when 


solution 
at  suc- 
Indians 
ince  of 
udering 
le  also 
of  the 


enemy  who  had  settled  themselves  at  Pawcatuck, 
contrary  to  the  terms  of  their  submission  to  the 
English  ;  joining  his  friend  Mason,  on  that  occasion, 
with  one  hundred  of  his  men  and  twenty  canoes. 

A  small  harbor  in  the  southern  part  of  the  town 
of  Guilford,  (in  Connecticut)  has  to  this  day  a  name 
derived  from  one  of  his  achievements.  He  and  his 
MohegaUvS,  with  a  few  of  the  English,  having  under- 
taken, when  the  enemy  fled  westward,  to  scour  the 
shores  near  the  sea  for  the  purpose  of  cutting  off 
stragglers,  came  up  with  a  Pequot  sachem  and  a  few 
men,  not  far  from  this  Iiarbor,  and  pursued  them. 
As  the  south  side  of  the  harbor  is  formed  by  a.long 
narrow  neck  of  land,  the  Pequots  went  out  upon 
that  point,  hoping  that  their  pursuers  would  pass  by 
them.  But  Uncaw,  perceiving  the  stratagem,  ordered 
some  of  his  men  to  give  chase,  which  the  enemy 
observing,  swam  over  the  mouth  of  the  harbor. 
There  they  were  waylaid,  and  taken  as  they  landed. 
A  council  being  held,  and  the  sachem  sentenced  to 
death,  Uncas  himself  is  said  to  have  i?hot  him  with 
an  arrow,  cut  off  his  head,  and  set  it  up  in  the  crotch 
of  a  large  oak-tree  near  the  water.  The  skull  re- 
mained there  many  years,  and  the  name  of  the 
Sachem's-Head  has  been  ever  since  attached  to  the 
harbor.* 

The  remuneration  t/)  Uncas  for  the  part  which  he 
took  in  this  war,  was  a  portion  of  the  Pequot  terri- 
tory, (which  he  af^ervvards  sold  to  the  English,^  and 
one  hundred  capir  es  of  that  Iribe;  and  this,  vvitn  the 
honor  of  having  subdued  his  great  Pequot  rival,  and 
the  reputation  of  being  upon  the  fiiost  flattering  and 
favorable  terms  of  intercourse  with  the  English,  made 
him  at  once  a  character  of  high  dignity  and  of  no 
little  influence.  Indians  began  to  collect  around  him 
from  neighboring  tribes,  and  iie  could  now  muster 
four  or  five  hundred  warriors.  The  state  of  Con- 
necticut treated  with  him,  and  made  him  presents, 


Iftf 


i*  I 


h 


♦Historj'  of  Guilford,  Mass.  His.  Coll. 
Y2 


.A'h 


270 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPHY. 


and  permitted  him  to  exercise  dominion  and  to  give 
deeds  of  territory,  in  all  respects  like  an  independent 
and  sovereign  authority,  while  he  enjoyed  at  the 
same  time  the  benefit  of  ti»eir  personal  patronage 
and  the  protection  of  his  tribe  from  their  enemies. 

In  July,  1638,  Uncas  visited  in  person  the  authori- 
ties of  Massacliusetts  at  Boston — the  only  visit  of 
mere  ceremony  which  is  recorded  of  him  in  history. 
Ostensible  ceremony,  we  should  |>erhaps  say ;  for 
considerintr  the  time,  the  company,  and  especially 
the  deportment  on  that  occasion,  there  can  be  little 
doubt  that  the  Sachem  had  an  object  in  view  which 
Hghtened  the  weariness  of  his  long  journey. 

He  came  attended  by  thirty-seven  men,  and  ac- 
companied by  Governor  Haynos,  whom  he  had 
called  uj)on  by  the  way.  He  offered  the  Governor 
of  Massachusetts  a  present  of  twenty  fathoms  of 
wampum,  which  being  in  o])en  court,  the  Coun- 
cil thought  fit  to  refuse  it,  "  till  he  had  given  satisfac- 
tion about  the  Pequods  he  kept,"  &c.*  Upon  this 
he  appeared  much  dejected,  and  even  affected  to 
apprehend  that  his  life  was  in  danger.  But  he  was 
not  long  at  a  loss.  Evidence  was  produced  which 
counteracted  the  main  suspicions  that  rested  upon 
him  ;  and  he  promised  to  submit  his  controversy 
with  ihe  Narraghansetts  to  English  arbitration,  and 
to  follow  any  arrangement  they  should  make  as  to 
his  Pequots. 

The  present  was  now  accepted,  and  about  half  an 
hour  afterwards,  he  wont  to  tbe  Governor,  and  ad- 
dressed him  in  the  following  terms!  "  This  hearV — 
he  said,  laying  his  hand  on  his  breast — "  is  not  mine, 
hut  yours.  I  have  no  men.  They  are  all  yours. 
Command  me  any  hard  thing — /  will  do  it.  I  tvill  not 
believe  any  Indiaii's  words  against  ihe  English.  If 
any  man  shall  kill  an  Englishman,  I  will  put  him  to 
death  were  he  never  so  dear  to  me."  The  Governor 
gave  him  a  handsome  red  coat,  defrayed  the  ex- 


n  ■» 


m 


■  &. 


'  Winthrop. 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPHY. 


271 


1  to  give 
ependent 
d  at  the 
►atronage 
enemies, 
autliori- 
visit  of 
1  history, 
say ;  for 
(specially 

I  be  little 
w  which 

r 

• 

and  ac- 
he had 
jrovernor 
horns  of 
e  Coun- 
satisfac- 
pon  this 
Fected  to 
;  he  was 
d  which 
;ed  upon 
itroversy 
tion,  and 
ke  as  to 

t  half  an 
and  ad- 
heart " — 
not  mine, 

II  yours. 
'  tvill  not 
iish.  If 
t  him  to 
Governor 

the  ex« 


pauses  of  his  visit,  and  furnished  him  with  provisions 
for  his  return-jouniey,  and  a  general  letter  of  pro- 
tection— and  so  "he  departed  very  joyful." 

This  transaction  throws  some  light  upon  what  is 
far  the  most  singular  point  in  the  history  of  the 
cunning  Sachem,  viz :  that  he  invariably  maintained 
at  once  the  best  terms  with  his  civilized  ally  and  the 
worst  with  his  Indian  neighbors.  The  latter  circum- 
stance indeed  naturally  ensued  from  the  former ;  on 
account  of  which,  as  well  as  from  other  causes  par- 
tially explained  heretofore,  the  inveterate  hatred 
which  liad  so  long  existed  between  the  Mohegans 
and  the  Narraghausetts,  previous  to  their  union  with 
the  English  for  the  suppression  of  the  com'mon 
enemy  of  all,  broke  out  again  soon  after  the  treaty 
of  16^8,  and  continued  from  that  time  forward  until 
the  proud  Narraghansetts  in  their  turn  fell  beneath 
the  power  of  the  English.  Ostensibly/,  (as  we  have 
seen  in  the  life  of  Miantonomo,)  the  war  was  brought 
on  by  tiie  quarrel  of  Uncas  with  Sequassen,  of  whose 
outrage  he  complained  to  the  Governor  and  Court  of 
the  Colony.  The  high  estimate  he  set  upon  his  own 
dignity  appears  from  his  demanding  six  of  Sequas- 
sen's  men  for  the  murder  of  his  subject.  With  great 
difficulty  he  was  finally  persuaded  to  accept  of  the 
offender  alone.  But  Sequassen  objected  even  to  these 
terms  ;  for  ho  vould  do  nothing  but  fight.  A  con- 
test eitsued,  and  Uncas  was  the  victor. 

Jlis  subsequent  war  with  Miantonomo,  and  the 
proceedings  which  ensued  rpon  his  triumph  over  that 
formidable  chieftain,  have  been  detailed.  From  this 
period,  so  long  as  the  Narraghansetts  remained  able 
to  send  an  army  into  the  field,  there  was  no  rest  for 
Uncas  or  his  people,  day  nor  night.  Truces  and 
promises  were  negotiated  and  passed  between  the 
parties  by  the  English  ;  but  the  power  which  impos- 
ed, or  the  influence  which  induced  these  obligations 
was  scarcely  withdrawn,  when  the  unextinguishable 
flame  blazed  ftrth,  the  more  furiously  for  its  brief 
Buspcnsiori.    The  Narraghansetts  repeatedly  invaded 


i 


m. 


1 


?ft 


I 


H 


■ifi 


h 


272 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPHY. 


I   , 


l     V> 


the  Mohegan  country  in  the  course  of  the  year  1645, 
assaulted  IJncas  in  his  own  fort,  killed  and  captured 
numbers  of  his  men,  and  fiually  so  pressed  him,  that 
both  Connecticut  and  New  Haven  were  obliged  to 
send  troops  to  his  assistance,  as  Hartford  had  done 
before,  to  prevent  the  enemy  from  completely  sub- 
duing him  and  his  country. 

In  1648,  the  Mohawks,  Pocomtocks,  and  other 
tribes  were  induced  to  take  part  against  him.  Nine 
years  aftenvards,  he  was  again  beset  in  his  fortress, 
and  again  rescued  by  the  Connecticut  forces ;  and  so 
late  as  1660,  tlie  same  emergency  led  to  the  same 
measures.  On  tha*^  occasion,  he  was  besieged  until 
his  provisions  W':re  nearly  exhausted,  and  he  saw 
that,  without  speedy  reljfjf,  ho  and  his  men  must  soon 
perish  by  famine  or  sworsi.  in  this  crisis,  he  found 
means  of  conmiunicatiug  his  danger  to  the  scouts  of 
the  En.lish,  who  \u\A  boon  sent  out  from  Saybrook 
Ibrt.  The  case  hcung  urgent,  one  Leffingwell,  an 
ensign  of  the  garrison,  and  a  bold  enterprising  man, 
loaded  a  canoe  with  beef,  corn  and  pease,  and  paddled 
it  under  cover  of  the  night  from  Saybrook  into  the 
Thames  river,  where  he  had  the  address  to  get  the 
whole  into  the  besieged  fort,  which  stood  near  the 
water's  edge.  The  enemy  soon  ascertained  that 
Tineas  was  relieved,  and  raised  the  siege.  Tho 
Sachem  is  said  to  have  rewarded  Leffingwell  for  his 
services  by  a  deed  of  the  town  of  Norwich.* 

And  not  open  and  honorable  arms,  (as  civilized 
foes  would  consider  them,)  alone,  were  employed 
against  Uncas.  One  of  the  Pequots,  in  1643,  shot 
him  through  the  arm,  at  the  instigation,  as  was  gener- 
ally supposed,  of  Miautonomo ;  and  the  war  with 
that  chieftain  was  brought  on  by  similar  attempts  oc 
the  part  of  Sequassen.  The  Narraghausett  sachems 
hired  an  Indian  to  assassinate  him  in  1649,  and  he 
succeeded  so  far  as  to  give  him  a  wound  in  the 
breast  with  a  sword,  which  for  some  time  was  thought 
mortal.    Sorcery  and  poison  were  also  tried. 

♦Trumbull. 


INDIAN    BlOGRAPIir. 


273 


year  1645, 
captured 
him,  that 
jbhged  to 
had  done 
stely  8ub- 

md  other 
m.    Nine 

fortress, 
s ;  and  so 
the  same 
ged  until 
lI  lie  saw 
nust  soon 
he  found 
scouts  of 
Saylirook 
rwell,  an 
ing  man, 
'  paddled 

into  the 
)  get  the 
near  the 
ned  that 
e.  Tha 
II  for  his 

civilized 
mployed 
)43,  shot 
is  gener- 
^ar  with 
impts  OK 
sachems 
',  and  he 
d  in  the 
thought 


Attempts  were  meanwhile  made  to  injure  him  in 
the  estimation  of  the  English  ;  his  enemies  believ- 
ing, and  with  good  reason,  that  the  withdrawal  of 
their  protection  would  be  fatal  to  him.  Sequassen, 
whose  hatred  wjis  inveterate,  went  so  far,  in  l()4r»,  as 
to  form  a  plan  for  murdering  Governor  Haynes  and 
other  of  the  principal  inhabitants  of  Hartford,  with 
the  view  of  havmg  the  crime  charged  upon  Uncas. 
Watohibrough,  a  Waranoke  Indian  was  engaged  to 
do  the  business ;  and  he  and  Sequassen,  after  leaving 
matters  in  a  proper  train,  were  to  take  refuge  among 
the  Mohawks.  The  price  of  blood  was  already  paid 
in  girdles  of  wampum  ;  but  Watohibrough  wanted 
courage  to  perform  what  avarice  only  had  led  him  to 
undertake.  Having  altered  his  mind  thus  far,  he 
soon  bethought  himself  that  the  English  had  given 
rewards  to  those  who  discovered  a  similar  conspiracy 
on  a  former  occasion ;  and  concluding  they  would 
do  so  again,  he  went  to  Hartford,  and  disclosed  every 
thing  he  knew.  Messengers  were  immediately  sent 
to  demand  the  attendance  of  Sequassen,  for  the  pur- 
pose of  clearing  himself  from  the  charge ;  but  he 
thought  it  more  politic  to  avoid  the  messengers,  and 
so  escaped  unpunished. 

The  English  authorities  invariably  took  cognizance 
of  all  these  and  similar  proceedings  ;  and  no  doubt, 
but  for  their  interference,  and  the  expectation  of  it, 
many  more  of  the  same  nature  would  have  taken 
place,  and  might  finally  have  succeeded.  Thus  it 
was  the  extraordinary  good  fortune  of  Uncas  to  be 
a  favorite  with  his  early  allies,  from  first  to  last. 
He  complained  of  no  grievance  in  vain :  and  as  a 
natural  consequence,  he  uniformly  complained  upon 
good  occasion,  as  well  as  frequently  upon  bad  or 
none.  The  Mohansick  Sachem,  of  Long-Island,  com- 
mitted trespasses  on  his  men ;  and  forthwith  "  hee 
desires  the  commissioners  that  hee  may  be  righted 
therein ;"  and  four  persons  are  immediately  appointed 
to  *^xamine  the  Mohansick  Sachem, "  and  if  proof  bee 
cleare  to  labor  to  convince  him  thereof,  require  satis- 


tH  f  1 


f  < 


274 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPHY. 


' 


faccon,  and  in  cnso  of  reasonable  cornplyance  en- 
deaiior  a  Composure  thereof:  hut  if  no  satisfaccon 
will  hee  giuen  for  Iniuries,  proceed  then  to  lett  him 
know  they  give  the  English  just  cause  of  offence,  and 
ivill  bring  trouble  vpon  thenuselues"* 

The  possibility  of  his  giving  false  testimony  against 
his  enemies  and  rivals,  seems  scarcely  to  have  enter- 
ed the  Commission(;rs'  minds.  Upon  rumors  of  fresh 
assaults  by  the  Narraghonsetts  upon  the  Long- 
Islanders,  in  1653,  they  sent  messengers  to  the  for- 
mer, requiring  their  attendance  at  Boston,  for  the 
purpose  of  compromising  the  qufxrrel.  These  mes- 
sengers were  farther  instructed  to  notify,  not  only  to 
the  Long-Islanders,  but  to  Uncus,  that  if  they  or  any 
of  them  had  any  thing  "to  enforme  charge  or  pro- 
pound either  in  the  foremencioned  or  any  other," 
they  were  to  send  witnesses  accordingly — "  and  by 
Thomas  Staunton  or  otherwise  you  are  to  giue  notice 
to  Captaine  Mason,  Vncus  &lq.  that  there  may  bee  not 
fayling  for  want  of  Witnesse  or  Euidence.^^  It  is  not 
wonderful,  that  Ninigret  asked  the  messengers,  on 
this  occasion,  after  being  told  of  their  errand — "  Why 
doe  the  English  slight  wee,  and  respect  the  Longe- 
Islanders  and  the  Mohegins,  seeing  all  around  mee 
do  love  mee  and  are  my  frinds  ?  "f 

In  1654,  great  complaints  were  made  against  Uncas 
himself.  On  that  occasion,  the  same  messenger 
sent  to  the  Mohegan  sachem  was  sent  also  to  Nini- 
gret ;  but  although  the  former  was  the  accused  party, 
it  will  be  observed,  that  a  peculiar  provision  was 
made  to  accommodate  him,  while  the  only  one  made 
in  relation  to  Ni'iigret's  visit  was,  that  "  hee  may  not 
bring  with  him  aboue  twenty  or  thirty  men ;  nor 
may  Newcome,  or  as  the  Indians  call  him,  Mattackist, 
come  with  him  whoe  last  yearegaue  offence  att  Bos- 
ton." It  is  clear,  that  the  plaintiff  in  this  suit  was  no 
favorite  ;  and  it  is  further  remarkable,  that  the  mes- 


♦  Records  of  the  Colonies 
t  Ibid  for  1653. 


1649. 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPHY. 


275 


yance  en- 
atisfaccon 
lett  hirn 
ff'tnce,  and 

ny  against 
ave  en  ter- 
ra of  fresh 
le   Long- 
o  the  for- 
,  for  the 
Jese  mes- 
ot  only  to 
ey  or  any 
e  or  pro- 
y   other," 
;"  and  by 
iue  notice 
!y  bee  noe 
It  is  not 
igers,  on 
i— «  Why 
3  Longe- 
'und  mee 

ist  Uncas 
lessenger 
to  Nini- 
ed  party, 
ion  was 
ne  made 
may  not 
en;   nor 
ittackist, 
att  Bos- 
t  was  no 
he  mes- 


senger was  directed  to  take  tlio  present  occasion  of 
reminding  hirn  of  his  old  debts  and  defaults,  and  (as 
if  to  prevent  his  a|>pearanc(;)  r(M|iiiring  satisliictioii 
to  be  given  at  the  time  of  his  visit.  The  following 
are  the  mcsscngei-s  instructions  : 

"  You  are  to  informc  both  V^ncus  and  his  brother 
Woweque  that  the  Commissioners  haue  receiued 
information  of  some  purpose  of  theires  to  invade  the 
Narraghansetts  or  Ninnigrett;  they  liaue  alsoe  heard 
of  some  ditFerences  lately  groune  betwixt  Vncus  and 
his  brother  and  betwixt  them  and  theiremen.  They 
are  not  willing  to  receive  reports  without  due  enquiry; 
they  haue  therefore  sent  for  Ninnigrett,  the  better  to 
secure  the  longe-Island  Indians,  and  to  h(mre  what 
hee  hath  to  alh^ge  against  the  JMohegens,  and  com- 
pose all  other  differences.  The  Commissioners  ther- 
fore  desire  and  exf)ect  that  both  Vncus  and  his 
brother  doe  forthwith  Come  to  hartford,  &c.  You 
are  alsoe  to  informe  both  Vncus  and  his  brother*  and 
theire  men,  that  the  English  doe  oune  Vncns  so  longe  as 
hee  carrieth  himself e  tvell,  and  shall  bee  loth  hee  suffer 


wrong. 


5> 


&c. 


Next  follow  the  "  Instruccons  for  John  Gilbert  and 
John  Baily  whoe  were  sent  to  continue  att  Vncv^  his 
fortt  during  his  absence. 

"You  shall  Repaire  to  Mohegen,  and  acquaint 
Vncus  and  all  other  Indians  that  you  are  to  reside 
att  his  fortt  by  the  Connnisioners  of  all  the  Collonies, 
to  the  Intent  that  Vncus  and  all  others  may  know 
the  realitie  of  the  Englisli  to  continnew  his  frinds 
whiles  hee  continueth  faithfull  to  the  English ;  and 
because  the  Commissioners  have  now  sent  for  Vncus 
to  speak  with  him  concerning  some  affaires  of  con- 
cernment relating  to  himselfe  Ninnigrett  and  Wo- 
weque, and  being  Informed  soma  sturrs  may  arise  in 
his  absence  to  his  prejudice  you  shall  vse  youer 
Indeauors  to  keep  all  things  quiett  and  informe  the 

♦Woweque,  a  very  troublesome  fellow,  elsewhere  noticed 
under  some  ten  or  fiftwn  other  namei. 


ild 


4 


li 


s4 


?fi 


5   fi 
•    ,1. 


'hi 


276 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPilT. 


Indians  that  such  attempts  wil  bee  offenciue  to  the 
Enirhsh."  &c. 

No  fears  seem  to  have  been  entertained,  that 
*  sturrs' would  arise  in  ihr  Niantick  country  during 
Ninigrel's  nbsenco,  altiiough  the  message  itself  was 
founded  upon  the  rumor  of  an  attacii  to  be  made 
upon  him  by  the  other  party.  So,  wlien  Captain 
Mason  had  been  commissionc^d  to  march  against 
Ninigret  with  an  armed  force,  on  a  former  occasion, 
he  was  ordered  "to  advise  particularly  that  Vncus 
Fort  be  secured  when  any  strength  is  sent  forth  against 
the  enemie,  lest  hee  and  wee  recieue  more  damage 
by  some  Indian  stratageme  than  the  enemie."  A 
multitude  of  other  decisions  and  directions  might 
be  cited  to  the  same  purpose. 

Uncas  was  in  'ess  favor  with  the  English  towards 
the  latter  part  of  his  life  than  formerly,  for  reasons 
which  will  soon  be  mentioned.  He  did  not  however 
come  to  an  open  rupture  with  them  at  any  time ;  and 
his  subjects,  though  frequently  insolent,  were  never 
hostile.  On  the  contrary,  they  assisted  their  ally  on 
many  occasions,  the  Commissioners  never  hesitating 
to  notify  them  when  their  services  would  be  accepta- 
ble, and  they  never  hesitating  to  attend  a  summons.  For 
this  zeal,  directed  as  it  invariably  was  against  their 
Indian  neighbors,  and  generally  their  old  enemies,  it 
would  be  easy  to  suggest  more  reasons  than  one. 
They  thought  themselves  fortunate  in  these  secure 
and  sanctioned  opportunities  of  revenge  and  plun- 
der, even  had  they  not  also  been  richly  repaid  by  the 
protection  of  the  English,  reciprocated  to  them  in  all 
emergencies  of  their  own.  Their  last  services  during 
the  lite  of  Uncas  were  during  Philip's  war,  when  a  par- 
ty of  them  was  commanded  by  Onecho,  a  son  of  Un- 
cas, and  by  other  sachems.  The  father  was  then  too 
old  a  man  to  endure  much  more  labor  and  weariness. 

It  has  been  stated,  that  Uncas  was  at  least  convinced 
of  the  truth  of  Christianity,  and  that  he  died  in  the 
&ith;  but  we  fear  this  information  con  hardly  be 


INDIAN  nior.RAPiir. 


277 


iue  to  tlie 

ined,  that 
ry  during 
itself  was 

be  made 
I  Captain 
h   against 

occasion, 
lat  Vncus 
th  against 
e  damage 
mie."  A 
Ds  might 

1  towards 
r  reasons 
;  however 
:ime ;  and 
ere  never 
ir  ally  on 
lesitating 
!  accepta- 
lons.  For 
nst  their 
lemies,  it 
han  one. 
;e  secure 
id  plun- 
id  by  the 
em  in  all 
s  during 
en  a  par- 
n  of  Un- 
then  too 
eariness. 
mvinced 
1  in  the 
irdly  be 


relied  upon.  The  only  proof  of  it  wc  have  seen  i0 
derived  from  the  following  anecdote. 

In  the  summer  of  l(i7(),  a  gn-nt  drought  prevailed 
throughout  New  England,  which  was  extremely 
severe  in  the  Mohegan  country.  The  com  was  dried 
up  in  August,  and  the  fruit  and  leaves  fell  from  the 
trees,  as  in  autumn.  The  Indians  were  alarmed,  but 
knew  not  what  to  do.  According  to  custom,  they 
applied  to  their  Powaha  to  intercede  with  the  Great 
Spirit  for  rain,  after  their  manner;  but  these  men 
labored  to  no  piu-j  ^e.  They  then  went  to  the  Eng- 
lish settlement  at  rwich,  and  Uncjis  went  with 
them.  He  told  x.ir.  Fitch,  the  clergyman  at  that 
place,  that  it  was  a  hard  case  with  them — the  Powahs 
could  do  them  no  service — they  must  apply  to  the 
English  God.  Mr.  Fitch  appointed  a  fast-day  at  these 
and  other  suggestions.  The  weather  on  that  occa- 
sion proved  to  be  clear ;  but  about  sunsot,  at  the 
close  of  the  religious  services,  sojne  clouds  arose. 
The  next  day  also  was  cloudy.  Uncas  now  went  to 
the  house  of  Mr.  Fitch,  with  many  Indians,  and 
again  lamented  the  great  want  of  rain.  "  If  God 
shall  send  it,"  said  Mr.  Fitch,  "  will  you  not  attribute 
it  to  your  Powahs  ?  "  No,"  answered  the  sachem ; 
"  we  have  done  our  utmost,  but  all  in  vain."  The 
clergyman  then  told  him,  that  if  he  would  make  this 
declaration  before  the  Indians,  they  should  see  what 
God  would  do  for  them.  Uncas  then  made  a  speech 
to  the  Indians,  confessing  with  particular  emphasis, 
that  if  God  should  grant  this  favor,  it  could  not  be 
in  consequence  of  their  powawing,  but  nmst  be 
ascribed  to  the  clergyman's  prayers.  Of  the  sequel 
we  only  know,  that  upon  the  day  following  there 
was  so  copious  a  rain  that  the  river  rose  more  thaii 
two  feet. 

This  testimony  proves  but  little.  On  the  other 
hand,  Mr.  Fitch  himself  in  a  letter  cited  by  Gookin, 
gives  a  very  clear  opinion  as  follows : 

" — Since  God  hath  called  me  to  labor  in  this  work 
among  the  Indians  nearer  to  me,  the  first  of  my  time 


^:| 


■Si 


• 


L« 


II 


r 


'! 


■i- 


4 


it 


J 


IMAGE  EVALUATION 
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23  WEST  MAIN  STRICT 

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278 


INDIAN   BIOCRAPHY. 


X 


was  spent  among  them  at  MoJieek,  wliere  Unkas, 
and  hi8  son,  and  Wanuho  are  sachems.  These  at 
first  carried  it  teachably  and  tractably ;  until  at  length 
the  sachems  did  discern  that  religion  would  not  con- 
sist with  a  mere  receiving,  and  that  practical  reli- 
gion will  throw  down  their  heathenish  idols,  and  the 
sachems'  tyraimical  authority.  Discernuig  this,  they 
did  not  only  go  away,  but  drew  off  their  people,  and 
would  not  suffer  them  to  give  so  much  as  an  out- 
ward attendance  to  the  ministry  of  the  word  of 
God.  *  *  At  this  time  Unkas  and  his  sons  seem  as 
if  they  would  come  on  again.  But  it  is  no  other  but 
in  envy  against  these  [the  converts]  and  to  promote 
some  present  self-design.^^ 

Wnen  Mr.  Gookin,  with  the  Apostle  Elliot,  visited 
the  towns  of  the  Massachusetts  Praying  Indians,  in 
1674,  he  says,  that  on  one  occasion,  a  large  part  of 
the  night  was  spent  at  Sagamore's  wigwam,  in  com- 
pany with  the  ]>rincipal  Indians  then  at  the  settle- 
ment, in  prayer,  singing  psalms  and  exhortation. 
There  was  one  person  present,  who  sat  mute  during 
all  these  exercises.  At  length  he  arose  and  said,  that 
he  was  an  agent  for  U ncas,  the  Mohegan  sachem,  and 
that  in  his  name  he  challenged  a  right  to,  and  domin- 
ion over  this  people  of  Wabquissit.*  "Uncas  is  not 
well  pleased,"  added  he,  "  that  the  English  should 
pass  over  Mohegan  river,  to  call  his  Indians  to  pray 
to  God."  Mr.  Gookin  replied,  that  Wabquissit  was 
within  the  Massachusetts  jurisdiction,  and  that  no 
barm  need  be  feared  at  all  events ;  the  English  only 
wished  to  bring  the  Indians  to  the  knowledge  of 
Christ,  and  to  suppress  among  them  the  sins  of  drunk- 
enness, idolatry,  powowing,  witchcraft,  murder,  and 
the  like. 

This  was  plainly  a  lecture  meant  for  the  benefit 
of  Uncas  himself,  and  his  agent  was  specially  request- 
ed to  inform  him  of  the  answer  made  to  his  protest. 

*The   South-East  corner  of  Woodstock,  and   still  called< 
Wabequasset.     It  was  in  truth,  as  it  still  is,  part  of  Connecti- 
cut, though  claimed  by  Massachusetts,  as  well  as  by  Uncas.. 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPHY. 


279 


e  Unkas, 
These  at 
atleiif^h 
not  con- 
;ical  r(;li- 
I,  and  the 
this,  they 
opie,  and 
i  an  out- 
word  of 
seem  as 
other  but 
I  promote 

ot,  visited 
idians,  in 
3  part  of 
,  in  com- 
ic settle- 
lortation. 
e  during 
^aid,  that 
lem,  and 
i  domin- 
Rs  is  not 
should 
\  to  pray 
lissit  was 
that  no 
lish  only 
edge  of 
f drunk- 
der,  and 

5  benefit 
request- 
!  protest. 

till  called* 
Couuecti- 
ly  Uncas.. 


In  another  connexion,  we  find  Mr.  Gookin's  opinion 
expressed  to  the  same  effect,  without  the  same  oir- 
cumlocution.  "I  am  apt  to  fear,"  is  his  language,* 
"  that  a  great  obstruction  unto  his  [Mr.  Fitch's]  labors, 
is  in  the  sachem  of  those  Indians,  whose  name  is 
Unkas ;  an  old  wicked  and  wilAd  man  ;  a  drunkard, 
and  otherwise  very  vicious ;  who  hath  always  been 
an  opposer  and  underminer  of  praying  to  God — 
some  hints  whereof  I  have  given  in  the  narrative  of 
my  journey  to  Wabquissit,  before  mentioned."  The 
Sachem  once  took  the  trouble  to  visit  Hartford  for 
the  express  purpose  of  complaining  to  the  Colonial 
authorities  of  the  attempts  made  to  convert  his  sub- 
jects to  Christianity. 

His  piety,  then,  will  hardly  bear  rigid  examina- 
tion. Whether  his  morality  was  quite  so  objectiona- 
ble as  Mr.  Gookin  supposed,  or  whether  that  good  man 
was  unduly  prejudiced  against  him  for  his  opposition 
to  the  ministry,  may  not  be  easily  decided.  There 
is  but  too  much  reason  for  believing,  however,  that 
there  was  great  truth  in  most  of  the  charges,  and  a 
most  pertinent  application  for  the  lecture  referred  to 
above.  The  United  Commissioners  themselves  seem 
to  pay  but  a  son'y  compliment  to  his  previous  habits 
when,  so  late  as  1672,  they  directed  a  letter  to  be 
written  to  him,  "to  incurrage  him  to  attende  on  the 
Minnestrey." 

What  is  more  to  the  purpose,  we  find  a  complaint 
entered  against  him  before  them,  in  1647,  by  one  of 
his  Pequot  subjects,  named  Obechiquod.  The  griev- 
ance was,  that  Uncas  had  taken  possession  of  and 
detained  the  man's  wife  ;  and  though  Foxon,  the 
deputy  of  the  Mohegan  sachem,  ingeniously  argued, 
that  this  accident  had  happened  only  in  consequence 
of  Obechiquod's  having  unlawfully  withdrawn  from 
the  jurisdiction  of  Uncas,  and  lell  his  wife  behind 
him,  to  be  of  course  appropriated,  according  to  Indian 
law,  by  any  other  person  who  desired  such  a  connex- 


■  r 


'^iiv' 


JM    I) 


f ' 


W 


:t 


!  11 


4i 


♦  His.  Coll.  Chapter  X, 


m. 


280 


IxNDIAN    BIOGRAPHY. 


,1. 


?   I 


I 


ion;  yet  nven  the  Commissioners  felt  themselves 
obliged,  upon  a  hearing  of  the  whole  case,  to  express 
their  abhorrence  "  of  that  lustfull  adulterous  carriage 
of  Vncus."  He  was  adjudged  to  restore  the  com- 
plainant's wife,  and  allow  the  husband  to  live  where 
he  chose,  on  condition  of  his  assisting  Uncas  in  his 
wars  whenever  the  English  desired.  He  was  dis- 
charged from  another  accusation  of  the  same  nature 
made  by  Sanops,  a  Connecticut  Indian,  at  the  same 
time — the  eviaence  not  being  sufficient  to  convict 
him. 

The  proofs  of  fraud  and  falsehood  are  still  more 
abundant.  Miantonomo  hesitated  not  to  aci^use  him 
of  foul  play,  even  m  the  Pequot  war ;  and  the  ac- 
count given  by  Roger  Williams  of  the  reports  which 
he  rendered  in  to  the  English  authorities,  of  the  Pe- 
quot captives  who  fell  into  his  hands,  goes  very  far 
to  establish  the  charge.  Six,  whom  he  had  taken  at 
one  time,  he  represented  to  be  Mohegans,  although 
an  Indian  who  gave  information  of  the  fact  to  Mr. 
Williams,  knew  them  as  Pequots  personally,  and 
perfectly  well,  and  mentioned  the  names  of  all. 

His  conduct  at  the  Hartford  conference  in  1637, 
has  already  been  the  subject  of  comment.  Some 
time  after  Miantonomo's  arrival,  who  had  been 
delayed  by  his  machinations,  he  sent  in  messen- 
gers to  the  court  that  he  was  lame,  and  could  not 
visit  them.  Governor  Haynes  observed,  that  this 
was  a  lame  excuse,  at  best,  and  immediately  des- 
patched a  cogent  request  for  him  to  attend  without 
fail  or  delay.  He  came  at  length,  and  the  Governor 
then  accused  him  of  the  flagrant  outrages  which  he 
and  his  subjects  had  committed  on  the  Narraghan- 
setts.  Some  altercation  ensued  between  the  rival 
chieftains,  but,  by  the  persuasion  of  the  English,  they 
were  finally  induced  to  shake  hands.  Miantonomo 
then  cordially  invited  Uncas  to  sup  with  him,  his 
men  having  just  killed  some  venison :  but  he  would 
not  consent.  The  sachems  were  now  called  upon 
to  make  returns  of  their  Pequot  prisoners.    Mianto- 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPHY. 


281 


emselves 
9  express 
I  carriage 
the  com- 
ve  where 
;as  in  his 
was  dis- 
ie  nature 
the  same 
>  convict 

till  more 
(•use  him 
i  the  ac- 
*ts  which 
f  the  Pe- 
I  very  far 
taken  at 
although 
ct  to  Mr. 
illy,  and 
all. 

in  1637, 
Some 
id  been 
messen- 
ould  not 
hat  this 
ely  des- 
without 
rovernor 
'^hich  he 
rraghan- 
he  rival 
ish,  they 
itonomo 
lim,  his 
e  would 
d  upon 
Mianto- 


nonio  made  his  promptly,  and  no  fault  was  found. 
"  Okace  [Uncas]  was  desired  to  give  in  the  names 
of  his.  He  answered,  that  he  knew  not  their  names. 
He  said  there  were  forty  on  Long-Islaud ;  and  that 
Juanemo  [alias  Junemoh]  and  ihree  Nuyantaquit 
Sachims  had  Pcquts,  and  that  he  himself  had  but 
twenty.  Thomas  Stanton  [Interpreter]  told  him 
and  the  magistrates,  that  he  dealt  very  falsely  :  and  it 
was  affirmed  by  others,  that  he  fetched  thirty  or  for- 
ty from  Long-Island  at  one  time.  Then  he  acknow- 
ledged that  he  had  thirty,  but  the  names  he  could  not 
give.  It  pleased  the  magistrates  to  request  me  to 
send  to  Nayantaquit,  that  the  names  of  the  Pequts 
might  be  sent  to  Cunniliticut ;  as  also  to  give  Okace 
ten  days  to  bring  in  the  number  and  names  of  his 
Pequts  and  their  runaways,  Mr.  Haynes  threatening 
also  (in  case  of  failing)  to  fetch  them."*  This  trans- 
action speaks  clearly  enough  for  itself. 

The  Sachem's  treatment  of  the  Pequots  surrender- 
ed to  him  on  this  occasion,  does  him  little  more 
credit.  In  1647,  ten  years  after  the  conquest,  these 
unfortunate  people  sent  in  a  complaint  to  the  com- 
missioners, in  which  they  stated  that  Uncas  had 
drawn  wampum  from  them  unjustly,  on  all  manner 
of  pretexts,  and  without  any  pretext.  When  his 
child  had  died,  for  example,  he  made,  or  pretended 
to  make,  a  present  to  his  wife,  and  ordered  the  Pe- 
quots to  do  the  same.  Frightened  by  his  threats, 
they  collected  one  hundred  fathoms  of  wampum,  and 
gave  it  as  directed.  Uncas  appeared  to  be  pleased, 
and  promised  to  treat  them  from  that  time  forward 
as  his  own  ancient  subjects.  But  only  a  few  days 
afterwards,  his  brother  (Woweque)  came  and  told 
them,  that  Uncas  and  his  Council  had  determined  to 
kill  some  of  them.  They  now  thought  it  necessary 
to  appeal  to  the  English  protection,  and  they  set 
about  collecting  a  quantity  of  wampum  to  be  sent 
in  to  Connecticut  with  that  view.    Uncas  received 

♦  Letters  of  Williams  in  Mass.  His.  Coll.  Third  Series. 

Z2 


I 


'It 


iu 


t 

1  ' 


■] 


/v 


382 


INDIAN   BIOGRAPHY. 


iii 


V 


! 


a  hint  of  their  movements ;  and  the  next  morning 
he  came  to  the  fort  where  they  were,  with  a  body 
of  warriors,  armed,  and  apparently  bent  upon  killing 
some  of  their  number.  They  however  escaped  safe 
to  Connecticut.  It  was  farther  alleged,  that  they 
had  given  Uncas  wampum  forty  times.  Twenty- 
five  times  they  had  sent  it  by  him  to  the  English, 
in  payment  of  tribute  ;  but  they  knew  not  that  any 
part  of  it  was  delivered. — Also,  that  Uncas  favored 
the  Mohegans  to  their  prejudice.  If  they  won  anv 
thing  of  one  of  them  in  play,  it  could  never  be  col- 
lected.— Also,  that  he  had  cut  all  their  fishing  nets 
for  not  aiding  him — as  they  were  not  bound  to  do — 
in  certain  of  his  forays  against  the  Indians  of  Long 
Island. 

The  reply  of  Foxon  to  these  charges — no  doubt 
by  instruction  from  his  master — is  full  of  his  usual 
ingenuity.  1.  As  to  the  wampum — "  he  belieueth 
the  Pequats  haue  for  tribute  and  vpon  other  occa- 
sions at  sundry  times  paid  wampam  to  Vncus,  but 
denyeth  that  they  in  particular  had  giuen  him  any 
for  the  English ;  but  the  Moyhegens  and  they  had 
sometimes  joyned  togeither  to  giue  in  wampam, 
which  had  been  sent  as  a  presente  twice  into  the 
Mattachusets,  and  sometimes  to  Mr.  Uaynes  at 
Hartford,  but  he  thinckes  the  nomber  of  twenty-fiue 
times  to  be  altogeither  false." 

2.  "  He  concieues  that  the  Pequats  being  an  vnder 
people  might  haue  some  wrong  from  the  Mohegens 
in  play  and  durst  not  presse  for  their  right,  but 
denyeth  that  Vncus  had  any  hand  therein." 

3.  "  He  acknowledgeth  that  the  Pequats  did  bring 
in  100  fathome  of  wampam  at  the  death  of  Vncus 
child,  and  were  promised  favoure  as  is  expressed, 
but  the  latter  was  only  a  treacherous  plott  of  Vncus 
brother  perswading  the  Pequats  to  withdraw  from 
Vncus  into  theire  oune  Country,  and  there  he  would 
come  tnto  them,  and  to  prouoke  them  thereunto  h% 
tould  them  (though  falsly)  that  Vn«U8  had  ckter- 
mined  to  kill  some  of  them." 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPHY. 


285 


but 


4.  "  Though  Vncus  at  first  apprehended  noc  in- 
convenience in  such  a  present  to  the  English,  yet 
beinff  after  informed  it  was  a  plott  on  a  fruite  of 
crooked  counsell  giuen  them  by  Tassaquanott,  Sas- 
sacus  his  brother,  who  had  suggested  vnto  them  that 
most  of  the  cheife  Sachems  were  cutt  off,  Vncus  to 
them  but  a  stranger,  why  should  they  serue  or  giuo 
wampam  to  him,hercwith  Vncus  wasjustly  offended.** 

5.  "  He  had  heard  some  of  the  Af  ohegans  tooke 
fish  from  them,  but  knoweth  not  that  hee  cutt  theire 
netts,  though  he  cannot  deny  it.** 

The  Commissioners  decreed,  that  the  Pequots 
should  return  to  the  dominion  of  (Jncas,  who  should 
recieve  them  without  charge  orrerenge  for  the  .man- 
ner in  which  they  deserted  him ;  and  on  the  other 
hand,  that  he  should  himself  be  reproved  for  his 
tyranny,  and  seriously  informed,  that  the  English 
would  not  support  him  "  in  any  unlawfull,  much  less 
treacherous  and  outrageous  courses." 

Unquestionably,  this  *  brother'  of  Uncas  was  quite 
as  troublesome  to  himself  as  he  was  to  the  white 
people.  Mr.  Winthrop  complained,  at  this  very 
meeting,  that  he  had  fallen  upon  the  Nopnet  Indians 
entirely  without  provocation,  with  one  hundred  and 
thirty  Mohegans,  and  carried  off  wampum,  copper 
kettles,  great  hempen  baskets,  bear-skins,  deer-skins 
and  many  other  tilings  to  a  great  value.  These  facts 
were  admitted  by  Foxon,  who  also  asserted  that 
Uncas  had  no  part  either  in  the  assault  or  the  spoil, 
he  being  at  New  Haven  when  the  affair  happened. 
Other  complaints  being  brought  forward  and  proved, 
the  Commissioners  directed  that  Uncas  should  either 
disown  his  brother  entu-ely,  or  else  regulate  him  m 
a  more  suitable  manner  for  the  fiiture.  This  was 
correct.  It  is  clear  that  he  either  instigated  these 
flagrant  outrages,  or  at  least  connived  at  them  by 
sufferance.  He  was  able  to  prevent  them,  as  &r  as 
he  thought  proper. 

It  would  be  tedious,  though  not  wholly  without 
matter  of  amusement,  to  det<ul  at  large  all  the  accu- 


ill' 

ftlLt 


( 


'I 


» 


ill 


'  i 


fft 


284 


INDIAN    BIOGUAPHY. 


^ 


. 


* 


i; 


sations  brought  ngainst  tlie  Mohogan  Sachem  by 
various  compIainautH  at  various  tiuies.  Massachu- 
setts and  Connecticut  arraigniMl  hiui.  The  Enghsh 
settlements  nearest  to  him  accused  iiim  of  insolence 
and  violent  assaults.  The  Mohawks  quarrelled  with 
his  tribe.  The  Narraghansetts  and  Nianticks  char- 
ged him  repeatedly  with  inroads  and  insults  upon 
them.  Necwash  Cooke,  a  Pequot  under  English 
protection,  complained  of  being  plundered  with  open 
force.  Sanops,  an  Indian  mentioned  heretofore,  was 
robbed  of  his  corn  and  beans,  (perhaps  hardly  less 
valuable  to  him  than  his  tvife.)  Mr.  Winthrop  stated, 
in  behalf  of  a  Long  Island  Sachem,  that  he  had  sent 
sixty  fathoms  of  wampum  to  the  Governor  of  Mas- 
sachusetts by  Uncas;  and  though  he  made  the 
bearer  himself  a  present  of  twenty  at  the  same  time, 
he  had  embezzled  the  whole. 

Again,  one  Apumps  "  complained  against  Vncus, 
that  about  sixe  weekes  since  hee  tooke  sixe  of  his 
people  at  Quinnapauge,  killed  one,  and  wounded 
another." 

"  PoMHAM  [a  Massacusetts  Sachem]  appearing  be- 
fore the  Commissioners  [at  the  same  meeting]  said 
that  about  a  month  agone  Vncus  or  some  of  his  men 
killed  a  man  and  two  wemen  at  Cawesett,  the  one  of 
them  belonging  to  himstlfe,  the  other  vnto  Tupaya- 
men,  both  without  provocation." 

"Wee  desire  the  English  Sachims" — wrote  the 
Pocomptocks  in  answer  to  an  English  message  of 
inquiry  —  "not  to  perswade  vs  to  a  peace  with 
Vncus ;  for  though  hee  promiseth  much  yett  will  hee 
performe  nothinge.  We  have  experience  of  his 
falcenes"  &c. 

In  1656,  he,  or  his  brother,  invaded  the  Norwoo- 
tucks ;  and  he  even  joined  arms  with  Ninnigret  against 
a  Sachem  of  Long  Island.  About  two  years  before 
this,  he  had  taken  occasion  to  push  his  conquests 
beyond  the  river  Connecticut  by  quarrelling  and  then 
fighting  with  Arrhamamet,  Sachem  of  Mussatico 
(now  Simsbury,  near  Hartford.)    He  sent  one  of  his 


hem   hy 
assachu- 

usolence 
led  with 
ks  char- 
ts upon 
En;i^lish 
itii  open 
ore,  was 
dly  less 
p  stated, 
lad  sent 
of  Mas- 
ide  the 
ne  time, 

Vncus, 

of  his 

ounded 

^ing  be- 
ig]  said 
lis  men 
one  of 
upaya- 

5te  the 
age  of 
with 
ill  hee 
of  his 

►rwoo- 
igainst 
before 
quests 
dthen 
isatico 
of  his 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPHY. 


285 


warriors  to  take  and  bum  a  wigwam  in  the  outskirts 
of  the  village,  killing  a  few  of  the  inhabitants,  and 
Chen  leaving  marks  of  the  Mohawks,  His  orders 
were  executed,  and  the  stratagem  took  effect  Arr- 
ham&met  ascribed  the  mischief  to  the  Mohawks, 
and,  burning  with  resentment,  fitted  out  a  war-party, 
and  went  in  pursuit  of  them  to  the  Northwest. 
Uncas  thus  gained  time  to  equip  his  men,  and  fall 
upon  the  enemy^s  town  in  his  absence.  Arrham&met 
was  subjugated,  and  his  tribe,  the  Podunks,  were 
ever  afterwards  tributary  to  Uncas. 

The  season  before  this,  Meeksaw  [probably  Mex- 
ham]  a  Narraghansett  Sachem,  complained  that  Un- 
cas had  killed  one  of  bis  men,  and  also  that  he-  had 
^  afronted  him  by  abusiuely  naming  and  Jeering  his 
dead  ancestors,  and  sending  him  a  challenge  this 
summer  to  fight."  The  Commissioners  inquired  of 
Foxon  the  truth  of  the  charge,  "and  hee  not  giuinga 
satisfactory  answare,  they  tooke  the  matter  into  con- 
sideration.'* &c.  Soon  afterwards  the  same  person 
complained  "  of  a  gun  taken  from  a  Narraghansett 
Indian  by  Vncus  his  son,  which  some  of  Vncus  his 
men  acknowlidged  to  bee  true."  The  Commission- 
ers* judgment  in  this  case  was,  substantially,  that 
although  Mexham  had  not  sufficient  proof,  yet, 
knowing  that  Uncas  out  of  his  pride  and  folly  was 
apt  to  insult  people,  they  would  send  ^Im  a  suitable 
reprimand.  In  some  other  cases,  they  vent  so  far 
as  to  adjudge,  and  perhaps  enforce  restitution. 

Not  to  examine  the  records  farther,  it  is  only  ne- 
cessary to  observe,  that  though  all  these  accusations 
were  not  strictly  correct,  many  of  them,  and  many 
others,  were  proved ;  and  perhaps  a  tithe  of  the 
truth  never  appeared  after  alL  Some  of  the  sufferers 
were  too  proud  to  complain.  Others  had  no  evidence 
to  offer  but  their  own.  Many  supposed  it  unpracti- 
cable  to  obtain  a  fair  hearing  or  decision  of  the 
Commissioners,  against  a  chienain  regarded  as  their 
ward ;  and  many  more  were  too  much  irritated  not 


,4i 


n 


r 

I 


.'f 


'f  !.. 


}^ 


», 


^fili 


286 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPIIY. 


i  I 


i 


to  right  themselves  in  a  more  customary  and  sum- 
mary manner  upon  tlie  Hpot. 

The  secret  source  of  this  extraordinary  series  of 
wars,  forays,  challenges,  rohberies  and  adulteries,  like 
that  of  the  Sach(?m's  inveterate  opposition  to  Chris- 
tianity, was  in  his  lawless  appetites  and  passions; 
but  especially  an  inordinate  and  uncontrolled  ambi- 
tion. It  might  be  with  justice  that  Miantonomo  was 
accused  of  a  dc^sign  to  make  himself  Universal 
Sagamore — as  the  phrase  was — of  New  England. 
But  the  Naraghanaett  took  no  measures  for  the 
attainment  of  his  object  which  were  in  his  own  view 
either  mean  or  malicious.  He  neither  kept  back  part 
of  the  captives,  nor  embezzled  the  tribute  which 
they  deposited  in  his  hands,  nor  ])lundered  his 
neighbors  in  time  of  peace,  nor  unduly  availed  him- 
self of  foreign  assistance  for  the  annihilation  of  his 
rivals.  He  sent  a  few  of  his  men,  it  is  true,  to  aid 
in  the  Pequot  expedition— or  rather  did  not,  perhaps 
could  not  prevent  them  from  going — but  these  were 
only  two  hundred,  out  of  two  thousand ;  and  he 
neither  headed  them  himself,  like  Uncas,  nor  even 
engaged  [)ersonally  at  all  in  the  conK^st.  Ihdeed, 
he  at  most  only  continued,  on  this  occasion,  the  hos- 
tilities which  had  existed  betwe^^n  the  two  nations 
for  a  long  series  of  years;  and  all  historians  admit, 
that  he  was  very  near  joining  Sassacus  at  one  time 
against  the  English  themselves.  Uncas,  on  the  other 
hand,  made  the  most  of  the  oj)portunity,  to  revenge 
himself  upon  Sassacus,  and  to  exalt  his  reputation 
and  power  upon  the  wreck  of  the  Pequots. 

Miantonomo  became  in  his  turn  a  victim  to  the 
same  over-reaching  spirit.  He  began  the  war,  in- 
deed—or rather  the  campaign — and  Uncas,  on  the 
other  hand,  was  encouraged  in  his  course  by  Iiis 
allies  ; — but  a  magnanimous  soul  would  never  have 
permitted  either  circumstance  to  affect  the  treatment 
of  a  sovereign  like  himself,  who  had  fallen  into  hia 
hands  by  the  chances  of  battle. 


INDIAN    mor.RAPIIY. 


287 


3(1  sum- 

leries  of 
ri(»8,  like 

0  Chris- 
ussions ; 
J  ainbi- 
mo  wus 

[VERSAL 

liigland. 
for  the 
vn  view 
ick  part 
which 
•ed  iiis 
Jtl  him- 

1  of  Ills 
I  to  aid 
perhaps 
e  were 
md  he 
r  even 
hdeed, 
iie  hos- 
lations 
admit, 
e  time 
3  other 
Jvenge 
itation 

to  the 
ar,  in- 
n  the 
►y  his 
have 
tment 
io  his 


Nlnigrot  nfxt  bprnino  thn  prnnd  ohjert  of  hia 
scrutiny.  He  wont  forward  ms  oWvn  oh  prncticnhio 
to  prejudice  tho  <*haractcr  of  that  chictbiiii  in  tlio 
eyes  of  the  Enj^lish,  as  woll  as  to  rwhico  his  re- 
sources hy  direct  attacks.  No  man  was  so  /caloiia 
as  he  in  furnishin/o^  evidence — such  as  it  was — to  con- 
vict him  of  a  conspirat'y  with  tlie  Dutch  against  the 
colonics ;  and  thou^di  lie  is  understood  to  have  lieeii 
ostrnsihiy  at  p(?ace  with  him  at  that  period,  he  car- 
ried his  interlerence  to  such  a  length  as  to  lay  wait 
and  intercept  a  Niantick  canoe  wliich,  as  he  pre- 
tended to  suspect,  was  laden  with  certain  palpable 
evidences  of  the  hostile  coalition.  So  we  find  hiai 
falling  upon  Mexham,  Necwash,  Cooke,  Woosame- 
quin,  and  last  of  all,  King  Philip.  No  doubt,  he  had 
sagacity  enough  to  perc(;ive,  that  such  a  course  nuist 
prove  unfavorable,  if  not  fatal  to  his  race ;  but  pat- 
riotism, honor,  friendship,  generosity,  truth,  every 
nobler  feeling  of  his  nature  was  merged  in  a  barba- 
rous, ferocious  ambition. 

There  is  a  curious  illustration  of  this  weakness  up- 
on record: — "  V^ncas  complained  that  Sequassonsoui 
yeares  sence  as  is  well  knoune  began  hostile  actea 
vpon  him  to  the  desiurbance  of  the  publicke  peace. 
Whervpon  hee  was  ocationed  to  fight  and  in  the 
Issue  ouercame  him  and  conquared  his  Country, 
which  though  hee  gaue  to  the  English  and  did  not 
oppose  the  fauor  they  were  f)leased  to  shew  him  in 
sparing  his  fdo,  yet  hee  cannot  but  look  vpon  himself e 
as  wronged^  in  thai  Sequasson^  as  hee  is  informed^  is  set 
up  and  endeauoured  to  bee  made  a  great  Sachem,  not- 
withstanding hee  hath  refused  to  pay  an  acknoul- 
idgment  of  Wampam  to  him  according  to  engage- 
ments." 

Of  this  acknowledgement,  no  proof  appears  but 
the  Sachem's  own  assertion ;  and  whether  true  or 
not,  no  real  cause  of  complaint  can  be  gathered  from 
the  whole  context.  The  Commissiouei-s,  with  their 
usual  complaisance,  "disclaimed  any  Endeauors  of 
theirs  to  make  Sequasson  greed,  and  are  ignorant  of 


Hi 

4 


(, 


I 

\  "I. 


( 


m 


388 


INDIAN   DIOGRAPHT. 


what  hee  afeirmes  concerning  the  other  [acknowl' 
edgementl  yet  recommended  it  to  the  Gouernment 
of  Conecticot  to  examine  the  case,  and  to  provide 
vpon  due  proofe  Vncas  may  be  owned  in  what  may 
be  just  and  equal),  and  Mr.  Ludlow  was  entreated 
to  promote  the  same."  This  passage  will  be  found 
m  the  Records  for  1651.  No  subsequent  mention 
is  made  of  the  suit. 

It  might  be  a  subject  of  some  speculation,  what 
were  the  causes  of  the  extraordinary  partiality  of 
the  English  for  Uncas;  and  especially  what  were 
the  means  whereby  he  counteracted  the  strong  cur- 
rent of  reproach  which  set  against  him  from  all  other 
quarters.  Different  opinions  have  been  entertained 
upon  this  point.  We  suppose,  however,  the  Com- 
missioners considered  it  good  policy,  to  select  some 
one  among  the  principal  uncivilized  and  unsubject- 
ed  Indian  chiefs,  to  be  made  a  channel  of  intercourse 
and  influence  with  and  over  all.  This  one  would 
naturally  be  the  most  ambitious,  and  at  the  same 
time  least  scrupulous  of  the  number.  Such  was 
Uncas ;  and  hence  it  was,  that  with  his  shrewdness^ 
he  found  no  difficulty  in  maintaining  a  tolerably 
good  understanding  with  them  under  all  circum- 
stances. The  *  Proud  Ninigret*  disdained  the 
English  interference.  Massassoit  protected  rather 
than  courted  them.  Sassacus  fought  them  at  the 
first  provocation.  Philip  hated  them  and  kept  aloof: 
and  Miantonomo,  though  he  met  them  and  treated 
them  as  fHends,  yet  forgot  not  a  soul  of  his  own, 
more  sovereign  than  his  royal  blood.  But  Uncas 
was  neither  more  nor  less  than  their  humble  servant. 
He  fought  for  them,  and  gave  evidence  for  them, 
with  about  the  same  alacrity,  and  the  same  indiffer- 
ence as  to  subject  or  occasion,  antagonist  or  defend- 
ant. 

Whenever  complaints  were  made  against  himself^ 
he  of  course  had  resources  for  defence.  There  was 
something  in  the  testimony  he  could  generally 
bring  forward  in  his  favor ;  and  still  more  m  the  iii- 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPHY. 


Q89 


icknowl- 
lernment 
provide 
rhat  may 
mtreatea 
be  found 
mention 

on,  what 
iality  of 
lat  were 
ong  cur- 
all  other 
Lertained 
le  Cora- 
Bct  some 
isubject- 
ereourse 
B  would 
^e  same 
ich  was 
iwdness^ 
olerably 
circum- 
led  the 
I  rather 

at  the 

)t  aloof: 

treated 

is  own, 

Uncas 
servant. 

them, 
ndiffer- 
defend- 

limself^ 
jre  was 
snerally 
the  in- 


l^enuity  of  his  exf»lnnntions,  or  the  humility  of  hig 
ockMowledgciiictitH  and  apolo^irs.  OthtT  SarhriiiSf 
irritatt'd  hy  suHpirion  and  arcuHation,  fn>(pH;ntly 
connnitted  thenifl<>lv(;s  in  reality  Wy  ra^h  nprerhrs 
and  ru4:  ^  acts,  itut  Uncas  never  lust  sight  of  his 
interest  in  his  pride. 

The  pliability  of  Indian  evidence,  and  themancnu- 
vres  of  Indian  politicians,  appear  singularly  in  the 
case  of  Nccwjish  Cooke.  Uncas  was  at  New  Haven, 
attending  a  meeting  of  the  Commissioners,  in  U'AG^ 
when  one  William  Morton  cann;  forwanl,  and  charg- 
ed him  with  having  hired  WampuHln;!,  a  Peipiot 
Powah  then  present,  "by  himselte  or  some  other 
with  a  hatchet  to  wounde  another  Indian  and  lay  U 
vpon  N'eckwash  CooAe."  The  consideration  for  tho 
bargain  was  said  to  be  fiftcu'n  fathoms  of  wampum, 
and  the  In<lian  was  nssaultiMl  according  to  th(;  terms. 
After  some  inquiry  uito  the  evitlence,  VVampiishet 
himself  was  brought  upon  the  stand,  and  questioned 
by  the  English  interpreter.  Much  to  the  astonish- 
ment of  Mr.  Morton,  and  of  the  Pecpiots  who  came 
into  court  with  him,  he  chnired   Uncas  and  cast  the 

Ijlot  upon  Cooke  himself,  and  Robin,  Mr.  VVinthrop*a 
ndiun  ;  and  though  the  other  two  Pequots,  whereof 
one  was  Robin's  brother,  were  mu<*h  offended,  "  and 
after  [afterwards]  said  Uncas  had  hired  him  to  with- 
drawe  and  alter  his  chardge,  yet  bee  persisted  and 
said  Necwash  Cooke  and  Robin  had  giu(  n  him  a 
payre  of  breeches  and  promised  him  twenty-five 
fadome  of  wampam  to  cast  the  plott  v|)on  Uncas." 

As  to  the  main  allegation  in  Cooke's  case,  which 
was  proved,  the  Sachem  acknowledged  some  mis- 
carriages or  misdemeanors  in  vindicating  what  he 
called  his  right,  so  near  the  English  plantations, — but 
alleged  provocation.     Then  follows  the  sentence. 

1.  That  it  was  an  eiTor  to  quarrel  with  Cooko 
to  the  public  disturbance,  without  consent  of  the 
English. 

2.  Tliat  to  do  it  near  an  English  plantation  was 
worse  Btiil ;  and  the  CommissioDers  required  him  to 

Aa 


\i 


.\ 


1 

^^^ 

ill 

ir 


*.     f 


290 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPHY. 


acknowledge  his  fault  to  that  plantation,  (as  he  did  to 
themselves)  and  by  promise  to  secure  them  from  any 
such  disturbance  for  the  future. 

For  Uncas  it  was  an  easy  matter  to  make  such  satis- 
faction. But  as  if  it  wus  thought  too  harsh  by  those 
■who  decreed  it,  they  took  occasion  at  the  same  time 
to  sweeten  the  disjK'nsation  with  promises  of  protec- 
tion and  professions  of  respect.  After  all,  so  strong 
was  the  additiontil  testimony  advanced  against  him 
on  the  same  matters,  at  the  next  session,  that  they 
were  induced  to  modify  their  decision  as  follows : — 
"All  which  being  duly  considered  the  insolency  and 
outrage  of  Vncus  and  his  men  appeared  much  more 
heinous  than  the  complaints  at  Newhaven  the  last 
yeere  imported.  The  Commissioners  (having  the 
last  yeere  ordered  that  Vncus  should  acknowledge 
his  fault  to  the  English  plantation,  which  they  heare 
he  performed  in  Captain  Mason's  presence)  thought 
fitt  now  to  add  that  vpon  the  return  of  the  Pequots 
to  his  subjection  Vncus  foorthwith  pay  into  the 
hands  of  Mr.  Jo.  Winthrop,  to  be  by  him  divided  to 
the  English  and  ould  Pequots  and  other  innocent 
Indians,  towards  the  repaire  of  theire  losses  in  pro- 
portion as  he  shall  finde  cause,  one  hundred  fathome 
of  wampam." 

We  conclude  these  expositions  with  a  literal  copy 
from  Hazard,  of  one  of  the  last  formal  messages  of 
complaint  sent  by  the  Commissioners  to  Uncas, 
together  with  his  answer.    The  date  is  1661 : 

"Vncus 
We  have  Receiued  Information  and  Complaint 
from  the  Generall  Court  of  Massachusetts  of  youer 
hostile  Invading  of  Wosamequin  and  the  Indians  of 
Quabakutt  whoe  are  and  longe  haue  bine  Subjects 
to  the  English  killing  some  and  Carrying  away 
others  captiues  spoyling  theire  goods  to  the  valine 
of  331b.  as  they  alledge,  and  all  this  contrary  to  youer 
couenant  and  promise  to  the  Comissioners  seuerall 
times  Renewed,  not  to  make  wan*  against  any  of  our 


s  he  did  to 
I  from  any 

such  satis- 
1  by  those 
?ame  time 
of  protec- 
I  so  strong 
ainst  him 

that  they 
bllows : — 
lency  and 
uch  more 
1  the  last 
iving  the 
nowledge 
hey  heare 
)  thought 
5  Pequots 

into  the 
livided  to 

innocent 
!S  in  pro- 

fathome 

!ral  copy 
isages  of 
)    Uncas, 


omplaint 
of  youer 
dians  of 
Subjects 
ig  away 
le  valine 
to  youer 
seuerall 
ly  of  our 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPHY. 


291 


Tributaries  without  the  allowance  of  the  Comission- 
ers  wee  alsoe  vnderstand  that  the  General!  (^jurt  of 
Massachusetts  whose  subjects  the  said  Indians  are, 
haue  formerly  signified  theire  ollenre  vnto  you  Re- 
quiring tiie  Returne  of  youer  Captiues  and  Satisfac- 
tion for  the  wronge  you  haue  done  to  which  you 
haue  not  returned  any  answare  which  seemes  to  bee 
an  Insolent  and  proud  carriage  of  youers  wee  cannot 
but  wonder  att  it  and  must  beare  witnes  against  it 
and  doe  heerby  will  and  require  you  forthwith  to 
returne  the  said  Captiues  with  due  Satisfaction  for 
other  wrongs  done  them  or  to  make  out  sufficient 
grounds  and  Reesons  for  youer  Invading  the  said 
Indians  the  which  you  are  speedily  to  send  to-  the 
Governor  of  the  Massachusetts  and  if  it  aj)peer  they 
haue  done  you  any  wronge  vpon  due  proofe  wee 
shall  take  care  that  they  may  make  you  satisfaction 
if  you  shall  neglect  to  obserue  our  order  and  Injunc- 
tion herein  contained ;  wee  must  leaue  the  Massa- 
chusetts to  Right  themselues  as  formerly  signifyed 
vnto  you  :  in  which  case  wee  must  ouue  and  if  need 
bee  assist  our  Confederates  ; 

The  Comisioners  of  the  Vnited  CoUonies  ;'* 
(Signed) 

Samuel  Willis      Thomas  Prence  Presedent 
Plymouth  the  13th.     VVilliame  Leete  Simon  Bradstreet 
of' September  1661.      Benjamin  Fen        Daniel  Denison 

Thomas  Southworth." 

Then  follows  the  answer  given  in  on  behalf  of 
Uncas  by  Major  Mason.  As  nothing  more  is  heard 
of  the  affair,  it  may  be  presumed  that  the  reasons 
alleged  were  considered  sufficient. 

"  Whereas  there  was  a  warrant  sent  from  the 
Court  of  Boston  dated  in  May  last  to  Vncus  wherein 
it  was  declared  upon  the  Complaint  of  Wesamequen 
that  the  said  Vncus  had  offin*ed  a  great  violence  to 
theire  Subjects  at  quabauk  killing  some  and  taking 
others  captiue ;  which  warrant  came  not  to  Vncus 
aboue  20  dales  before  these  presents  whoe  being  sum- 
moned by  Major  John  Mason  in  the  full  scope  of  the 


I 


It 


V 


I 


iii 


\ 


K 


m 


i. 


!!■ 


I:. 


292 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPHY. 


:!' 


( 


r 


:\ 


" 


said  warrant  wliPrin  hee  was  chardged  if  hee  did  not 
Returne  the  Captiues  and  thirty-three  pounds  dam- 
age then  the  Massachusetts  would  Recouer  it  by 
force  of  annes  which  to  him  was  very  grieuous ; 
professing  hee  was  altogether  ignorant  they  were  sub- 
jects belonging  to  the  Massachusetts  and  Ajrther  said 
they  were  none  of  Wesamequen's  men  but  belong- 
ing to  Onopequin  his  deadly  enemie  whoe  was  there 
borne ;  one  of  tiie  men  then  taken  was  his  oune 
Cousin,  who  had  formerly  fought  against  him  in  his 
oune  person  ;  and  yett  sett  him  at  libertie  and  further 
eaith  that  all  the  Captiues  were  sent  home  alsoe  that 
Wesamequin's  son  and  diuers  of  his  men  had  fought 
against  him  diuers  times  this  hee  desired  might  bee 
returned  as  his  answare  to  the  Commissioners." 

Concessions  of  this  nature  it  was — which  no  other 
Indian  Sachem  of  equal  power  ever  submitted  to — - 
that  went  farther  than  anything  else  to  keep  Uncas 
secure  in  the  English  favor.  His  actual  services, 
which  were  considerable,  have  been  alluded  to.  His 
tribe  were  an  out-guard  for  the  settlements  in  Con-- 
necticut.  After  selling  the  town  of  I*forwich,  that 
place  being  first  colonized  in  a  period  of  general  ex- 
citement and  hostility  among  the  tribes,  the  Mohegans 
kept  out  spies  and  runners  to  give  the  inhabitants 
intelligence  of  their  enemies'  movements,  and  were 
a  continual  defence  against  them.  In  times  of  greater 
danger,  they  ofl^n  moved,  and  pitched  their  wigwams 
near  the  town.  On  one  occasion,  a  hostile  party  of 
savages  approached  the  outskirts,  on  the  Sabbath, 
with  a  design  to  make  a  descent  upon  the  village ; 
but  viewing  it  from  an  eminence,  and  seeing  the  Mo- 
hegan  huts,  they  were  intimidated,  and  retreated 
without  doin^  the  least  damage. 

The  sale  just  mentioned  was  but  one  of  large 
number  with  which  Uncas  was  always  ready  to 
oblige  his  civilized  friends,  and  which  constituted 
another  claim  to  their  good  will.  In  1648,  on  receiv- 
ing presents  to  his  satisfaction,  he  conveyed  to  the 
Governor  and  Magistrates  of  the  English  on  Con-' 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPHY. 


293 


e  did  not 
ids  danri' 
ler  it  by 
^ieuoiis ; 
*vere  sub^ 
ther  said 
t  belong- 
vas  there 
his  oune 
im  in  his 
d  further 
Isoe  that 
id  fought 
light  bee 
?rs.» 

no  other 
tted  to—' 
?p  Uncas 
services, 
to.  His 
in  Con* 
ich,  that 
leral  ex- 
ohegans 
labitants 
nd  were 
f  greater 
wigwams 
party  of 
Sabbath, 
village ; 
the  Mo- 
etreated 

large 
eady  to 
istituted 
I  receiv- 
to  the 
m  Cop-' 


necticut  river  all  his  lands,  called  by  whatever  name, 
reserving  only  the  ground  then  planted  by  liirn  for 
himself  and  his  tribe.  In  1641,  he  granted  to  Henry 
Whitefield  and  others,  certain  lands  near  Guilford, 
in  consideration  of  four  coats,  two  kettles,  four  fath- 
oms of  wampum,  four  hatchets,  and  three  hoes.  In 
1C59,  he  granted  all  his  lands,  with  all  his  corn,  to 
his  old  comrade  and  friend.  Major  John  Mason,  who 
the  next  year  surrendered  it  to  the  Colony  of  Con- 
necticut. Trumbull  says,  that  the  individual  towns 
in  this  great  tract  were  very  generally  purchased, 
either  of  him  or  his  successors,  a  second  or  third  time. 

It  is  remarkable,  that  a  very  late  mention  made  of 
Uncas  in  history,  casts  an  imputation  upon  his  friend- 
ship for  the  English.  "  It  is  suggested  by  them  who 
know  him  best " — says  Hubbard  in  his  Narrative — 
"  that  in  his  heart  he  is  no  better  affected  to  the  Eng- 
lish, or  their  religion,  than  the  rest  of  his  countrymen, 
and  that  it  hath  been  his  own  advantage  hath  led 
him  to  be  this  time,"  &c.  This  was  written  in  1677. 
Only  two  years  previous,  at  the  commencement  of 
Philip's  war,  it  was  reported  to  governor  Winslow 
of  Plymouth,  that  the  Mohegan  Sachem  had  sent 
twenty  men  to  join  his  Pokanoket  brother,  with  a 
message  that  if  Philio  would  send  him  six  English 
heads,  all  the  Indians  m  his  territories  would  go  for 
him.*  Uncas  is  last  heard  of  in  1680,  when  he  must 
have  been  a  very  old  man,  though  still  likely,  we  are 
told,  to  survive  all  his  enemies.f 

The  best  comment  on  the  Sachem's  husbandry  of 
his  own  interest  is  perhaps,  after  all,  in  the  fhct  that  a 
remnant  of  his  tribe  exists  to  this  day,  (on  a  reserva- 
tion of  about  three  thousand  acres  of  land,)  in  the 
neighborhood  of  Norwich ;  and  are  the  only  natives 
yet  lingering  within  the  limits  of  the  state.  The  last 
sachem  of  the  tribe  was  Isaiah  Uncas,  once  a  pupil 
in  the  famous  school  of  Dr.  Wheelock,  at  Lebanon. 

*  Sixth  Vol.  Mass.  Coll.  First  Series. 
t  Hubbard's  General  History. 

Aa2 


'li 


,^i; 


I 


.  y, 


m: 


i:  v  V 

m 

I, 


"T 


M|: 


■ 


S94 


INDIAN   BIOGRAPHY. 


The  following  epitaph,  copied  by  President  Stiles 
ironi  a  grave-stone  in  the  old  Indian  burial-ground 
at  Mohegan,  indicates  the  end  of  the  genealogy  : 

Here  lies  the  body  of  Sunseeto, 

Own  son  to  Uncas,  grandson  to  Oneko, 

Who  were  the  famous  sachems  of  Moheagan  ; 

]But  now  they  are  all  dead,  I  think  it  is  Werheegen.* 


*  The  Mohegan  term  for  All  w  well  or  Oood-news.    One- 
ko,  or  Onecho,  is  the  same  who  commanded  in  Philip's  war. 


«n 


INDIAN   BIOGRAPHY. 


295 


It  Stiles 
l-ground 


,n; 

EEGEN.* 

>«.    One> 
lip*s  war. 


CHAPTER  XV. 

Indians  who  submitted  *jo  Massachusetts — The  Gortonists— 
PoMHAM,  Sachem  ofShaomet,  andSACONcco  complain  of 
them — Submit  to  the  Government — Their  examination  and 
entertainment — Policy  of  Mas>8achusetts  in  the  case  of  Pom- 
ham — He  and  Saconoco  much  harassed  by  their  neighbors 
—Subsequent  history — Pomham  takes  part  in  Philip's  war 
and  IS  killed — CANONCHET,sonol"Miantonom(>-Hi8  agree- 
ment of  October,  1675 — Weetamore,  Squaw-Sachem  of 
Pocasset — Canonchet's  career  during  Philip's  war — Partic- 
ulars of  his  surprisal  and  death — His  character— Anecdotes 
— ^His  reputation  with  tlie  English — Defence  of  his  conduct. 

Among  a  considerable  number  of  chieftains  who 
submitted  to  the  Massachusetts  Government,  were 
several  whose  territory  v/as  without  their  jurisdic- 
tion, and  in  some  cases  within  that  of  other  Govern- 
ments. The  most  notorious  case  of  this  kind  is 
connected  with  that  much-discussed  transaction  in 
which  the  notorious  Gorton  and  his  associates  were 
engaged ;  and  by  which  they  brought  themselves  into 
a  disagreeable  collision  with  civil  and  martial  authori- 
ties in  all  directions. 

To  explain  that  affair  very  briefly, — Gorton,  having 
become  obnoxious  as  the  founder  of  a  new  religious 
sect,  left  the  Massachusetts  jurisdiction  for  Plymouth. 
Here  he  met  with  much  the  same  treatment.  He 
was  whipped  for  disturbing  the  Church,  and  required 
to  find  sureties  for  his  good  behavior;  which  not 
being  able  to  do,  he  either  removed  or  was  driven  to 
Rhode  Island.  There  he  treated  the  Court  with  con- 
tempt, and  by  order  of  Governor  Coddington  was 
Imprisoned  and  again  whipped.  He  then  took  ref^ 
uge  in  Providence,  where  Roger  Williams,  though 
he  disliked  his  principles,  yet  gave  him  shelter.  But 
he  had  hardly  located  himself  and  begun  to  gather 
a  company  of  disciples  around  him,  when  the  neigh- 
boring English  settlers  complained  of  him  to  Maaaa- 


I  ' 


ilM 


•i.  k\ 


296 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPHY. 


chusettSf  under  the  apprehension  that  he  was  about 
to  supplant  their  own  possessions  by  purchasing  the 
Patuxet  territory  from  the  Nurragansett  original 
owners.  Massachusetts  issued  a  warrant  to  the 
Providence  people  to  submit  to  their  jurisdiction. 
Gorton  denied  their  authority  to  interfere  with  him 
or  his  company,  where  they  now  were,  and  signified 
this  opinion  in  a  contemptuous  letter. 

But,  perhaps  for  the  sake  of  being  still  farther 
out  of  the  reach  of  Massachusetts,  or  from  discord 
among  themselves,  the  Gortonists  soon  removed 
to  a  tract  of  land  called  by  the  Indians  Shaomet 
or  Showamet,  (since  Warwick  in  Rhode  Island,) 
having  previously  purchased  it  of  Miantonomo,  for 
the  consideration  of  one  hundred  and  forty-four 
fathoms  of  wampum,  "  with  the  free  and  joint  con- 
sent, [as  the  deed  itself  is  expressed]  of  the  present 
inhabitants,  being  natives."  The  instrument  was 
dated  January  12, 1642-3,  and  was  subscribed  with  a 
bow  and  arrow  as  the  mark  of  the  grantor,  and  of  a 
hatchet,  a  gun,  &c.,  as  the  marks  of"  the  Sachem  of 
Shaomet,  Pomham,"  and  other  Indians.  Possession 
was  given  upon  the  premises,  at  the  same  time. 

From  this  moment,  Pomham, — who,  though  he 
signed  the  deed  of  conveyance,  and  was  offered  a 
share  of  the  consideration,  (which  he  would  not 
accept,)  affected  to  consider  himself  aggrieved, — 
neither  gave  rest  to  his  neighboi*s,  nor  found  any  for 
himself.  Whether,  according  to  the  relation  which 
existed  between  himself  and  Miantonomo,  and  the 
customary  degree  of  subjection  attached  to  it,  he  had 
reason  to  complain  of  that  chieftain  in  the  present 
case,  cannot  well  be  decided.  But  it  may  be  safely 
said,  that  the  part  soon  afterwards  taken  by  Massa- 
chusetts, was  at  least  an  unusual  stretch  of  authority, 
however  it  might  correspond  with  the  general  policy 
of  that  government  wherever  the  formidable  Narra- 
ghansett  Sachem  was  concerned. 

Whether  at  his  own  suggestion  or  that  of  others, 
Pomham,  and  Saconoco,  a  Sachem  equally  interest- 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPHY. 


297 


C(l  in  the  land,  but  otherwise  of  no  note  in  history, 
went  to  Boston  a  few  months  after  the  sale,  and  by 
an  interpreter,  made  complaint  of  tlie  rnanoBUvres  of 
the  Gortonists  whereby,  as  they  alleged,  Miantono- 
mo  had  been  induced  to  compel  them  to  an  arbitra- 
ry disposal  of  their  territory.  They  further  desired 
to  be  received  under  the  protection  of  Massachusetts, 
and  withal  brought  a  small  present  of  wampum.  Tho 
matter  being  referred  to  the  next  Court,  and  Gorton 
and  Miantonomo  notified  to  attend,  the  latter  made 
his  appearance.  He  was  required  to  prove  the  in- 
terest he  had  claimed  in  the  Shaomet  Sachems  and 
territory,  but  it  is  said  he  could  prove  none;  and 
upon  the  testimony  of  Cutchamequin  and  other  In- 
dians who  were  present,  it  appeared  that  the  Shao- 
met chiefe  were  not  tributary  to  the  Narraghansett, 
though  they  sometimes  made  him  presents, — a  mark 
of  deferenc'e  and  not  of  subjection.  Upon  this  an 
order  was  passed,  authorizing  the  Governor  and  cer- 
tain magistrates  to  treat  with  the  applicants  at  their 
discretion.* 

These  Commissioners  soon  after  conferred  with 
the  Sachems  ;  and,  giving  them  to  understand  upon 
what  terms  they  should  be  received,  "they  found 
them  very  pliable  to  all."  So,  indeed,  it  might  be 
inferred  from  the  answers  made  by  the  Sachems  to 
the  requisitions  touching  the  ten  commandments. 
The  servility  which  some  of  them  indicate — as  rep- 
resented in  the  Commissioners*  report,  at  least, — is 
hardly  redeemed  by  the  shrewd  simplicity  of  others. 

Being  asked  if  they  would  worship  the  true  God, 
and  not  blaspheme  him,  they  waived  the  first  clause, 
and  replied  thus  to  the  latter.  "  We  desire  to  speak 
reverently  of  the  Englishman's  God,  and  not  to 
speak  evil,  because  we  see  Englishman's  God  doth 
better  for  them  than  other  Gods  do  for  others." 

As  to  *  swearing  falsely,'  they  replied,  that  they 
never  knew  what  swearing  was,  or  what  an  oath 

.  *  Winthrop's  Journal,  Vol.  II, 


V 


i 
I-  < 


m 


r 


(M 


I 
(1 


h     ' 

I;     ,    ■ 
■  \ 

5! 


298 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPHY. 


was.  As  to  working  unnecessarily  on  the  Christian 
Sabbath, — "It  is  a  small  thing,"  answered  they,  "for 
US  to  rest  on  that  day,  for  ive  have  not  much  to  do  any 
daUy  and  therefore  we  will  forbear  on  that  day^ 

In  regard  to  honoring  parents  and  seniors,  they 
said,  "  It  is  our  custom  to  do  so,  for  when  if  we  com- 
plain to  the  Governor  of  the  Massachusetts  that  we 
have  wrong,  if  they  tell  us  we  licy  we  shall  patiently 
bear  it."  The  following  articles  are  also  part  of  the 
report : 

,  5.  Not  to  kill  any  man  but  upon  just  cause  and 
good  authority,  &c.  Answer,  It  is  good,  and  we 
desire  to  do  so. 

6.  Not  to  commit  fornication,  stealing  &c.  Answer. 
Though  they  be  committed  among  us,  we  allow  it 
not,  but  judge  it  evil. 

8.  For  lying,  they  say  it  is  an  evil,  and  shall  not 
allow  it.  And  finally,  as  to  being  christianized,  they 
said,  "  as  opportunity  serveth  by  the  English  coming 
among  us,  we  desire  to  learn  their  mannera." 

Whatever  may  be  thought  of  the  right  of  Massa- 
chusetts to  interfere  in  this  case,  and  especially  of 
the  policy  of  interfering  as  regarded  the  Narraghan- 
sotts  and  the  other  colonies,  it  must  be  admitted,  that 
the  submission  itself,  so  far  as  concerned  the  appli- 
cants, was  conducted  with  the  honesty,  as  well  as 
civility,  generally  characteristic  of  the  intercourse  of 
that  Government  with  the  natives. 

The  Governor  having  sent  for  the  Sachems  to 
appear  at  Boston  on  the  22d  of  April,  (1643)  they 
attended,  with  their  interpreter.  The  submission 
was  then  explained  to  their  entire  satisfaction.  They 
were  also  expressly  informed,  that  they  were  not  to 
be  considered  confederates,  but  subjects,  to  which 
they  manifested  their  assent.  So,  adds  the  historian, 
they  dined  in  the  same  room  with  the  Governor,  at 
a  table  by  themselves,  and  having  much  countenance 
shown  them  by  all  present,  and  being  told  that  they 
and  their  men  should  always  be  welcome  to  the 
English,  provided  they  brought  a  note  from  Benedict 


hristian 
?y,  "  for 
I  do  any 

rs,  they 
ve  com- 
;hat  we 
atiently 
t  of  the 

186  and 
and  we 

Answer, 
allow  it 

hall  not 
ed,  they 
coming 

Massa< 
ially  of 
[•aghan- 
ed,  that 
appli- 
well  as 
urse  of 

ems  to 

3)  they 

mission 

They 

not  to 

which 

torian, 

nor,  at 

enance 

It  they 

to  the 

nedict 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPHY. 


299 


Aniold  (their  interjiretcr,)  and  havinfjf  some  small 
tilings  bestowed  upon  them  hy  the  Governor,  they 
departed  joyful  and  well  satisfied.  The  submission 
was  as  follows : 

"Tliis  writing  is  to  testify,  that  we,  Pomham, 
Sachem  of  Showarnct,  and  Sacho.vocho,  Sachem  of 
Patuxet,  have  and  by  these  presents  do  voluntarily 
and  witliout  any  constraint  or  perauasion,  but  of  our 
own  free  motion,  put  ourselves,  our  subjects,  lands 
and  estates  under  the  government  and  jurisdiction  of 
Massachusetts,  to  be  governed  and  protected  by 
them  according  to  their  just  laws  and  ordei*s,  so  far 
as  we  shall  be  made  capable  of  understanding  them ; 
and  we  do  promise,  for  ourselves,  our  subjects,,  and 
all  our  posterity,  to  be  true  and  faithful  to  the  Gov- 
ernment and  aiding  to  the  maintenance  thereof  to 
our  best  ability  ;  and  from  time  to  give  speedy  notice 
of  any  conspiracy,  attempt,  or  evil  intentions  of  any 
we  shall  know  or  hear  of  against  the  same,  and  do 
promise  to  be  willing  from  time  to  time  to  be  in- 
structed in  the  knowledge  of  the  worship  of  God. 
In  witness  whereof,  we  have  hereunto  put  our  hands 
the  22d  of  the  4th  month,  1643. 

The  y  mark  The  9  ^^^^ 

of  Saconoco.  of  Pomham." 

Thus  was  consummated  the  title  of  Massachusetts 
to  the  jurisdiction  of  the  Shaomet  land.  It  was  at 
this  very  time,  as  well  as  afterwards,  claimed  also  by 
Plymouth,  and  by  Rhode  Island.*  Gorton  always 
alleged,  that  it  belonged  to  Miantonomo,  and  that 
Pomham  was  secretly  influenced  by  Massachusetts 
to  withdraw  from  him  and  seek  protection  under  their 
authority.  No  doubt  that  Government  was  sufficient- 
ly aware  of  the  interest  they  had,  not  only  in  hum- 
bling the  Gortonists,  but  in  extending  their  jurisdic- 
tion as  far  as  possible  towards  or  into  the  territory 
of  the  Narraghansett  chieftain,  then,  as  Hutchinson 

I  I        ■  »■■■■  ^^■^■l■      ■_!       ,.       II  ■  I  I     I        I  ■!■       Ill  IN  IP 

*  Winthrop,  Vol.  II.  pp.  251.  and  317. 


V 

h 

f 

1 

■\ 

\ 

t 

1 

I 

1 

f| 

H 

'•II 

If 

4  i 

:  j'' 

1   i 

> 

i 

) 

1  ' 

m 


*i 


■  I 


^S 


}..  <^  ■ ' 


300 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPHY. 


t 


calls  him,  the  greatest  and  most  powerful  sachem  of 
New  England.  Spoakinj?  of  the  petition  of  certain 
settlers,  in  1<)4.5,  lor  perinission  to  begin  a  plantation, 
where  Corton  and  his  company  had  erected  three 
or  four  small  houses  "on  the  land  of  Pomham,  who 
had  submitted  himself,"  &lc.  Mr.  Winthrop  himself 
states,  that  the  Court  readily  granted  their  petition, 
promising  all  encouragement,  &c. — "  for  it  was  of 
great  concernment  to  all  the  English  in  these  parts, 
that  a  strong  plantation  should  be  there^  as  a  hidwark 
%fc.  ofrainat  the  JVarrafrhansetts.^^  It  may  be,  that  this 
consideration  assumed,  in  the  view  of  the  Massachu- 
setts Government,  the  imperious  interest  of  what  is 
commonly  called  Stale-necessity. 

Hence  the  measures  occasionally  adopted  subse- 
quent to  the  submission,  for  affording  Pomham  the 
Eromised  relief;  a  policy  which  certainly  accorded 
etter  with  their  stipulations  to  him,  than  with  their 
relations  to  some  other  parties.  The  Gortonists 
harassed  him  beyond  measure,  but  they  were  at 
length  subdued.  The  Narraghansetts,  (atler  Mian- 
tonomo's  death,)  threatened  and  frightened  him  still 
more.  In  April  1645,  "  that  it  might  really  appgar 
that  the  Massachusetts  did  own  and  would  protect 
him,"  which  would  seem  to  have  been  heretofore 
doubted,  an  order  was  taken  for  sending  men  and  an 
officer  to  Shaomet,  to  stay  there  a  few  days,  and  act 
on  the  defensive  against  the  Narraghansetts.*  These 
men  being  volunteers^  however,  refused  to  go,  unless 
they  were  each  paid  ten  shillings  a  week,  furnished 
with  arms  and  ammunition,  and  allowed  such  booty 
as  they  might  be  able  to  collect  in  case  of  fighting. 
Whereupon  the  Court,  not  choosing  to  establish  such 
a  precedent,  sent  word  to  Pomham,  that  the  required 
force  would  be  at  his  disposal,  whenever  he  should 
forward  sufficient  funds  to  enable  them  to  perform. 
On  the  earnest  importunity  of  the  Sachem,  early  in 
May,  his  request  was  finally  granted ;  and,  with  the 
aid  of  the  English,  he  erected  a  fort  upon  his  lands. 

*  Winthrop. 


'hem  of 

f  certain 

uiitution, 

n\  three 

run,  who 

himself 

petition, 

was  of 

fie  parts, 

hxdwark 

that  this 

assachu- 

what  is 

d  subse- 
ham  the 
iccorcled 
ith  tlieir 
ortonists 
were  at 
T  Mian- 
him  still 
)'  appear 

protect 
retofore 
1  and  an 
and  act 

These 
a,  unless 
irnished 
h  booty 
fighting, 
ish  such 
•equired 

should 
)erform. 
early  in 
vith  the 
s  lands. 


INDIAN    BIOQRAPIIV. 


301 


This  was  in  104(5.  But  Pomham  and  Sarono- 
co  were  not  d^'stined  quietly  to  enjoy  their  posses- 
sions, as  the  following  detail  fnuri  Mr.  \Vinthrop'» 
records  for  U)47,  will  abundantly  illustrate.  The 
Gortonists  had  at  that  period  rrturned  to  Shaoiiiet, 
which  they  now  named  Warwick ;  and,  as  the 
Sachems  alleg(?d  before  the  Commissioners  of  the 
United  Colonies,  manifested  a  decided  disposition 
"for  eating  up  all  their  corn,  with  their  cattle,"  &c. 
These  functionaries  hereu|)on  wrote  to  certain  per- 
sons in  the  vicinity  of  the  premises,  to  view  the 
damages,  and  require  satisfaction ;  which  process, 
howev<  r,  had  scarcely  been  commenced,  when  Jus- 
tice Cogglt'shall  and  others  from  Rhode  Island  came 
to  Shaomet,  claimed  jurisdiction  for  that  colony  over 
the  land  in  question,  and  forbade^  the  appraisers  to 
proceed.  Upon  this,  the  latter  returned  home. 
Another  warrant  was  issued,  with  the  same  result. 
Pomham  was  reduced  to  extremities ;  but  still  undis- 
cotiraged,  he  renewed  his  complaints  once  more. 
Massachusetts  now  sent  three  special  messengers,  to 
demand  satisfaction  of  the  trespassers,  and  to  warn 
them  to  leave  the  territory.  Tlie  application  did  no 
good;  and  therefore,  "as  we  could  do  no   more  at 

1)resent,"  writes  Mr.  Winthrop,  "we  procured  the 
Indians  some  corn  in  the  mean  time."  The  mea- 
sures subsequently  taken  for  redress,  it  would  be 
alike  tedious  and  needless  to  enumerate. 

As  to  Pomham,  with  whom  we  have  chiefly  to  do, 
it  must  be  confessed,  that  his  character  assumes  but 
little  dignity  throughout  this  proceeding.  In  after 
times,  his  career  was  occasionally  more  independent, 
while  at  the  same  time  it  gave  evidence  that  his  early 
attachment  to  the  English  was  by  no  means  one  of 
indissoluble  affection,  or  of  principle  sacred  in  his 
own  eyes.  It  is  not  a  little  remarkable,  that  after 
all  the  trouble  and  expense  taken  and  incurred  by 
and  between  the  colonies,  and  especially  by  Massa- 
chusetts, for  his  protection  ;  and  notwithstanding  the 
authorities  of  the  latter  governmeDt  fondly  and  we 

Bb 


I 


. 

iii 

' 

h 

h 

\- 

\  >; 

V 

A' 

1'* 

i 

>  • 

i  ■■ 


k 


'1 4i 


302 


INDIAN   BIOGRAPHY. 


'  I 


V  *! 


trust  sincerely  roprosentcd  his  submission  as  the  fVuit 
of  their  prayers,  uud  the  first  fruit  of  their  hopes,  in 
the  greut  process  of  civih/in^  and  christianizing 
the  natives  ;*  this  incorrijfihie  savnp:e  not  only  loosen- 
ed his  connexion  with  th(;  En^^hsh,  but  engaged 
against  them,  with  his  whole  force  and  influence,  in 
the  great  war  of  King  Philip. 

That  course,  fatal  as  it  was  to  himself  and  his  in- 
terests, was  upon  the  whole  the  most  creditable 
passage  of  his  life.  And  once  adopted,  he  pursued 
It  with  an  energy  that  altogether  sets  asi<le  any 
doubts  which  his  former  course  might  suggest,  in 
regard  to  his  real  temperament  and  genius.  Even 
Philip  was  scarcely  more  feared  than  Pomham. 
Historians  universally,  while  they  now  call  him  a 
Narraghansett,  as  evidently  he  had  determined  to 
consider  himself,  place  him  in  the  highest  rank 
among  the  Sachems  of  that  warlike  and  powerful 
tribe.  He  did  not  even  pretend  to  neutrality  in  the 
early  part  of  the  war,  as  they  did.  He  did  not  sign 
either  the  treaty  of  July,  (1G75)  negotiated  at  the  point 
of  the  English  bayonet  in  his  own  territory,  or  the 
submission  executed  in  October  following  at  Boston, 
although  upon  the  latter  occasion  one  of  his  fellow- 
chiefiains  affected  to  sign  for  him.  This,  at  best,  like 
every  other  part  and  circumstance  of  the  compro- 
mise, was  a  mere  artifice,  meant  to  divert  the  Govern- 
ment by  a  show  of  satisfaction  and  amity. 

During  Philip*8  war  the  territory  of  Pomham  was 
ravaged  far  and  wide,  and  one  hundred  and  fifty 
wigwams  destroyed  by  fire  at  one  time,  in  Decem- 
ber, 1675.  Whether  this  chief  was  in  the  deci- 
sive and  bloody  battle  of  the  19th,  or  in  what  other 
engagements  he  was  during  the  war,  history  does 
not  determine.  He  was  finally  slain  in  July,  1676, 
a  few  weeks  previous  to  the  death  of  Philip,  and 
the  consequent  close  of  that  contest,  the  most  crit- 
ical and  the  most  furious  ever  waged  between  the 


♦  Winthrop. 


I  the  ft-ult 
hopoB,  in 
tianizing 
y  looson- 
engnged 
ience,  in 

I  his  in- 

reditahle 

fMirsued 

i'ule  any 

f,'gest,  in 

I.    Even 

•omham. 

1  him  a 

nined  to 

38t  rank 

)owerful 

y  in  the 

not  sign 

he  point 

,  or  the 

Boston, 

fellow- 

)est,  like 

ompro- 

jrovem- 

am  was 
id  fifty 
Decem- 
deci- 
it  other 
ry  does 
r,  1676, 
ip,  and 
>st  crit- 
3en  the 


INDIAN     BIOOUAPIIY. 


303 


red  man  and  th«»  whito.  Grrat  was  the  cxuhation 
of  the  conquerors  over  this  first  siiccesH,  so  encour- 
aging to  thenisolvt'H,  and  so  disastrous  to  their 
savage  and  terrihie  foes.  The  event  took  place  in 
the  neighhorhood  of  Dedhniu,  (in  Massachusetts) 
where  Fomham,  with  a  suiull  hand  of  fjiiiliful  war- 
riors, half-starved  and  desperate,  were  still  roaming 
the  woods  in  the  close  vicinity  of  the  English  settle- 
ments. Ahout  fifty  Indians  were  captured  ;  and  the 
Sachem  seems  to  have  been  the  only  man  of  the 
company  who  would  not  he  taken  alive.  "That 
which  increased  the  victory,"  says  Mr.  Iluhhard, 
"  was  the  slaughter  of  Pom  ham,  whicU  was  one  of 
the  Stoutest  Sachetns  that  belonged  to  the  JVarrtighan' 
sells:''' 

His  spirit  and  strength  were  such,  that  after  being 
mortally  wounded  in  the  fight,  so  that  he  could  not 
stand,  he  caught  hold  of  an  English  soldier  who 
came  near  him,  and  had  nearly  destroyed  him  by 
his  violence,  when  the  poor  fellow  was  rescued  by 
his  comrades,  and  the  dying  chieftain  relieved  at 
once  from  his  agony  and  his  foes.  lie  had  little  to 
live  for,  had  there  been  a  disposition  to  spare  him. 
His  territory  was  long  since  subjected  to  a  foreign 
power  by  his  own  act,  and  afterwards  desolated. 
His  subjects  were  dispersed  and  destroyed.  His 
grandson  had  been  slain  in  the  field  within  a  few 
months;  and  among  the  captives  at  the  time  of  his 
own  fall,  historians  particularly  notice  one  of  his 
sons,  "a  very  likely  youth,  and  one  whose  counte- 
nance wouhi  have  bespoke  favor  for  him,  had  he  not 
belonged  to  so  bloody  and  barbarous  an  Indian  as  his 
father  was."  This  unfortunate  lad  was  probably 
executed,  by  order  of  the  Plymouth  government, 
together  with  the  other  principal  captives  of  the  last 
months  of  the  war.  At  best,  he  was  spared,  like 
the  son  of  Philip,  only  to  be  enslaved  in  a  foreign 
land. 

*  Narrative  of  Indian  Wars.     It  will  be  observed  in  what 
terms  the  true  allegiance  of  the  Sachem  is  mentioned. 


Hil 


' 


^ 


■  * 

II 


304 


INDIAN   BIOGRAPHY. 


i 


' 


1 1 


H\ 


Among  other  distinguished  chieftains  of  the  Nar- 
raghansett  tribe,  who  perished  inucli  in  the  same 
manner,  and  about  the  same  time  with  the  last  named, 
was  Nanuntenoo  or  Quananshltt,  commonly  call- 
ed by  the  English  Canonchet.  He  was  the  son  of 
Miantonomo,  and  probably,  after  the  death  of  Mex- 
ham  and  Pessacus,  succeeded  to  his  father's  high 
rank, — being  generally  entitled  by  historians  the  Chief- 
Sachem  of  his  tribe.  His  reputation,  both  with  his 
countrymen  and  his  foes,  was  worthy  of  the  noble 
blood  in  his  veins.  Mr.  Trumbull  observes,  that  he 
inherited  all  his  father's  pride,  and  all  his  insolence 
and  hatred  towards  the  English.  What  is  still  more 
conclusive  in  his  favor,  Mr.  Hubbard  calls  him  a 
*  damned  wretch,'  enlarges  upon  his  cruelty  and 
blasphemy,  and  exults  over  his  final  destruction. 
This — not  the  facts  alleged,  (which  are  wholly  with- 
out proof,)  but  the  assertion — furnishes,  as  a  modern 
writer  has  aptly  remarked,  irresistible  evidence  of 
his  heroic  character. 

There  is  abundant  other  evidence,  however,  to 
the  same  effect.  The  only  ostensible  deference  of 
any  description  which  he  ever  paid  to  an  English 
authority — detesting,  as  unquestionably  he  did,  their 
very  name — was  the  act  of  subscribing  the  cele- 
brated treaty  of  October  1675,  negotiated  at  Boston. 
The  object  of  it  was  to  quiet  the  jealousy  of  the 
English,  who  suspected  him  of  having  contracted 
engagements  with  Philip.  One  provision  went  to 
ratify  a  treaty  executed  at  Hartford  during  the 
month  of  July  previous,  (by  four  of  the  Narraghan- 
sett  Sachems,  nominally  in  behalf  of  all.)  Another, 
and  the  principal  one,  was  expressed  thus :  * 

"  And  wheras  a  considerable  Number  of  people 
both  men  weomen  and  Children  appertaining  to 
those  Indians  who  haue  bin  in  actuall  hostillitie 
against  the  English  are  now  fled  to  the  Narraghan- 
setts  Countrey ;  and  are  vnder  the  Custody  of  the 

*  Records  of  the  Colonies. 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPHY. 


305 


he  Nar- 
he  same 
t  named, 
>nly  call- 
e  son  of 
of  Mex- 
r'b  high 
leChief- 
vith  his 
e  noble 
that  he 
isolence 
ill  more 
3  him  a 
Ity  and 
ruction, 
ly  with- 
modern 
ence  of 

ever,  to 
3nce  of 
English 
id,  their 
e   cele- 
Boston. 
of  the 
itracted 
vent  to 
ng  the 
aghan- 
11  other, 

people 
ing  to 
stillitie 
ighan- 
of  the 


said  Sachems  there ;  after  a  full  and  long  Conference 
had  concerning  that  matter,  wee  doe  in  the  Name 
and  by  the  Power  to  vs  giuen  and  betrusted  in  the 
behalfe  of  the  Sachems  of  the  aboue  said  Coun- 
trey  fully  and  absolutely  couenant  and  promise  to 
and  with  the  abouenamed  Comissioners  att  or  before 
the  28th  Day  of  this  Instant  month  of  October  to  de- 
liuer  or  cause  to  be  deliuered  all  and  euery  one  of 
the  Said  Indians,  whether  belonging  vnto  Phillip: 
the  Pocasset  Sqva*  or  the  Saconettf  Indians  Q,ua- 
baug  hadley  or  any  other  Sachems ;  or  people  that 
haue  bin  or  are  in  hostilitie  with  the  English  or  any 
of  theire  Allies  or  abettors ;  and  these  wee  promise 
and  Couenant  to  deliuer  att  Boston  to  the  Gouernor 
and  Councell  there  by  them  to  be  disposed  ia  the 
behalfe  of  and  for  the  best  securitie  and  peace  of  the 
Vnited  Collonies. 


Richard  Smith 
Iames  Browne 
Samuel,  Gorton  Iunr 
fnterpretors 
John  Nowhenetts 
Indian  Jnterpretor  .- 


Sealed  and  deliuered  in 
the  presence  of  vs.  CIuananchetts  marke. 

Sachem  in  the  behalfe  of  himselfe  and 
Conanacus  and  the  old  Gueen  and  Pom* 
ham  and  diianapeen.         (Seal) 
Manatannoo  Councellor 
marke        his  marke. 

and  Canannacus  in  his  behalfe 

(Seal) 

Ahanmanpowetts  marke 

Councellor  and  his  (Seal) 

Cornman  cheiffe  Councellor  to 
Ninnigrett  in  his  behalfe  and  a  (Seal.)" 

*  Weetamore,  Weetamoe,  or  Weetanno,  a  kinswoman  of 
Philip,  and  the  active  ruler  of  the  tribe,  though  married  to  an 
insignificant  fellow  named  Peter  Nunnuit.  All  her  subjects 
joined  Philip  with  herself,  excepting  Alderman,  who  had  the 
honor  of  shooting  that  Sachem  with  his  own  hand.  Weeta- 
more was  drowned  in  August,  1675,  attempting  to  escape  from 
the  English  over  a  stream  in  Swanzey ;  and  her  head,  in  the 
barbarous  style  of  the  times,  was  set  upon  a  pole  at  Taunton, 
much  to  the  chagrin  of  such  of  her  tribe  Jis  were  compelled  to 
witness  the  spectacle.  Pocasset,  now  Tiverton,  was  on  the 
coast,  opposite  the  north  of  Rhode  Island. 

•f  Or  Sogkonate ;  a  tribe  on  the  same  coast  with  the  Pocassets, 
governed  also  by  a  Squaw-Sachem  named  Awashonks,  or 
Awasunck,  somewhat  celebrated  for  her  maECuline  qualities, 

Bb9 


r 


4- 

k 


:'\^' 


I  i 

I  111 


ft 

»  'I 


'■i 


If 


306 


INDIAN   BIOGRAPHY. 


i 


t 


It  is  well  known,  how  speedily  the  execution  of 
this  instrument  was  followed  up  by  sending  a  strong 
English  force  to  invade  the  Narraghansett  territory, 
and  subdue  that  spirited  people  at  the  point  of  the 
bayonet.  Canonchet  is  supposed  to  have  been  enga- 
ged in  the  great  swamp-fight,  the  most  fatal  to  the  In- 
dians, and  they  most  desperately  fought  upon  their 
part,  of  the  whole  war.  It  continued  to  rage  with 
the  utmost  violence  for  three  hours  from  the  moment 
of  assault,  until  the  enemy's  wigwams,  to  the  number 
of  five  or  six  hundred,  were  fired,  and  the  field  of 
contest  became  almost  instantaneously  an  immense 
mass  of  terrific  conflagration.  The  Savages,  inspirit- 
ed by  their  leaders,  defended  every  wall  and  post 
with  the  fury  of  maniacs ;  and  when  they  at  length 
slowly  retreated,  they  left;  the  ground  behind  them 
encumbered  with  heaps  of  the  slain.  Quarter  was 
neither  asked  nor  given.  Three  hundred  of  the 
Narraghansetts,  at  the  least  estimate,  are  supposed 
to  have  been  killed,  besides  more  than  double  that 
number  wounded,  and  an  unknown  multitude  of 
women,  children  and  old  men  burnt  in  the  wigwams. 

But  the  victory  was  dearly  bought.  Of  the  one 
thousand  English  soldiers  of  which  the  civilized 
portion  of  the  invading  army  consisted,  according 
to  their  own  statement,  eighty  were  killed  and  one 
hundred  and  fifty  wounded.  Abandoning  the  cap- 
tured fort,  they  retreated  sixteen  miles  the  same 
night — and  that  in  the  depth  of  winter — leaving  the 
enemy  to  return  the  next  day  to  their  former  position. 

It  is  not  our  intention  to  discuss  at  length  the  pro- 
priety of  the  summary  course  adopted  by  the  colo- 
nies in  this  case.  The  principal  offence  of  the  Nar- 
raghansetts, as  set  forth  in  the  Manifesto,  was  their 
evasion  and  delay  in  surrendering  the  hostile  Indians 

and  for  the  part  she  took  in  Philip's  war,  first  against  the  Eng- 
lish and  then  with  them.  Captain  Church,  who  effected  this 
change  in  her  politics,  has  given  a  minute  account  of  his  in- 
terviews with  her. 
83  late  as  1S03. 


Ten  of  her  tribe  were  living  la  Compton, 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPHY. 


307 


ution  of 
a  strong 
territory, 
at  of  the 
en  eng"a- 
o  the  In- 
•on  their 
age  with 
moment 
number 
field  of 
mmense 
inspirit- 
md  post 
It  length 
id  them 
rter  was 
of  the 
jpposed 
^>le  that 
tude  of 
gwams. 
he  one 
ivilized 
cording 
nd  one 
le  cap- 
B  same 
ng  the 
3sition. 
le  pro- 
3  colo- 
e  Nar- 
3  their 
ndians 

le  Eng- 
ted  this 
his  in- 
mpton. 


who  took  refuge  in  their  country.  This  refusal  was 
certainly  inconsistent  with  the  stipulations  of  July 
and  October  preceding ;  but  these  stipulations  were 
enforced  in  the  first  instance  by  the  presence  of  an 
English  army,  which  had  already  invaded  the  Nar- 
raghansett  territory. 

Those  of  the  tribe  who  made  proposals  of  peace, 
immediately  after  the  swamp-fight,  imputed  the 
blame  of  hostilities  wholly  to  Canonchet.  He  had 
made  them  belieVe,  that  by  the  former  treaty  they 
were  not  obliged  to  surrender  Philip's  followers,  un- 
til his  brothf^r,  (who,  with  three  other  Indians  of 
rank,  was  detained  as  a  hostage  at  Hartford,)  had 
been  released.  Probably,  Canonchet  did  not  him- 
self misunderstand  the  plain  provisions  of  tliat  in- 
strument, although,  as  he  does  not  appear  to  have 
been  present  at  the  execution  of  it,  it  might  be  mis- 
represented to  him.  It  is  more  likely,  that  he  con- 
sidered it  an  absolute  nullity,  as  having  been  obtain- 
ed by  force,  unjustly  and  insultingly  imposed.  The 
.construction  referred  to  by  his  subjects,  he  counte- 
nanced with  the  view  of  overcoming  scruples  on 
Jheir  part  in  the  protection  of  Philip's  Indians. 
Whether  that  protection — independently  of  the  forc- 
ed promise  to  surrender  the  refugees — was  or  was 
not  a  sufficient  cause  for  the  war  which  ensued,  it 
must  be  allowed  at  least  to  do  no  dishonor  to  the 
humanity  and  honor  of  Canonchet,  and  the  other 
Sachems,  who  persisted  in  that  policy  at  every  hazard 
and  almost  in  the  very  face  of  their  enemy.  With 
him  and  them  it  was  unquestionably  a  measure  of 
sacred  principle.  No  noble-minded  chieftain  upon 
the  Continent,  educated  as  an  Indian  chieftain  al- 
ways is,  would  have  given  up  men  who  appealed  to 
their  hospitality — their  own  brethren,  in  distress  and 
nakedness,  driven  before  the  bayonet  of  a  mortal 
enemy  of  a  distinct  race  and  of  vastly  superior  pow- 
er— and  least  of  all,  when,  if  surrendered,  they  were 
surrendered  to  a  certain  alternative  of  slavery  or 
death.    Some  of  his  tribe  would  have  compromitted 


III 


^) 


^ii 


lil: 


111 

m 


a: 


IP  : 


308 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPHY. 


their  dignity  through  fear,  but  not  the  son  of  Mian- 
tonomo.  "DeHver  the  Indians  of  Philip!"  said  the 
haughty  Sachem  at  one  time — "  Never !  Not  a  Wam- 
panoag  will  I  ever  give  up.  No ! — Not  the  paring  of 
a  Wampanoag's  nail ! " 

Those  vs^ho  are  familiar  with  the  history  of  the 
war  will  recollect,  that  the  most  critical  period  of  it 
was  immediately  subsequent  to  the  swamp-fi^ht. 
This  was  owing  to  the  desperate  exertions  of  the 
Narraghansetts,  and  especially  Canonchet  and  their 
other  Sachems.  They  were  indeed  driven  about  the 
country  far  and  wide,  and  reduced  to  such  extremi- 
ties for  food,  that  corn  sold  for  two  shillings  a  pint ; 
but  their  sufferings  only  made  them  the  more  fero- 


cious, and  the  more   bold.     "That 


young 


insolent 


Sachem,  Canonchet,  (writes  Mr.  Hubbard,  in  his 
usual  complimentary  style,)  said  they  would  fight  it 
out  to  the  last  man,  rather  than  they  would  become 
sei*vants  to  the  English." 

The  destruction  of  Lancaster  took  place  early  in 
February.  Medfield  was  desolated  ten  days  after- 
wai'ds ;  and  -  in  March  happened  that  memorable 
engagement,  not  far  from  Providence  and  upon  an- 
cient Narraghansett  ground,  in  which  Captain  Pierce 
with  his  detachment,  to  the  number  of  fifty  English 
soldiers,  were  cut  off  to  a  man.  Canonchet  com- 
manded in  this  affair.  The  spirit  of  his  warriors,  as 
well  as  the  superiority  of  the  English  skill  in  the  use 
of  their  arms,  appears  from  the  fact  that  the  Indians 
lost  between  one  and  two  hundred  killed.  Warwick, 
Seekonk,  and  Providence  were  next  successively 
ravaged  by  the  victorious  foe.  Plymouth  was  assault- 
ed, and  eleven  of  the  inhabitants  slaughtered ;  and 
another  party  had  the  courage  to  commit  horrible 
ravages  within  eleven  miles  of  Boston  itself.  The 
prospects  of  Philip  were  never  so  flattering  to  him- 
self and  so  disastrous  to  the  English,  as  at  this  memo- 
rable juncture,  when  the  exasperated  and  fearless  son 
of  Miantonomo  was  supporting  him  with  the  whole 
force  of  his  dominions. 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPHY. 


309 


as 


The  manner  in  wliioh  the  Narraghansett  Sachems 
treated  Roger  Williams,  at  this  period,  amid  all  the 
excitement  of  siiff(;riiig  on  the  one  side  and  success 
on  the  other,  is  worthy  of  eveHasting  remembrance. 
That  genth^man  was  one  of  the  few  English  who 
remained  at  Providence,  exposecl  to  the  full  torrent 
of  war,  and  with  no  other  security  than  such  as  he 
attributed  to  long  acquaintance,  friendship,  and  good 
faith,  with  those  who  were  now  become  the  inveter- 
ate enemies,  anil  were  openly  calculating  upon  the 
utter  extermination  of  his  race.  He  had  even  the 
hardihood  to  reproach  some  of  the  Sachems  who 
frequently  came  to  converse  with  him,  for  their 
cruelties ;  and  to  threaten  them  with  the  sure,  though 
it  might  be  lingering  vengeance  of  the  English. 
"Massachusetts,"  said  he,  "can  raise  thousands  of 
men  at  this  moment ;  and  if  you  kill  them,  the  King 
of  England  will  supply  their  place  as  fast  as  they 
fall."  "  Well ! "  answered  one  of  the  chieftains, 
"  let  them  come.  We  are  ready  for  them. — But  as 
for  you, — Brother  Williams, — you  are  a  good  man, — 
you  have  been  kind  to  us  many  years. — Not  a  hair 
of  your  head  shall  be  touched."  This  noble  pledge, 
bearing  upon  the  face  of  it  the  mark  of  the  chival- 
rous spirit  of  Canonchet,  was  regarded  throughout 
the  war  with  the  most  sacred  fidelity.  It  was  not  in 
vain  that  the  young  Sachem  remembered  the  warm 
affection  which  his  father  had  entertained  for  his 
English  neighbor  and  confidant. 

But  to  resume  the  narrative  ; — "  It  was  now  full 
sea  with  Philip's  affairs,"  says  Mr.  Hubbard,  "for 
soon  after  the  tide  of  his  successes  began  to  turn 
about  the  coast,  which  made  way  for  the  falling  of  the 
water  up  higher  in  the  country."  The  disasters  of  the 
Pokanoket  Sachem  commenced  with  no  less  a  mis- 
fortune than  the  death  of  Canonchet.  And  a  matter 
of  rejoicing  indeed  it  was  to  the  Colonies  of  the 
English — if  we  may  credit  the  historian  last  cited — 
"that  the  ring-leader  of  almost  all  this  mischief^ 
and  the  great  incendiary  betwixt  the  Narraghansetts 


'I 
I- 


hi. 


310 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPHV. 


J! 


At 


and  us,  died  himself  by  that  sword  of  war  which 
he  had  drawn  against  others."  The  last  assertion 
might  perhaps  have  been  spared  to  advantage,  but 
the  epithets  furnish  the  best  evidence  in  favor  of  the 
subject  of  them  which  the  case  could  be  supposed  to 
present. 

Early  in  April,  it  seems,  Canonchet,  weary  of 
desolating  the  towns  of  the  English,  had  betaken 
himself  to  the  Indian  haunts  on  the  Connecticut 
river.  Here  he  continued  to  take  a  most  active  part 
in  the  war ;  the  whole  body  of  the  savages  to  the 
Westward  trusting,  (as  our  eulogist  expresses  him- 
self,) under  the  shadow  of  that  aspiring  bramble. 
Nor  was  it  in  battle  only  that  they  placed  reliance  on 
his  courage  and  genius.  It  was  necessary,  as  it  was 
difficult,  to  provide  the  means  of  sustenance,  from 
day  to  day,  for  something  like  one  thousand  five 
hundred  warriors,  with  their  women  and  children. 
Canonchet  suggested  the  plan  of  planting  the  lands 
on  the  West  bank  of  the  river,  recently  taken  from 
the  English.  But  how  should  even  the  means  of 
planting  be  obtained  ?  A  council  was  summoned  to 
solve  this  question  ;  but  not  a  man  could  be  found 
who  would  hazard  his  life,  at  this  season,  in  that 
section  of  the  country  where  corn  must  be  procured. 
The  Sachem  himself  went  forward,  and  proposed, 
with  the  assistance  of  thirty  volunteers,  who  soon 
found  courage  to  second  him,  to  undertake  a  journey 
to  Seekonk,  in  the  immediate  vicinity  of  Montaup, 
the  old  residence  of  Philip. 

The  adventure  proved  fatal  to  him.  On  the  27th 
of  March,  Captain  Dennison,  of  Connecticut,  had 
commenced  a  volunteer  expedition  against  the  en- 
emy, with  about  fifty  English  soldiers,  and  eighty 
Niantick,  Pequot  and  Mohegan  Indians,  severally 
commanded  by  Catapazet,  Casasinamon  and  Oneco.* 
By  the  time  Canonchet   reached  SeekCii':,  where 


*The  sou  of  Uncas.     The  Pequot  Sachem  was  a  uian  of  uo 
particular  note.     Catapazet  was  subordinate  to  Ninigret. 


ge, 


which 
ssertion 
but 

of  the 
)osed  to 

;ary  of 
betaken 
lecticut 
ive  part 

to  the 
;8  him- 
ramble. 
ance  on 
)  it  was 
e,  from 
nd  five 
tiildren. 
e  lands 
;n  from 
;ans  of 
)ned  to 

found 
in  that 
ocured. 
oposed, 
Q  soon 
oarney 
ontaup, 

le  27th 
It,  had 
he  en- 
eighty 
verally 
neco.* 
where 

Itt  of  110 

et. 


INDIAN   BIOGRAPHY. 


311 


he  encamped  on  Blackstone  river  near  the  Pawtuckct 
falls,  Dennison's  party,  following  the  sea-coast,  had 
arrived  in  the  same  neighborhood.  The  former  was 
80  little  apprehensive  of  danger,  that  he  dismissed  all 
his  thirty  attendants  but  seven.  The  English,  on 
the  other  hand,  received  the  first  intimation  of  his 
being  near  them,  from  two  old  straggling  scjuaws, 
who  confessed,  on  being  captured,  that  Canonchet  was 
not  far  off.  The  intelligence  put  new  life  into  the 
weary  soldiers,  and  they  pressed  forward  till  they 
came  upon  fresh  tracks,  and  these  brought  them  In 
view  of  a  cluster  of  wigwams  on  the  bank  of  the 
river. 

In  one  of  those  wigwams  Canonchet  was  at  this 
moment  reposing  from  the  fatigues  of  his  journey. 
His  seven  remaining  followers  sat  around  him  ;  and 
he  entertained  them  with  the  recital  of  the  bloody 
victory  over  Pierce's  detachment,  which  had  taken 
place  but  a  week  or  two  before.*  Suddenly  the 
speaker  suspended  his  narrative.  His  silent  audience 
started  to  their  feet,  and  stood  aghast.  The  trained 
eai'  of  the  savage  had  already  detected  the  approach 
of  an  enemy.  Two  of  the  company  were  immedi- 
ately despatched  to  the  summit  of  the  hill,  at  the  foot 
of  which  the  wigwam  was  situated.  These  men, 
frightened  by  the  near  apj)roach  of  the  English,  who 
were  now  (says  Hubbard,)  mounting  with  great  speed 
over  a  fair  champagna  on  the  other  side  of  the  hill, 
ran  by,  as  if  they  wanted  time  to  tell  what  they  saw. 
A  third  was  sent,  who  executed  his  errand  no  better. 
But  of  two  others  who  were  sent  up,  one  had  the 
courage  to  return  and  inform  the  Sachem,  in  great 

*So  writes  Mr.  Hubbard,  and  Trumbull  and  others  fol- 
low his  authority.  Baylies  (Memoir  of  Piyrnoutli  Colony,) 
doubts  the  correctness  of  the  statement,  alleging  that  Canon- 
chet did  not  leave  the  Connecticut  river  until  April,  whereas 
Pierce's  defeat  happened  on  the  26th  of  March.  We  do  not 
however  conceive  that  the  distance  was  so  great,  but  it  might 
have  been  traversed  more  than  once  after  the  battle  and  before 
the  surprisal. 


i. 


312 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPHY. 


haste  and  trepidation,  that  the  whole  English  army 
was  upon  him. 

Canonchet  had  no  means  of  defence,  and  no  time 
for  dehberation.  He  could  only  attfjfnpt  an  escape 
by  running  round  the  hill  opposite  his  pursuers;  and 
he  had  not  gone  far  in  that  direction,  when  Catapazet, 
with  twenty  of  liis  followers,  and  a  few  of  the  Eng- 
lish who  were  lightest  of  foot,  nearly  intercepted  him 
as  they  descended  the  hill,  and  immediately  com- 
menced a  vigorous  and  close  pursuit.  Canonchet 
was  a  fleet  runner,  but  the  swiftest  of  Calapazet's 
men  began  to  gain  upon  him.  He  threw  oft'  his 
blanket,  and  then  a  silver-laced  coat  which  had  been 
given  him  on  the  renewal  of  his  league  at  Boston. 
His  wampum  belt  was  finally  abandoned  ;  and  this 
betraying  his  rank  to  his  pursuers,  they  redoubled 
their  eftbrts,  mitil  they  forced  hitn  to  betake  himself 
to  the  river,  in  which  he  plunged  forward  with  great 
haste.  Unluckily,  his  foot  sliped  upon  a  stone,  and 
this  not  only  delayed  him,  but  brought  him  down  so 
far  at  to  wet  the  gun  which  he  still  carried  in  one 
hand ;  "  upon  which  accident,  he  confessed  soon 
after  (we  are  told,)  that  his  heart  and  his  bowels  turn- 
ed within  him,  so  as  he  became  like  a  rotten  stick, 
void  of  strength."* 

Thenceforth  he  submitted  to  his  destiny  without  a 
struggle.  He  was  a  large,  muscular  man;  and  as 
Hubbard  himself  allows,  of"  great  courage  of  mind," 
as  well  as  strength  of  body  ;  but  the  foremost  of  the 
hostile  party,  one  Monopoide,  a  Pequot,  laid  hold 
of  him  without  his  making  the  slightest  resistance. 
The  first  Englishman  who  came  up  was  Robert 
Stanton,  a  young  man  of  some  twenty  years  old  ;  yet 
adventuring  to  ask  him  a  question  or  tw^o,  (continues 
the  historian,  with  a  touch  of  feeling  which  does 
him  credit,)  the  manly  Sachem  looked  somewhat 
disdainfully  upon  his  youthful  face,  and  replied  in 
broken  English,  "you  much  child — no  understand 

*  Hubbard* s  Narrative,  p.  129. 


IxNDIAN    BIOGRAPHY. 


313 


ish  army 

no  time 
1  escai)c 
^rs;  and 
Eitapazet, 
he  Eng- 
)ted  him 
ly  com- 
nouchet 
lapazet's 
'  off  his 
I  ad  been 
Boston, 
and  this 
(doubled 
himself 
ith  great 
3ne,  and 
[lown  so 
i  in  one 
ed  soon 
Is  turn- 
jn  stick, 

ithout  a 
and  as 
mind," 
t  of  the 
id  hold 
istance. 
Robert 
Id ;  yet 
ntinues 
h  does 
newhat 
)lied  in 
irstand 


war — let  your  chief  come — him  T  will  tr"  with." 
The  English  offered  him  his  life  if  he  woiUv*  submit 
to  their  government,  but  he  would  make  no  submis- 
sion of  any  kind.  They  suggested  his  sending  one 
of  his  men  to  j)ro|)ose  terms  to  his  Narraghansett 
warriors  in  the  west ;  but  he  refused  with  scorn.  He 
was  then  told  of  the  enmity  he  had  manifested  to- 
wards the  English.  "  And  many  others,"  he  replied 
haughtily,  "  will  be  foun»l  of  the  same  mind  with  my- 
self. Let  me  hear  no  more  of  that."  When  informed 
of  what  his  fate  must  inevitably  be,  he  only  answered, 
"  It  is  well.  I  shall  die  before  my  heart  is  soft. — I 
shall  speak  nothing  which  Canonchet  should  be 
ashamed  to  s|)eak. — It  is  well."  Even  those  who 
have  censured  the  Sachem  most,  touched  with  the 
fine  dignity  of  his  last  hours,  would  fain  search  in 
the  theory  of  a  Pythagorean  Metempsychosis  for  the 
secret  of  his  greatness.  Some  old  Roman  ghost,  say 
they,  must  have  possessed  the  body  of  this  Western 
Pagan.* 

He  was  soon  afterwards  taken  to  Stonington,  in 
Connecticut,  where  Dennison's  expeditou  liad  been 
fitted  out;  and  there  was  executed  upon  him  the 
sentence  of  death.  That  all  concerned  in  the  cap- 
ture of  so  proud  a  victim  might  be  gratified  with  a 
share  in  the  honors  of  his  slaughter,  the  English 
contented  themselves  with  being  spectators  of  the 
scene,  while  the  Pequots  were  permitted  to  shoot 
him,  the  Mohegans  to  behead  and  quarter  him,f  and 
Ninigret*s  men  to  kindle  the  pile  upon  which  he 
was  burned.  As  a  token  of  love  and  fidelity  to  their 
civilized  allies,  his  head  only  was  reserved,  to  be  pre- 
sented to  the  English  council  at  Hartford.  It  is 
remarkable,  that  Oneco,  on  this  occasion,  took  the 
same  part  in  the  execution  of  Canonchet,  and  under 
veiy  similar  circumstances,  which,  near  forty  years 
before,  his  father  Uncas  had  taken  in  that  of  Mianto- 
uomo,  the  father  of  Canonchet. 

*  Hubbard. 

t  Baylies'  Memoir  of  Plymouth  Colony. 

Cc 


^ 


m 


m. 


314 


INDIAN   BIOGRAPHT. 


Thus  fell,  in  the  prime  of  hin  manhood,  the  last 
Chief-Sachem  of  the  Narraghansetts,  the  grand" 
nephew  of  Canonicus,  and  the  son  of  Miantonomo. 
The  Ensiish  historians  of  his  own  period  may  be 
excused  for  the  prejudice  wiili  which  they  regarded 
him  (as  they  did  ail  who  fought  for  the  same  cause 
with  the  same  courage,)  and  which  nevertheless  af- 
fords to  the  reader  of  these  days  the  most  satisfac- 
tory proof  of  his  high  reputation  and  formidable 
talents.  "  This,"  says  one  writer,  "  was  the  confu- 
sion of  a  damned  wretch,  tliat  had  often  opened  his 
mouth  to  blaspheme."  Again: — "as  a  just  reward 
of  his  wickedness  he  was  adjudged  by  those  who 
took  him  to  die." 

It  were  useless  to  dispute  these  positions,  for  every 
reader  of  history  possesses  the  means  of  forming  a 
just  opinion  whether  or  not  they  are  sound.  But  at 
all  events,  (as  an  author  of  a  more  liberal  period  has 
observed,)*  we  may  surely  at  this  day  be  permitted 
to  lament  the  unhappy  fate  of  this  noble  Indian, 
without  incurring  any  imputation  for  want  of  patriot- 
ism. In  the  entire  compass  of  I?idian,and  we  might 
perhaps  add,civilized  history,  there  is  no  finer  instance 
of  that  generous  and  chivalrous  character,  which — 
whatever  it  might  be  termed  under  other  circum- 
stances— in  the  situation  of  Canonchet,  and  with 
his  sincere  and  strict  principles,  can  only  be  approved 
and  admired,  as  humanity  to  the  suffering  who  sought 
his  protection  ;  as  fidelity  to  his  own  and  his  father's 
friends ;  as  a  proud  and  lofty  sacrifice  of  royalty, 
liberty  and  life  itself  to  honor ;  as  patriotism  to  his 
country,  and  as  religion  to  his  gods. 

*  Baylies*  Memoir  of  Plymouth  Colony. 


li 


the  last 
grand' 
tonomo. 
may  be 
Bganled 
e  cause 
eless  af- 
satisfac- 
midable 
confu- 
ned  his 
reward 
se  who 

>r  every 
ming  a 
But  at 
'iod  has 
rmitted 
Indian, 
patriot- 
B  might 
nstance 
^hich — 
;ircum- 
d  with 
proved 
sought 
'ather's 
oyalty, 
[  to  his 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPHY. 


CHAPTER  XVI. 


315 


Account  of  the  Pawtucket  cotifedenicy  in  New  Hiimpahirc — 
Passaconaway,  their  Chief  Sachem — FIc  is  disarmed  by 
order  of  the  Massachusettei  (■overnmeiit.  IIih  residence, 
age  and  authority — He  maintains  a  good  undcrHtaiiding 
with  the  Gngliiih — Visits  Boston— The  Apostle  Klliot's  ac- 
quaintance with,  and  notice  of  him — His  views  of  Christiani- 
ty— Festival,  and  Farewell  speech  to  his  tribe  in  1H60— 
Death  and  character — His  son  and  succcs».sor,  VV^onolan- 
SET.  Anecdotes  of  the  family — Legend  of  Passaconaway 'h 
feats  as  a  Powah. 

Turning  our  attention  to  a  part  of  the  country  and 
to  a  people  which  have  not  yet  been  the  subject  of 
special  notice,  we  shall  now  introduce,  with  the  fol- 
lowing passage  from  VVinthrop's  Journal,  an  indi- 
vidual of  far  too  much  distinction  to  be  wholly  over- 
looked.    The  date  is  of  July,  164Q  : — 

**  There  came  letters  from  the  court  at  Connecticut, 
and  from  two  of  the  magistrates  there,  and  from  Mr. 
Ludlow  near  the  dutch,  certifying  us  that  the  Indians 
all  over  the  country  had  combined  themselves  to  cut 
off  all  the  English — that  the  time  was  appointed 
after  harvest — the  manner  also  they  should  go,  by 
small  companies  to  the  chief  men's  houses  by  way 
of  trading  &c.  and  should  kill  them  in  the  house 
and  seize  their  weapons,  and  then  others  should  be 
at  hand  to  prosecute  the  massacre.  *  *  Upon  these 
letters  the  Governor  called  so  many  of  the  magis- 
trates as  were  near,  and  being  met  they  sent  out 
summons  for  a  general  court  to  be  kept  six  days 
after,  and  in  the  meantime  it  was  thought  fit,  for  our 
safety,  and  to  strike  some  terror  into  the  Indians,  to 
disarm  such  as  were  within  our  jurisdiction.  Ac- 
cordingly we  sent  men  to  Cutshamkin  at  Brantree 
to  fetch  him  and  his  guns,  bows  &c.  which  was 
done,  aud  he  came  willingly,  and  being  late  in  the 
night  when  they  came  to  Boston,  he  was  put  in  the 


i 


lii 


J  I' 


''& ' 


316 


INDIAN    DIOGRAPHY. 


I  ^ 


I  '•■' 


pr'iHon,  but  tho  next  inoniin^,  finding  upon  cxomi- 
nntion  of  liirn  nn<l  (livers  of  Urn  n)(>n,  no  ground  of 
suspicion  of  liis  partaking  in  uny  uuch  (M>nHpirany, 
he  was  diHuuHHed.  Upon  the  warrant  which  went 
to  IpHwieli,  Rowly<;  an<l  Newlx'rry  to  diHarni  Pas- 
SAcoNAMY,  wlio  livod  hy  Mcrriniack,  they  sent  forth 
forty  men  arnx'd  lh(;  next  day,  heing  the  Lord's-day, 
l)ut  it  rained  all  the  <iay,  as  it  had  done  divei-H  days 
before  and  also  aller,  so  as  they  could  not  go  to  his 
wigwam,  but  they  came  to  his  son's  and  took  him, 
which  they  had  warrant  for,  and  a  squa  and  her 
child,  which  they  had  no  warrant  for,  and  therefore 
order  was  given  so  soon  as  he  heard  of  it,  to  send 
them  home  again.  They  fearing  his  son's  escape, 
led  him  in  a  line,  but  he  taking  an  opportanity,  slip- 
ped his  line  and  escapetl  from  them,  but  one  vt^y 
hidiscreetly  made  a  shot  at  him,  and  missed  him 
narrowly." 

The  Sadiem  here  mentioned,  and  commonly  call- 
ed Tassaconaway,*  was  generally  known  among 
the  Indians  as  the  Great  Sagamore  of  Pannuhog,  or 
Penacook — that  being  the  name  of  a  tribe  who  in- 
habited Concord,  (New  Hampshire)  and  the  country 
for  njany  miles  above  and  below,  on  Merrimac  river. 
The  Penacooks  were  among  the  most  warlike  of  the 
northern  Indians ;  and  they,  almost  alone,  seem  to 
have  resisted  the  occasional  ancient  inroads  of  the 
Mohawks,  and  sometim(!S  even  to  have  carried  the 
war  into  their  territories.  One  of  their  forts,  built 
purposely  for  defence  against  these  invasions,  was 
upon  Sugar- Ball  Hill,  in  Concord ;  and  tradition  in- 
distinctly preserves  to  this  time  the  recollection  of 
an  obstinate  engagement  between  the  two  tribes, 
which  occurred  on  the  banks  of  the  Merrinjac  in  that 
vicinity. 

The  Penacooks  were  one  member  of  a  large  con- 

♦  Hubbard  writes  Passaconriawa  :  Mr.  Elliot,  Papassacon- 
away:  Wood,  in  that  most  singular  curiosity,  New  Eng- 
land's Prospect,  has  pointed  out  Pi!?saconawa's  location 
on  his  map,  by  a  cluster  of  marks  repres^fcnting  wigwams. 


INDIAN    BIOCRAPHV. 


317 


exami- 
iiind  of 
Hpirary, 
h  went 
ni  Pas- 
nt  forth 
(I's-dny, 
I'l-s  (lays 

0  to  hifl 
uk  liini) 
md  her 
lieroforo 
to  send 

escape, 
ty,  slip- 
ne  v<u'y 
}ed  him 

rily  call- 
among 

1  hog,  or 
kvho  in- 
country 
ic  river. 
c  of  the 
jeem  to 
I  of  the 
ried  the 
s,  built 
IS,  was 
:ion  in- 
tion  of 

tribes, 
in  that 

^e  con- 

assacon - 
Eng- 
location 
ns. 


fedoracy,  more  or  hiss  imder  Passaconaway's  control, 
which,  beside  comprising  several  small  tribes  in 
Massachusetts,  extended  nearly  or  quite  as  far  in  the 
oj)|)08ite  direction  as  the  nortliern  extremity  of  Lake 
Wi  lepissiogee.  Among  those  who  acknowledged 
subje<'tion  to  him  were  the  Agawams  (at  Ipswich,) 
the  Naamkeeks  (at  Salem,)  the  Pascataquas,  the  Ac- 
comintas,  and  the  Sachems  of  Squamscot,  Newich- 
waimock  and  Pawtucket, — the  latter  being  also  the 
National  name  of  all  the  confederates.  Passacona- 
way  is  supposed  to  have  resided,  occasionally,  at 
what  is  now  Haverhill  (Mass.)  but  he  afterwards 
lived  among  the  Penacooks. 

He  must  have  been  quite  advanced  in  life- at  the 
date  of  the  earliest  English  settlements  on  the  coast, 
for  he  is  said  to  have  died,  about  1(365,  at  the  great 
age  of  one  hundn^d  and  twentv  years,  though  that 
statement  indeed  has  an  air  of  exaggeration.  The 
first  mention  of  him  is  in  the  celebrated  Wheelwright 
deed  of  1()29 — the  authenticity  of  which  it  is  not  ne- 
cessary to  discuss  in  this  connexion.  In  1642,  Passa- 
quo  and  Saggahew,  the  Sachems  of  Haverhill  (Mass.) 
conveyed  that  township  to  the  original  settlers,  by 
deed  sealed  and  signed, — the  consideration  being 
three  pounds  ten  shillings,  and  the  negotiation  ex- 
pressly "  w"^  y  consent  of  Paasaconaway.^''* 

It  was  about  the  time  of  this  conveyance  that  the 
measures  already  mentioned  were  taken  for  *  disarm- 
ing '  the  old  chieftain.  That  was  clearly  a  most  un- 
exampled stretch  of  prerogative,  especially  as  Passa- 
conaway  had  hitherto  maintained  his  independence 
equally  with  his  apparent  good  will  for  the  English. 
There  is  some  apology  for  the  outrage  in  the  excite- 
ment of  the  period,  which  was  so  powerful,  it  appears, 
even  with  the  well-informed  and  well-meaning  citi- 
zens of  Boston,  that  they  hesitated  not  to  entertain 
the  Braintree  Sachf;m,  their  most  obedient  servant 

*  The  original  is  still  in  the  possession  of  a  gentleman  ia 
Haverhill.    See  Mirick's  History  of  that  town. 

Cc2 


i 


lit 


318 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPHY. 


I 


,> 


li 


on  all  occasions,  in  the  town-jail.  Even  the  report 
of  a  gun,  in  the  night-time,  in  the  neighborhood  of 
the  town,  was  now  sufficient  to  rouse  the  good  citi- 
zens far  aud  wide  ;  and  the  shouts  of  a  poor  fellow 
at  Waterlown,  who,  liavinglost  himself  in  the  woods, 
cried  out  somewhat  lustily  for  help ! — help ! — against 
an  apprehended  assault  of  the  wild-cats  round  about 
him,  produced  an  alarm  hardly  less  serious  than 
would  probably  have  followed  an  actual  foray  of  the 
Mohawks. 

This  excitement,  ,ve  say,  furnishes  an  apology  for 
the  harsh  treatment  of  the  Grand-Sachem.  The 
government,  upon  cool  reflection,  appears  to  have 
been  sensible  of  having  gone  too  far,  and  what  is 
creditable  to  them,  they  were  not  ashamed  to  make 
such  explanations  of  the  matter,  promptly  and  polite- 
ly, to  the  injured  party,  as  were  fitting  their  own  true 
dignity  as  well  as  his.  Governor  Winthrop,  speaking 
of  the  treatment  of  the  Squaw  and  the  Son  as  *  an 
unwarranted  proceeding,'  and  conceiving  "that  Pas- 
saconamy  would  look  at  it  as  a  manifest  injury," 
called  the  court  together,  and  proposed  measures  of 
reparation.  Cutcharaequin  was  accordingly  sent  to 
the  old  Sachem,  to  disclaim  any  order  for  kidnapping 
the  woman  and  child,  and  discharging  a  musket  at 
the  boy,  and  to  explain  to  him  the  real  purpose  and 
principle  of  the  warrant.  Passaconaway  li^.ened 
with  composure,  and  returned  answer  ihat  when- 
ever the  two  absent  members  of  his  family  should  be 
returned,  he  would  of  his  own  accord  render  in  the 
required  artillery, — (and  this,  it  would  seem,  the  wai*- 

Earty  which  went  out  from  Boston  on  the  Sabbath, 
ad  not  after  all  been  able  to  eiFect.)  One  of  them 
was  still  in  custody,  and  the  other  had  taken  refuge 
in  the  woods.  ^^  Accordingly,^^  adds  our  authority, 
"  about  a  fortnight  after,  he  sent  his  eldest  son,  who 
delivered  up  his  guns, "  &.c.  The  fair  inference  is, 
that  the  conditions  made  by  the  Sachem  were  per- 
formed to  his  satisfaction. 
At  all  events,  he  considered  it  a  good  policy  to 


I'  lit 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPHY. 


319 


•ii 


e  report 
lood  of 
)od  citi- 
[•  fellow 
!  woods, 
-against 
id  about 
LIS  than 
y  of the 

logy  for 
1.  The 
to  have 
what  is 
to  make 
d  polite- 
wn  true 
peaking 
1  as  *  an 
hat  Pas- 
injury," 
lures  of 

sent  to 
napping 
isket  at 
ose  and 

/^.ened 

when- 
ould  be 
in  the 

le  wai*- 
abbatb, 
)f  them 

refuge 
thority, 
)n,  who 

nee  is, 
ire  per- 

•licy  to 


maintain  peaceable  relations  »iih  his  much  excited 
neighbors ;  he  was  too  old,  as  most  of  his  near 
relatives — children  or  grand-children — seom  to  have 
been  too  young.  On  the  other  hand,  tht  Fiiglish 
movements  in  this  case,  taken  together,  ccrtair.ly  in- 
dicate a  respectful  estimate  of  his  character  ;  aiMl  in 
fact  the  policy  by  which  he  was  gained  over,  was  so 
much  valued,  that  either  Mr.  Winthrop  alludes  to  his 
one  act  of  submission  repeatedly,  or  else  the  Goveri>- 
ment  troubled  itself  to  have  the  scene  actually  re- 
hearsed as  many  times : — 

"At  this  Court,"  says  the  Journal,  for  the  spring 
of  1644,  "Passaconamy,  the  Merrimack  Sachem, 
came  in  and  submitted  to  our  Government,  as  Pum- 
ham  &c.  had  done  before." 

And  again,  in  1645 — "At  this  Court,  in  the  third 
month,  Passaconamy,  the  Chief  Sachem  of  Merri- 
mack, and  his  sons,  came  and  submitted  themselves 
and  their  people  and  lands  under  our  jurisdiction,  as 
Pumham  and  others  had  done  before." 

One  of  the  most  distinct  notices  of  the  old  Saga- 
more occui-s  in  that  ancient  tract,  "  The  Light  Ap- 
pearing &c."  most  of  which  was  written  by  the 
apostle  Elliot,  in  1649.  He  preached  about  that  time 
at  Pautucket,  that  being  "  a  fishing  place  where  from 
all  parts  they  met  together." 

"  The  Chief  Sachem  at  this  place,"  says  Mr.  Elliot, 
"  and  of  all  Mermak,  is  Papassaconaway,  whom  I 
mentioned  unto  you  the  last  yecre,  who  gave  up  him- 
self and  his  sonnes  to  pray  unto  God ;  this  man  did 
this  yeere  show  very  great  affection  to  me,  and  to 
the  Word  of  God."  The  writer  adds,  that  the  Saga- 
more even  urged  his  solicitations  importunately,  using 
withal  many  "  elegant  arguments,  with  much  gravity, 
wisdome  and  affection."  He  observed,  among  other 
things,  that  the  preacher's  coming  there  once  a  year 
did  them  but  little  good,  "  because  they  soone  had 
forgotten  what  he  taught,  it  being  so  seldome,  and  so 
long  betwixt  the  times."  Another  sound  suggestion 
was,  that  the  Sagamore  had  many  subjects  who 


? 


f 


i: 


i 


320 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPHY. 


"would  not  beleeve  him  that  praying  to  God  was 
so  good,"  whereas  as  no  doubt  they  might  be  con- 
vinced by  the  preaching  itself.  Nor  did  Mr.  Elliot, 
he  thought,  allow  himself  leisure  enough  to  explain 
and  prove  what  he  asserted.  It  was  "as  if^  one 
should  come  and  throw  a  fine  thing  among  them, 
and  they  earnestly  catch  at  it,  and  like  it  well,  because 
it  looks  finely,  but  could  not  look  into  it,  to  see  what 
is  within, — whether  something  or  nothing, — ^stock, 
stone  or  precious  jewel."  So  it  was  with  praying ; 
it  might  be  excellent,  as  it  seemed, — ^but  on  the  other 
hand  it  might  be  hollow  and  empty, — he  wished  to 
see  it  opened. 

Whether  this  sensible  advice  was  followed  as  far  as 
it  could  be,  is  uncertain  ;  but  there  can  be  little  doubt 
that  the  Sagamore  himself  became,  if  not  almost  a 
Christian,  yet  strongly  prepossessed  in  favor  of  the 
English.  In  1660,  an  English  gentleman,  who  had 
been  much  conversant  among  the  Indians,  was  in- 
vited to  a  gi*eat  dance  and  feast,  at  which  among 
other  ceremonies,  Passaconaway,  now  very  old, 
made  a  farewell  speech  to  his  people.  He  cautioned 
them  especially,  as  a  dving  man,  to  tike  heed  how 
they  quarrelled  with  the  English.  He  said,  that 
though  they  might  do  the  whites  some  damage,  it 
would  prove  the  sure  means  of  their  own  destruction ; 
and  that,  as  for  himself,  he  had  formerly  tried  his 
utmost  by  the  arts  of  sorcery  to  hinder  their  settle- 
ment and  increase,  but  all  to  no  purpose. 

It  is  remarkable,  that  when  Philip's  War  broke 
out,  fifteen  years  after  this  transaction,  Wonolanset, 
the  Sagamore's  son  and  successor,  withdrew  both 
himself  and  his  people  into  some  remote  place, 
where  he  wholly  escaped  the  disasters  and  excite- 
ment of  the  times.  Probably  there  was  no  other 
instance  of  the  kind  among  all  the  tribes. 

The  allusion  made  by  Passaconaway  to  the  arts  of 
porcery  should  be  explained,  by  observing  that  he 
had  formerly  been,  for  a  long  term  of  years,  one  of 
the  most  noted  Powahs,  or  Conjurors,  ever  heard  of 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPHY* 


321 


\\ 


fod  was 
be  con- 
.  Elliot, 
explain 
if  one 
g  them, 
because 
36  what 
— stock, 
►raying ; 
le  other 
shed  to 

as  far  as 
le  doubt 
I  most  a 
•  of  the 
ho  had 
was  in- 
among 
ry  old, 
utioned 
d  how 
d,  that 
lage,  it 
uction ; 
led  his 
settle- 
broke 

ANSET, 

V  both 
place, 
excite- 
>  other 

arts  of 

hat  he 

pne  of 

ard  of 


among  the  Indians  of  New  England.  Perhaps  his 
domhiion  itself,  and  certainly  the  gn;ater  part  of  his 
influence,  was  acquired  by  his  talents  exercised  in 
that  capacity.  He  indeed  excelled  his  contempora- 
ries, as  all  historians  allow,  in  general  sagacity  and 
duplicity,  as  well  as  in  moderation  and  self-com- 
mand ;*  but  these  were  the  very  qualities  proper  for 
playing  off  that  game  on  the  extreme  superstition  of 
the  Indians,  which  has  so  frequently  been  tried 
among  them,  and  yet  so  rarely  with  a  very  prevalent 
or  very  permanent  success. 

But  Passaconaway's  attempt  was  no  failure.  He 
induced  the  savages  to  believe  it  in  his  power  to 
make  water  burn,  and  trees  dance ;  to  metamorphose 
himself  into  a  flame ;  and  to  raise,  in  winter,  a  green 
leaf  from  the  ashes  of  a  dry  one,  and  a  living  serpent 
from  the  skin  of  one  which  was  dead.  Few  modern 
practitionei*s,  we  presume,  have  surpassed  the  old 
Sagamore  in  the  arts  of  legerdemain.  These,  how- 
ever, were  not  his  substantive  ])rofession,  or  at  least 
not  long.  The  politician  soon  emerged  from  the 
slough  of  the  juggler.  The  Priest  became  a  Sachem ; 
the  Sachem,  the  Grand  Sagamore  of  Penacook ;  and 
the  Sagamore  preserved  not  only  his  own  power, 
but  his  son's  after  him,  by  a  series  of  diplomatic  de- 
monstrations, and  a  few  words  of  *  elegant'  civility, 
which,  without  disparaging  his  importance  with  his 
countrymen,  made  him  the  most  agreeable  neighbor 
to  the  English. 

That  Passaconaway  was  living  as  late  as  16^ 
appears  from  the  following  annecdote  of  that  datf^ 
Manataqua,  Sachem  of  Saugus,  made  known  to 
the  chief  of  Panacook,  that  he  desired  to  marry  ^ 
daughter,  which  being  agi-eeable  to  all  parties,  the 
wedding  was  soon  consummated,  at  the  residence  of 
Passaconaway,  and  the  hilarity  was  closed  with  a 
great  feast.  According  to  the  usages  of  chiefs, 
Passaconaway  ordered  a  select  number  of  his  men  to 

II 
♦See  Hubbard,  Hutchinson,  Belknap,  &c. 


•I 


f 


I 


:'.-'•;, 


?^'- 


322 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPHY. 


:ll 


i 


accompany  the  new  married  couple  to  the  dwelh'ng 
of  the  hushand.  When  they  had  arrived  there, 
several  days  of  feasting  followed,  for  the  entertain- 
ment of  his  friends,  who  could  not  be  present  at  the 
ceremony  in  the  fii*st  instance,  as  well  as  for  the  es- 
cort ;  who,  when  this  was  ended,  returned  to  Penn- 
akook. 

Some  time  after,  the  wife  of  Manataqua  expressing 
a  desire  to  visit  her  father's  house  and  friends,  was 
permitted  to  go,  and  a  choice  company  conducted 
her.  When  she  wished  to  return  to  her  husband, 
her  father,  instead  of  conveying  her  as  before,  sent 
to  the  young  Sachem  to  come  and  take  her  away. 
He  took  this  in  high  dudgeon,  and  sent  his  father-in- 
law  this  answer:  "When  she  departed  from  me,  I 
caused  my  men  to  escort  her  to  your  dwelling,  as 
became  a  chief.  She  now  having  an  intention  to 
return  to  me,  I  did  expect  the  same,"  The  elder 
Sachem  was  in  his  turn  angry,  and  returned  an 
answer  which  only  increased  the  difference ;  and  it 
is  believed  that  thus  terminated  the  connexion  of  the 
new  husband  and  wife.* 

In  the  Third  Volume  of  Fai*mer  and  Moore's  His- 
torical Collections,  may  be  seen  an  account  of  the 
death  of  an  Indian  called  Saint  Aspinquid,  May  1st, 
1682,  at  Mount  Agamenticus  on  the  coast  of  Maine, 
where  his  tombstone  is  said  to  be  still  visible.  It  is 
aldo  stated,  that  he  was  born  in  1588,  and  of  course 
died  aged  about  ninety-four ;  that  he  was  over  forty 
years  old  when  he  was  converted  to  Christianity; 
that  from  that  time  he  employed  himself  in  preaching 
the  gospel  among  the  Indians ;  and  that  his  funeral 
obsequies  were  attended  by  many  Sachems  of  various 
tribes,  and  celebrated  by  a  grand  hunt  of  the  war- 
riors.} 

*  Manuscript  documents,  cited  in  Drake's  Indian  Biogra- 
phy. 

tAt  which  were  slain  "ninety-nine  bears,  thirty-six  moose, 
eighty-two  wild-cats,  thirty-eight  porcupines,"  and  a  long  list  of 
otEer  animals  of  various  names. 


iff  - 


INDIAN    BIOGRAPHY 


323 


as 


moose, 
;  list  of 


We  are  inclined  to  liaznrd  the  hypothesis,  that  this 
Saint  was  no  other  than  our  Sagamore ;  that  Aga- 
menticus  was  the  retreat  of  Wonolanset,  or  at  least 
of  his  father,  during  and  subsequent  to  Phihp's  war; 
and  that  the  latter  obtained  his  new  name  hom  his 
new  fi-iends,  and  the  title  attached  to  it  from  an 
Rnglish  source.  It  certainly  would  be  remarkable, 
that  so  many  and  such  particulars  should  appear  of 
the  death  of  a  man  never  before  heard  of.  And  on 
the  other  hand,  the  reputation  and  the  age  attributed 
to  Aspinquid,  agree  strikingly  with  those  of  Passa- 
conaway.  By  his  *  preaching '  must  be  meant  his 
sacred  character  and  the  great  exertions  he  made  to 
keep  peace  with  the  English ;  and  the  date-  of  the 
alleged  *  conversion,'  we  suppose  to  have  been  the 
same  with  that  of  his  fii-st  acquaintance  with  the 
whites  in  1629. 

Our  sketch  may  be  fitly  concluded  with  one  of 
those  popular  traditions  concerning  the  old  Chie^ 
which  happens  still  to  be  in  such  preservation  as  to 
form  now  and  tlien,  in  some  sections  of  the  country, 
the  burden  of  a  fireside  tale.  It  is  probably  a  fair 
illustration  of  the  opinion  entertained  of  his  abilities 
by  the  credulous  of  his  own  era. 

He  said,  that  Sachem  once  to  Dover  came, 
From  Penacook,  when  eve  was  setting  in. 
With  plumes  his  locks  were  dressed,  his  eyes  shot  fiamej 
He  struck  his  massy  chin  with  dreadful  din. 
That  oft  had  made  the  ranks  of  battle  thin ; 
Around  his  copper  neck  terrific  hung 
A  tied-together,  bear  and  catamount  skin ; 
The  curious  fishbones  o'er  his  bosom  swung, 
And  thrice  the  Sachem  danced,  and  tlirice  the  Sachem  sung* 

Strange  man  was  he  !     'T  was  said,  he  oft  pursued 

The  sable  bear,  and  slew  him  in  his  den ; 

That  oft  he  howled  through  many  a  pathless  wood, 

And  many  a  tangled  wild,  and  poisonous  fen, 

That  ne'er  was  trod  by  other  mortal  men. 

The  craggy  ledge  for  rattlesnakes  he  sought, 

And  choked  them  one  bv  one,  and  then 


I 


.1 

i 
1/ 


I- 

^7' 


|i 


- 


) 


324 


INDIAxN    BIOGRAPHY. 


0'ertCM)k  the  tall  gray  moose,  as  quick  as  thought, 
And  then  the  mountain  cat  he  chased,  and  chasing  caught. 

A  wondrous  wight!     For  o'er  'Siogee's  ice. 
With  brindled  wolves,  all  harnessed  three  and  three. 
High  seated  on  a  sledge,  made  in  a  trice, 
On  mount  Agiocochook,*  of  hickory, 
He  lashed  and  reeled,  and  sung  right  jollily  J 
And  once  upon  a  car  of  flaming  fire, 
The  dreadful  Indian  shook  with  fear,  to  see 
The  king  of  Penacook,  his  chief,  his  sire. 
Ride  flaming  up  towards  heaven,  than  any  mountain  higher. f 

♦  The  Indian  name  applied  to  the  White  Mountains.  There  is  a 
curious  tradition,  preserved  in  Josselyn's  New  England,  of  the 
veneration  of  the  Indians  for  the  summits  of  these  mountains. 
They  considered  them  the  dwelling  places  of  invisible  beings,  and 
never  ventured  to  ascend  them.  They  had  also  a  tradition,  that 
the  whole  country  was  once  drowned,  with  all  its  inhabitants, 
except  one  Indian  with  his  wife,  who,  foreseeing  the  flood,  fled 
to  these  mountains,  were  preserved,  and  afterwards  re-peopled 
the  country. — Ed. 

t  See  F.  and  M.  His.  Coll. 


END  OF   TOL.  I. 


iught. 


higher,  f 

There  is  a 
[)d,  of  the 
lountaind. 
sings,  and 
itinn,  that 
habitants, 
flood,  flea 
re-peopled 


